Saturday, January 11, 2020

The Hidden Village (book 1): by Imogen Matthews.



Half a century ago, Anne Frank was a sensation, and remained so from the day the world came to know about her, and the little girl was the face of  the millions subjected to torture and genocide by a barbaric regime with its fraudulent ideology, using symbols and terminology stolen from India and twisting them until they came to mean completely opposite things outside India due to the barbaric acts of that regime.

Most of the survivors held their silence and got busy with life, trying to recover and rebuild everything they'd lost, education, families, careers. It's only when they'd had some respite that they began to tell their stories, since they realised their history shouldn't be lost, lest the holocaust perpetrators win in wiping out their existence and memories, and denying they ever existed.

So then memoirs have been coming out, and more. There is work being done by others to pen memoirs of those who didn't do so themselves, covering various aspects of the times.

One of them is about people who survived by hiding like the Frank family, although Anne and her sister didn't, since they were taken by Gestapo. This work is about people who survived by hiding in a forest, except it's based on reality but isn't a documented history based work of research. The author uses stories she heard from people she knew, and the forest is real too. Names are changed, and people in the story are based on persons real and known to her.
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Unlike the resistance in Poland where two brothers led a whole crowd to live in the forest, which developed circumstantially, here the author has a group of men plan the rudimentary huts in the forest and the hiding of people there, a group that has no reason other than antagonism towards the invading barbarians that nazis were, and a solidarity of their own that did not see Jews as anything different. This character of the hidden village, built on purpose rather than developed by those escaping, is based on fact of history in Netherlands, and was the inspiration for the author.

Perhaps unavoidably, there is a little reflection of Anne Frank in one main character, Sofie, as she complains about the situation despite the great trouble people have gone to for protecting and supplying those in hiding. Not that Anne Frank was complaining, but that it's the normal behaviour of the two in abnormal circumstances that's similar.
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The author keeps any references to any of the known historical events of the era vague at best, with the effect that the book is in danger of seeming like a light romance with the time frame only as a background. But the events mentioned in the story relating to the characters keep it anchored to the skeletal structure of history, of the hidden village in a dutch forest, behind, however hidden. The effect is of these people seeming to be in a thick fog, with rare glimpses of known events of the time, appearing now and then like sudden appearances in fog.

Anne Frank on the other hand hardly if ever mentioned any events outside, but it was always the menacing presence that remained outside and down on the street, with the story in the attic of silences and whispers of the three families crammed together, and of their thoughts and emotions. There was no fog, to extend the imagery to describe the difference between Anne Frank and this book, only attic windows that no one dared to peek out through to look at the street, so to speak. 
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"Laura closed the book she’d been reading. ‘When I first came here, all I could think of was returning to Ghent. It was everything I’d ever known and couldn’t imagine being happy anywhere else. And I really hated it here.’

"Sofie laughed. ‘Don’t I remember! I was shocked when you told me you were fifteen. I thought you were about ten.’

"‘Thanks."

At that age, surely no young person thinks it's a compliment to be taken for a ten year old?
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Most of the time the story is almost a fairy tale, with occasional appearances of the big bad wolves that were Germans who remain for most part in the background as the menacing reason why everyone is hiding away in the forest parted from home and family, school and more. But the forest huts and new friends, pilots dropping from skies and hiding in forests, tentative budding romances of teens interspersed with what seems like adventures but were times of stress and fear, all go towards making it the fairy tale world.

But surprisingly, there are events and tensions, such as marriages straining and people leaving, that surely belongmore in, say, California or New York, in happier times, not in beautiful little Dutch villages under German occupation? Somehow one doesn't expect families breaking apart while there is a raging war with bombings and a holocaust, killing millions!
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A rare reference in this book to time frame:-

"‘It’s not right that they get it all and we’re virtually starving,’ grumbled old Mevrouw Stock. Sara bumped into her more often than she cared for. The old woman stooped over the meagre pile of roots, picking them over disdainfully. ‘Have you been over to the butchers? Nothing. Not even a sausage,’ she continued, talking to no one in particular.

"‘What do you expect after nearly four and a half years of war? We’re doing the best we can under the circumstances,’ said Mr Vogel, shaking his head in Sara’s direction. ‘Haven’t you heard how hard they’ve got it over in the West? Nothing, they have. The shops are shut and people are dying in the streets.’"

"‘What else have you heard?’ asked Sara, watching him. She felt safe he didn’t know about Max.

"‘They have coupons for either one bowl of soup a day or for some potatoes. But it’s a joke. The greengrocers are all shut so there are no potatoes. And the soup is nothing more than a bowl of hot water. I’ve heard that some people are digging up tulip bulbs as there’s nothing else.’

"‘Tulip bulbs? What on earth can they do with them?’

"‘Boil them and eat them like a potato. At least they’re nutritious.’

"‘Can’t we do anything to help?’ Sara was close to tears."

"‘Believe me, we’ve tried. The Germans always manage to intercept any supplies. You see, it’s not just the Dutch who are suffering from hunger.’

"Sara felt anger well up inside her chest. ‘It’s all so pointless. Why don’t they just go back to Germany?’

"Mr Vogel gave a short laugh. ‘Can you see Hitler agreeing to that? The man’s a lunatic and as long as he’s in power it can only get worse.’"

"Clutching her shopping bag in her arms, she walked a little unsteadily over to the grocers. There was nothing she could do.

"‘Good morning, Mevrouw Mulder,’ said the grocer cheerily. ‘I’ve managed to get you a little something. He bent down and pulled out a bulging brown paper bag from under the counter. Sara peered inside and her eyes welled up. She hadn’t seen eggs and sugar for months.

"‘Are you sure?’ she said, her voice breaking.

"‘Well, of course. You told me it’s young Jan’s birthday and he has to have a cake, doesn’t he?’

"Sara could have hugged him, but instead gave him a broad smile. ‘I’ll keep you a slice, you can be sure,’ she said happily. She began to fish in her purse for some coins, but he would have nothing of it. ‘Your Jan has been doing some great work for…’ he jerked his head in the direction of the woods. ‘It’s a little thank you. Let’s leave it at that.’"
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One of the faults in writings of many authors who are in a hurry is that dialogues and narratives of very diverse characters all sound like a model high school exercise in English language.

"‘My father died of a heart attack when I was fourteen and my mother never recovered. She was in poor health anyway, something to do with her lungs. I was seventeen and on my own, no brothers, no sisters. I went to live with my aunt who encouraged me to take up a trade. That’s how I became a carpenter. It meant I was able to avoid conscription. It was a wonderful time. I was young, no responsibilities and doing something I knew I was good at. After qualifying, I was taken on by a local furniture workshop in my hometown and was soon promoted on account of my skills. My boss was a patient man, but very keen to pass on his knowledge. I learnt everything I know from him. The war put a stop to it all and I got my call-up papers. My aunt said I should join, but all I could think of was losing the job I loved. Fighting a war filled me with horror. When is it ever justified to kill a man?’ Petr paused for a moment, shaking his head. ‘I was young and foolish. Didn’t think I’d be caught, but I made a stupid mistake which cost me my freedom. Anyway, I don’t want to talk about that now.’"

No clue there about the nationality, age, education level, life experience. Certainly one wouldn't guess this was in a language that the person was new to. 
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Curious dialogue, here.

"Arend’s been more of a concern. I took him in on a whim, really. I suppose you could say he filled a space.’ She smiled weakly.

"‘Didn’t you think about the risk?’

"‘It seemed a lot less risky than hiding an American pilot on the run. And I thought it would be company for Jan, though I’m not sure he needed it. He’s so independent.’"

Curious, because it's much more befitting a woman in backwoods Midwest or South dealing with loneliness of her younger son and herself, after the husband has left them and the elder son is away, than someone in nazi occupied territory saving life of a child by hiding him.
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"News about the fateful discovery of Berkenhout swept through Kampenveld. How ironic that Dolle Dinsdag, Mad Tuesday, came to mean something quite different from the original joy they’d all experienced when they believed they were about to be liberated by the Allies. One short day in September 1944, when all the worries of the previous five years disappeared before cruelly returning with the realisation that the Germans were far from ready to give up. And the double blow as so many were connected in some way with the inhabitants of Berkenhout. For many people, Dolle Dinsdag became etched on minds as the day after Berkenhout was raided. Hidden from the Germans all those years, only to be discovered at the very moment everyone believed the war had ended. That day, joy turned to terror, as houses, barns and outhouses filled up with Jews who had fled in panic. Pandemonium ensued over the following days and weeks as Dick Foppen and his trusted helpers had struggled to accommodate so many evacuees and kept them safely hidden from the prying eyes of any passing Germans."
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"Their friendship seemed to do her good and occasionally she’d smile when he deliberately put on a funny ‘Hercule Poirot’ accent."

However funny the Belgian French detective might sound to English speakers, surely he'd not sound strange to anyone Dutch? 
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The end, unsatisfactory.
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January 09, 2020 - January 11, 2020.
ISBN 13: 9789492371249 (ebook)
ISBN 13: 9789492371256 (paperback)
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Thursday, January 9, 2020

Hitler's Children: Sons and Daughters of Third Reich Leaders, by Gerald Posner.



The title of this book can be a tad misleading, or confusing, in that it can be interpreted in more than one way, since there are no known biological offspring of the infamous German leader. He had preached the gospel of racial superiority of Germans (and using a stolen word, Aryan, falsely to describe them), and had instituted two or three separate but equally demeaning streams of lives fòr the German women, while the men were supposed to be busy conquering the world - primarily, the women were supposed to be limited to kitchen and children, with church thrown in - which might seem to be for satisfaction of higher aspirations, but no, that wasn't possible; church as an institution had 'managed' women as much as it had managed the poor and the workers, for centuries, for benefits of males and those of wealth and power; and inquisition had put women down with the horrible prospect, rather certainty, of being burnt at the stake if suspected of being a person of intellect and knowledge, rather than a sex object available for servitude. There were two special channels, elevating this role of being limited to serving the males, for selected women, selected by nazis. One was for breeding with males designated special, which did not mean those of abilities in science or arts or academic excellence, but rather Nazi officers. The other was serving nazis and others deemed deserving the service, in the role of sex object.

So the title does confuse at first in that one might naturally think it's about the children bred by those designated women chosen for reproduction who'd been kept at special facilities for this process, and the children of the nazis and others held worthy of reproduction under nazi ideology, born at those facilities and brought up by designated Germans.

Instead, it's about what the children of the accused at Nuremberg trials and similar other war criminals, and asking what they thought of their parents!
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The author, Gerald Posner, wrote a preface to the digital edition published in 2017, 26 years after the book was published first in 1991. At that time what he thought was relevant was to not hide the identities of the nazis, and other persons in positions of authority in the Third Reich, whose children he wrote about, as other works on the subject did. Since then, he notes and gives succint descriptions of, rising tide of antisemitism through Europe after 1991 post fall of iron curtain and of totalitarian regimes, and confused populations blaming Jews for a conspiracy to impose communism on those nations and also for fall of communism. All this despite the drastically reduced Jewish populations of those countries and generally throughout Europe, due to holocaust in WWII years, and since then after 1991 due to emigration out of East Europe.

What is also true but he hasn't noticed or connected it to, is two separate but connected factors. One is general rise of racism in Europe, especially France and Germany, that manifests against "other"s in strange behaviours that once would have been clearly seen as halfway between uncivilized and viciously hostile, but after 2001 are often excused in names of fear or security. Second is migration to Europe and West in general from precisely those lands that are on one hand suffering from jihadist wars and on the other are source of jihadists migrating to West, when West opened its doors for refugees fleeing from jihadist wars.

Needless to say the connection is obvious, since the jihadists on one hand perpetrate much of the antisemitic terrorist attacks as well as general ones, and terrorise the general populations, while West is at a loss about discerning jihadists from other, non threatening migrants or visitors or citizens who, to western race based sight, look no different.

In other words, it's like - say - Vietnamese people confusing between nazis and British royalty, or between communist visitors from Moscow and republicans from Texas. Funnily enough Vietnamese, according to what one read decades ago in a U.S. publication, do discern the difference. Western lack of discernment is not merely a "They look the same" innocence, but much worse.

As a result, often it's those not in sympathy with racism, antisemitism or jihad, who are likely to be turned off by the rising racism in West, and migrate if possible, while the jihadists out to flood the globe and convert or conquer as the basic agenda are unlikely to be deterred.
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Reading about Hans Frank, the "Butcher of Poland", the first person discussed in the book, one begins to get the impression within the first couple of pages that the real point was to set forth details about the life and career of Hans Frank, who is less famous than the others indicted at the most famous of the Nuremberg trials, the first and the public one. One wonders if that was the point of the book after all, to describe these men and their work and legacies.

But then, after a couple of pages, the picture shifts and one sees that while the information was necessary, the appoint really is about the children and the effect (of their father's lives and work and legacy, and of the whole nazi regime and ideology and crimes) on their persona, their psyche and their lives.

Frank children were not only were not indoctrinated in the Nazi ideology, but also were mostly kept away from the criminal side of the Nazi regime - Norman, born in 1930, not only never heard a word of antisemitism but had a close friend at his school in Berlin who was Jewish, until 1938, when this friend suddenly vanished - and their rare brushes with the realities of the horrors were, the elder one thought, normal parts of wartime. The youngest one Niklas did notice strain between his parents, but also recalls driving past the ghetto and seeing the people.

To their credit, when newspapers published the photographs of concentration camp inmates as discovered by the allied forces, they knew it was real, didn't brand it as propaganda, for which their mother must be given credit. Their struggle for survival later - Norman wasn't allowed by authorities to continue at school and nor was he allowed to work, while Niklas was sent out to beg for food with a note pinned to his shirt, bringing back a loaf of bread - is very moving, as is the clear bond between the brothers who got close later. They have very diverse view about their parents, but understand one another.
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Wolf Hess in the next chapter, on the other hand, is as contrasting a figure as can be from the Frank family, and carries the banner of his father and their party and their boss as a matter of conviction, from "injustice to Germany" to calling Nuremberg trials a farce. In particular, he's bought every lie uttered by his father's boss about German rights to integrate various lands because it was "German domestic matter", and accuses Churchill and FDR of having engineered a conspiracy against Germany and forcing Germany to attack Poland because "Poles were murdering Germans by thousands". And one has to find black humour when reading of Wolf Hess speaking of his father being treated by British, when Hess was in prison, with terrorising techniques such as light kept on at night (after his attempted suicide, presumably it was so he was visible), or the air raid siren being turned on (since by definition it was heard in the vicinity, it wasnt for his benefit alone), and Wolf might have thought about the civilians of various countries terrorised - and massacred wholesale - by Germany as a small matter of clean-up for finding "lebensraum" for Germans to settle and reproduce in dozens.

Wolf Hess says that nazis guilty of crimes should have been tried by German courts. If the subsequent - or previous, post WWI - trials were an indication, that would have amounted to the whole lot getting a hero treatment and a less than two year sentencing at most, if that. He finds it ridiculous that his father was judged guilty of crimes against peace, which implies that Wolf thinks German aggressions against Austria and Czechoslovakia were not of importance nor were nazi crimes against the disfranchised civilians. Wolf resents his father's and his mother's imprisonment "only because they were ...", and fails to see the irony of his not relating it to the victims of nazis who were massacred only because they were not nazi nor approved by nazis.

"It was also during this period in the mid-1950s that Wolf began learning about his father and the war. German newspapers and magazines ran many stories about the Third Reich. Initially, Wolf drew his information from these sources. He did not learn about the period at school. “The Allies wanted the German teachers to teach a new version of National Socialist history,” he recalls. “But good German teachers would always find some way around this requirement, like saving it until the bell to end the class, and then starting the next class with a different subject.”"

And then some Germans complain that if they meet Jews outside Germany, they stop talking to them after learning they're German! One really must wonder what makes them think that their victims would accept the German world view when it amounts to definition of 'good German' being not recognising that genocides perpetrated by Germans is not a good thing.

Wolf visited South Africa in 1956 and says he realised that conditions there were quite different from as they were presented in newspapers in Germany, which prompted his turnaround in views about the nazi past of Germany and of his father, and he returned to speak with various nazis which changed his mind. Presumably he didn't live as a non white in South Africa, and there was no reason any non white would seek out a young visitor from Germany whose father was a nazi bigwig imprisoned instead of hanged only because he flew to Scotland.

"“During all the long years it is true I had a father, but in the end I did not have him, because the situations under which we corresponded, or rather conferred, were controlled through the rules of his imprisonment. There was not a single truly moving father-son discussion in which I could ask him about things on my mind. That was true for human problems a young man wants to discuss with his father, and particularly for historical issues.”"

Funny, he never thought about the children of those massacred by nazis, or the children who were massacred, in his complaining he didn't have a father.

"“I always predicted reunification in my lifetime. Germans are sick of having to feel ashamed to say they are proud to be German. Now it’s all changing. The Soviet Union is crumbling, and the great American “melting pot” is melting over with crime and drugs and racial hatred. Germans know that Americans, British and French in the West, and Russians in the East, are still occupying our country. We want them all out. Then it will return to the Europe of old, with a powerful and large Germany in the middle. Even our lands the victors gave away after the war will come back. Now, the price for unification is to sign a treaty guaranteeing the present Polish border. But wait some years. Sooner or later that land will return where it belongs, to Germany. The Poles have run their former blossoming land into a dry, grass-covered land. With their economy in ruins, they must depend on financial aid. The German nation will not continually nourish these people who have stolen our property. The Americans should remember what Abraham Lincoln once said: “Nothing is settled unless it is settled in a just way.”"

And Germans are offended when reminded of the nazi past or atrocities! If Wolf Hess is anything he's a nazi.

"He claims to have received thousands of letters and says “ninety-nine per cent are positive.” He is encouraged by letters he receives about his father from German high schools. “They show the right type of interest and understand what really happened. To me, this is a promising sign for German youth.”"

Which connects to the author's preface to the digital edition where he speaks about the rising antisemitism in Europe, only, it's far more evil than that - it's nazism rising, in Germany and around. Wolf Hess sums up his hatred for the allies and assertion about Germans being vindicated at the end. Not a word in the whole conversation about victims of the regime that his father was the "conscience of", which he mentions proudly. 
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Third chapter is about Saur, who - his sons are clear - liked power but didn't care about titles; in Speer's work he is present as a shadow figure, preferred by various high up nazis undermining Speer. This shadow emerges in this chapter as an unsavoury character who undermined anyone as long as it served his purpose, and since he testified against Krupp, paid the price by being unable to find work later, as his hopes of being employed by U.S. like Braun didn't come through. He was dictatorial to the children subsequently and hit them too.

The children only heard good things about nazis from the teachers and didn't discover realities until Klaus saw a television documentary in 1955-56 depicting concentration camps, which shocked not just him but a teacher who was a Lutheran priest who said he'd had no idea. Klaus discovered more through book trade exhibitions and an article in Cologne. He returned home to help with the family business on verge of bankruptcy and helped it turn.

"A year after Klaus’s return, Karl junior witnessed the only confrontation in his family over any war-related issue. “It was between Klaus and my mother. They had seen a discussion on television about the war and a Jewish person had been interviewed. My mother had said a typical German expression, “That is one that should have gone to the gas chambers.” And my brother was furious and told her it was stupid to say such things. And she was really shocked that he was so angry. “It’s just an expression, it doesn’t mean anything,” she told him. “You know I don’t mean any harm by it.” But Klaus was very firm with her. “Those stupid sentences are what eventually led to the types of things that happened in the war,” he told her."

"Both brothers seem amused by the admiration some people have for their father. It is alien to them. “See, I don’t feel any love for him, nor do I feel any pride,” says Klaus."

"Saur Verlag is the vehicle through which he tries to confront his Nazi heritage. His current catalogue shows a broad selection of serious works, including titles on European emigres, Jewish immigrants, a Hebrew text from Harvard University, and a selection of anti-Nazi books."

Karl is cultural editor of Der Spiegel.

"It is important that people understand the truth. Too many people in Germany talk about the ‘good’ things that Hitler did, and then they speak about the bad things as though only a few criminals were responsible. Their feeling is that the Third Reich gave off all this light and it is only natural that there be some shadows. This is wrong. They do not understand that the entire régime, in its everyday operation, was dark. My father was responsible for helping to create those shadows. He must be held accountable for his own actions.”"
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Cordula Schacht loved her father. He went from promoting nazis as head of Reichsbank because he thought they had right ideas for German economy to recover, to openly let his disagreement be known by communicating directly and as a result being dismissed, to even being placed in a concentration camp and almost murdered, before being liberated by allies.

"Concerned that party excesses were hurting Germany’s foreign image, Schacht repeatedly urged the Nazis to moderate their policies. He was not a mere yes-man, and this did not sit well with Hitler. “Remember, my father was first attracted to National Socialism because of financial policies,” says Cordula. “He was not enamored of Hitler. My father spoke his mind, and this was not always appreciated.”

"In April 1938, Schacht complained to Göring that the economy would be out of control within six months unless rearmament was curtailed. Göring ignored him. Frustrated at government infighting, Schacht resigned as minister of economics to avoid the blame for what he thought was an inevitable economic crisis. After delaying three months, Hitler accepted the resignation in November. Schacht was still, temporarily, president of the Reichsbank.

"Kristallnacht, the November 1938 Nazi rampage against Germany’s Jews, prompted outrage from Schacht. He approached Hitler, condemning Goebbels’s orchestrated violence, and offered a plan to solve Germany’s “Jewish question.” He proposed that all German Jewish property be placed in trust, and international bonds floated against it. Jews in other countries would be encouraged to buy the bonds, which would pay 5 per cent interest, and the money would be used to pay for the emigration of every Jew who wanted to leave Germany. Hitler professed to like the idea and ordered Schacht to begin discussions with prominent Jews in England. There Schacht received a lukewarm reception, with most Jewish groups rejecting the plan out of hand. His negotiations on behalf of the Nazis ended when Hitler dismissed him as president of the Reichsbank in January 1939. In a meeting at the old Chancellery building, the Führer abruptly informed him that “you don’t fit into the general National Socialist scheme of things.”"

"Returning to private life, Schacht left Germany on extended foreign travel. During his trip, he maintained a daily diary which contained so many negative references to Hitler that he had to hide it on his return, lest it be used against him in a prosecution."

"In September 1941, he wrote Hitler urging him to make a peace treaty and stop the war. ... In November 1942, Schacht wrote a long letter to Göring castigating the war effort. ... First Hitler dismissed him from his ministerial position. Then Göring wrote, chiding Schacht for his “defeatist letter” and expelling him from the Prussian State Council. Finally Bormann wrote, demanding the return of Schacht’s Nazi party gold badge of honor. As Schacht recalled in his memoirs, “It gave me peculiar satisfaction to comply with this request.”"

"After being stripped of his titles, he noticed he was under Gestapo surveillance."

"On July 20, Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg placed the bomb that almost killed Hitler. That prompted a broad sweep to crush the resistance; Schacht’s earlier dissension made him suspect. That suspicion was enough in Nazi Germany. Three days later, at seven o’clock in the morning, the Gestapo arrested a pajama-clad Schacht and drove him to Ravensbrück concentration camp. Most of the time he was kept in solitary confinement. Interrogations started within days of his internment. By August, he was transferred to No. 9 Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse, the principal Berlin headquarters of the National Security Service. For the next four months, the sixty-seven-year- old Schacht was confined to a small basement cell. In December his wife visited him for the first time, just prior to his return to the Ravensbrück camp. There he remained until February 1945, when Russian troops drew near. He was moved to the Flossenbürg extermination center, then to Dachau, and finally, in early April, farther south where American troops finally liberated him."

"Worried for his life in Nazi concentration camps for nine months, he was now charged as a leading Third Reich conspirator."

"When the defendants were given IQ tests by prison authorities, Schacht scored the highest, 143. The result reinforced his superior attitude towards his colleagues. He was blunt in his opinion of them: Göring while of “superior intelligence” was still “egocentric, immoral and criminal,” the “worst” of the accused; Streicher was “a pathological monomaniac;” Kaltenbrunner was a “callous fanatic;” von Ribbentrop “should be hanged for extraordinary stupidity; Hess had “fifty- one per cent retarded intelligence;” and Keitel was an “unthinking and irresponsible yes-man.” While sitting in the front row of the defendants’ box Schacht often glanced at his former colleagues with undisguised hostility. During his direct examination he blamed the Nazis for most of Germany’s economic problems and for leading the nation into an unnecessary war. Of Hitler, he admitted the Führer was “a mass psychologist of really diabolical genius” but condemned him in harsh language for betraying the German people and being a “perjurer a hundredfold.”"

"During Schacht’s cross-examination, most of the other defendants were rooting for the American prosecutor, Robert Jackson. They were infuriated by Schacht’s personal denunciations and arrogant behavior and hoped he would be cut down to size in the witness chair. They were disappointed. Schacht was so confident that he was the only witness to answer questions in English. When Jackson tried to invade the territory of finance and economics, Schacht totally outmatched him, and the cross-examination seemed only to strengthen his defense."

"Schacht became the only defendant to have a judgement reversed by the tribunal. In the case of Franz von Papen, who had preceded Hitler as chancellor, the Americans and the British voted for acquittal and the Russians and French for conviction. Neither side would compromise. It was the first deadlocked vote, and after a severe argument with the Russian delegates, it was decided a tie vote meant acquittal. Von Papen was not guilty. Within several days the French judge had decided Schacht was not worse than von Papen, and if von Papen was acquitted Schacht should be freed as well. Fie switched his vote, creating a tie, and Schacht was added to the acquittal list."

"After his acquittal, Schacht left the Nuremberg prison and went to the house his wife had stayed at during the trial. There, two German policemen were waiting; they arrested him for denazification proceedings. Schacht did not think he needed denazification since he had never joined the party and had ended up in a Nazi concentration camp. When he was returned to his home under house arrest, he left for a quick holiday, but was again arrested, in Württemberg, and sentenced by a Stuttgart court to eight years in a labor camp as a major offender. Though his appeal was successful and he was released on September 2, 1948, he was retried and acquitted again by a German jury in 1950."

Their properties were lost, and Schacht family survived by his writing.

"After two years, the Indonesian government asked Schacht to advise them on a new economic plan. He accepted the invitation and left Germany for an extended trip that also involved advice to the Indian, Syrian, Egyptian and Iranian governments. Cordula and her sister Konstanze were left with a cousin in a small Tyrolean village. There the Schacht daughters attended school, waiting for the return of their parents."

"My father talked very freely about the war. He never made a mystery of that time.”"

"“When I grew up, I learned that people would always continue to ask me about my father. I have worked very hard to establish my own independence and I have started to feel successful in moving away from his shadow. It has taken a long time, but I am very pleased that I can confidently say I am Cordula Schacht, the daughter of Hjalmar Schacht. Now it is an enrichment to have had this father, and no longer a burden.”"
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Chapter five has one of the hardest cases of any nazis for the reader to read about, Mengele, who was the doctor in charge of life or death decisions at Auschwitz and in charge of medical experiments conducted with inmates. He ended his life as a fugitive hiding from an international search for him, which ironically only went in high gear after he was already dead, having lived in three or more countries in South America fleeing from one to another to escape every time he thought he was being looked for. One time he fled, Eichmann was caught and taken to Israel and hanged after his trial, from the house opposite that Mengele had lived at and fled.

Strangely, while he's branded criminal, those that set him on the path are not; he deserves it, of course, but so do they.

"Mengele studied under Ernst Rudin, an architect of the compulsory sterilization laws, and a leading advocate that doctors should destroy “life devoid of value.” While pursuing a medical degree, Mengele also obtained a PhD under Professor T. Mollinson, who claimed he could tell if a person had Jewish ancestors simply by looking at a photograph. In 1937, Mollinson recommended the twenty-six-year-old intern for an appointment that changed his life. He became a research assistant at the prestigious Third Reich Institute for Heredity, Biology and Racial Purity at the University of Frankfurt, joining the staff of one of Europe’s foremost geneticists, Professor Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer."

"August 1940, eager to join the battle, he left Verschuer and joined Hitler’s most fanatical fighting troops, the Waffen SS. For a year, serving with the SS Race and Resettlement Office, he examined the racial suitability of conquered Poles. By mid-1941 he was posted to the Ukraine, and the following year was wounded, earning an Iron Cross First Class and a reassignment back to Berlin and Verschuer. His mentor encouraged him to work in a concentration camp, holding out the inducement that such an assignment was in the interest of science. As wartime director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Hereditary Teaching and Eugenics in Berlin, Verschuer secured funds for Mengele’s concentration-camp experiments. In turn, Mengele sent him his lab results, skeletons and body parts, wrapped in thick brown paper and marked “Urgent – War Materiel.” After the war, Verschuer returned to teaching while Mengele was a fugitive for his crimes. Although that does not engender any sympathy for his father, it still angers Rolf: “I am not happy that the man who sent my father to Auschwitz, the man who gave the order to go there and conduct the studies, was never punished. For those who were behind desks during the war, in my view, it was easier than if they were there. At the minimum, Verschuer had a moral responsibility.”"

"At its most productive in 1943 and 1944, it contained five crematoria and gas chambers which could gas and burn 9000 victims daily. On clear days, flames and black smoke spewing from the crematoria chimneys could be seen for thirty miles. While mass extermination was Auschwitz’s primary purpose, it also provided slave labor for thirty-four German companies with work stations at the camp’s perimeter. Corporations, many of which are household names like Bayer, AEG Telefunken, Krupp, Siemens and I. G. Farben, used the tortured labor of inmates. Auschwitz was packed with more than a hundred thousand prisoners at a time, and most worked until they dropped dead."

"While many of the SS doctors viewed their camp work as a difficult and distasteful assignment, Mengele relished his duties."

The duties began with selecting from the arrivals, and sending them to either death or experiments or slave labour.

"Josef Mengele sent four hundred thousand people to their deaths through his ramp-head selections."

"“For me that is enough for him to be guilty of everything,” says Rolf Mengele. “Just to be at a place like Auschwitz is a crime. But the selections are all I need to know to say he is guilty as charged, that he is responsible for murder. I have tried so many times to understand how he could have ended up there, doing the things he did. I cannot. It is so foreign to me. He is like an alien to me. Auschwitz seems like another planet.”"

His wife visited, but did not know about his work, and he told her not to ask about the stench. After the war, most of the family took the view that he was only a cog in the machine and not guilty, and accusations were exaggerated; his son Rolf disagrees and thinks opposite.

"Despite his father’s protestations, Rolf, alone of the Mengele family, does not accept his claim of innocence."

"As the Russian army moved closer to Auschwitz during early January 1945, Mengele did not act like an innocent man. Colleagues and inmates recall that he was severely depressed because his work would soon fall into Russian hands. He was often seen pacing in the SS doctors’ office, silent, morose, his head in his hands. Although he had continued his experiments until December 5, 1944, he also took steps to disguise his work. His pathology lab was dismantled while the crematoria and gas chambers were dynamited. He packed as many of his personal and medical papers as possible and destroyed the rest. On January 17, 1945, as Russian artillery pounded in the distance, Josef Mengele fled the madness of Auschwitz."

He was arrested several times but despite his name being on the wanted war criminals list, was let go because they didn't realise they'd got him; he hid first at a farm near his family hometown, but was afraid of his wife's visits, and made scenes. His family arranged for him to go to Argentina on forged papers, and paid hundreds of dollars bribe when he was arrested in Italy. He managed to arrive in Argentina and was happy with the nazi expat community. His wife divorced him, taking no money from the family, and remarried.

Rolf had little contact until he was informed as a teenager, after the West German indictment and the father having fled from Argentina to Paraguay, that his father wasn't a hero dead in battle in East, but the war criminal now being talked about since there was a hunt on. Then on, their relationship was of Rolf being informed by his father what a disappointment the son was, and the son not interested. Mengele fled twice more, to Brazil and Argentina. Rolf was a lawyer and worked for the government.

"If his father were captured, Rolf realized he might have to defend him in a trial. “I would have been a very poor aid to him, but he has a right to a defense, and if no one would defend him, I would have done so. But you should know that I have seen the statements of the witnesses, and I think if he was healthy enough to stand trial he would have been found guilty of murder and given a lifetime in prison.”"

Rolf was criticised by his father in every letter.

"Then he turned his attention to Rolf’s decision not to pursue a doctorate. The doctorate had been a sore point for more than a year, and now he was convinced that Rolf’s “laziness” was at the root of the problem. “You let me down. It is the only thing I asked of you in my whole life. I doubt that being an attorney would satisfy me. If I compare it to being a medical doctor or any kind of PhD, then I must draw a negative conclusion.”"

Rolf saw him at the age of thirty three.

"In the end it was impossible to discuss the concepts of evil or guilt because his father felt no guilt. “I tried. These allegations, these facts left me speechless. I was hoping he’d say, “I tried to get a transfer to the front. I did this, I did that.” But it didn’t even come to this preliminary agreement. Unfortunately, I realized that he would never express any remorse or feeling of guilt in my presence.”"

"Even though Rolf was not subject to his influence, Mengele justified it as poor education, postwar propaganda, and the influence of a weak stepfather."

He died sixteen months after Rolf had visited him in October 1977, by drowning due to a stroke while swimming at a beach.

"Since Mengele’s death remained a family secret, the hunt for him continued unabated. During the next six years a slow- burning fuse on the case finally resulted in worldwide media attention. From 1984 to 1986, he was the subject of dozens of magazine cover stories and television specials."

The family questioned whether to keep it a secret now that the family firm was losing money due to publicity, but his death was discovered without their help. Rolf was cut off by the family because he decided to publish his father's diaries and papers and share benefit with the concentration camp survivors and victims' families.

"Rolf is the only one in the family who has tried to confront the magnitude of what his father did. While the rest of the Günzburg clan rationalizes Mengele’s role in Auschwitz, convinced that some of the charges are exaggerated, Rolf completely condemns him. He is the only family member to have publicly apologized for his father’s crimes and to have admitted that he is “ashamed” to be his son. The fundamental differences in judging Mengele’s crimes have left the family little room for reconciliation."

"Rolf does not only have to cope for himself with his father’s legacy. With three children, he must now pass the information to a new generation. “It is hard,” he says. “It’s very hard for us. My eldest daughter [twelve years old] has already asked us. But they understand it when we explain we were also children. We were in their position, just one generation removed. We weren’t involved. It would be nicer to say he was a great scientist or soldier, but instead we must tell them the truth. They must hear it from us instead of from friends or school. It is my obligation to them.”"

He decided to change the family name for sake of the children.

"He is gone, but he has left me here to answer the questions of what he did and why he did it. He is gone but I must bear the burden.”"
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Chapter seven begins, for an introduction to the subject, with why this man belongs in the book.

"In the final hours of his life, at 4 a.m. on Sunday, April 29, 1945, Adolf Hitler finished his last will and testament. Russian soldiers were only five hundred yards away and the sound of artillery penetrated the Führerbunker’s thick walls as he summoned Josef Goebbels and Martin Bormann as witnesses. The will was a rambling document brimming with hatred for “international Jewry,” blaming the Allies for starting the war, and castigating the German army for losing the conflict. While he exhorted the German people to continue fighting, he prepared to abandon the struggle. On the next day, resolved not to be captured alive, not to be a “spectacle, presented by the Jews, to divert their hysterical masses he placed the barrel of a Walther pistol in his mouth and killed himself with a single shot."

The last bit has been questioned lately, since evidence has emerged about the story being a front, and his having in reality escaped via a flight to Canaries and a subsequent u-boat ride across South Atlantic to a hideout, as shown in a TV infochannel documentary.

"He stripped his most likely successors, Himmler and Göring, of their ranks, titles, and positions. Then he created a new cabinet of fourteen veteran Nazi hacks. But the section that named his successor shocked his Berlin aides – it proclaimed as the next Führer the reserved chief of the navy, Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz, who was not even a Nazi party member, but who was the only officer of the Reich whom Hitler trusted to lead Germany in its final battle."

Dönitz was never a nazi,  and was of course involved in the war, as would be any military officer. His inclusion in Nuremberg trials and his conviction surprised everyone, although he thought he would be executed too. There was a specific charge about change in wartime conduct, when at Hitler's egging on he changed his orders about rescuing survivors of an allied ship with 1,200 on board sunk by a u-boat, to opposite, but there was ambivalence regarding his subsequent orders which could be interpreted as shoot those in water, although they didnt say so.

He lost two sons in WWII, and his surviving daughter loved and respected him. She was the only one who could change his mood for better, from early on.

"In October 1918, Dönitz was commander of U-68 when it came under heavy British attack off Sicily and he and his crew were captured. British interrogators described the twenty-seven- year-old first lieutenant as “moody and almost violent,” crushed by the news of the humiliating terms of German defeat. He remained a British prisoner until he appeared to go mad, which prompted a short stay in the Manchester Lunatic Asylum and then a release to Germany. Ursula Dönitz says her father later confided that he fooled his British captors by drinking a combination of oil and tobacco to make himself ill and then feigning mental problems."

Which is worth notice for consideration, since it amounts to his lack of inability to lie to those he'd consider enemy.

"“He had taste for good things,” Ursula remembers. “He had a very good collection of Oriental carpets. They were important to him. He had purchased several in Constantinople [now Istanbul], and a dealer told him that one of the rugs was hundreds of years old and was museum quality. “It should be on a wall,” the dealer said. “Don’t walk on it.” My father did not have the money to put another rug over it. You must know that an officer in the navy did not earn a lot of money - he had three children and we were happy when his pay arrived each month. But then, we were not nearly as badly off as many other families.”"

Ursula Dönitz had a good life as her father's daughter, and married another navy man.

"I knew that some things were not good in Germany, especially around the Depression. I knew that Versailles was a bad treaty, not just from my father, but everyone knew that Versailles was bad.”"

"However, National Socialism’s strong anti-communist and Versailles-bashing platforms must have appealed to him. Hitler promised to expand Germany’s borders and build a military machine that rivalled Britain’s. Although Dönitz exhibited no signs of anti-Semitism during this time, he later seemed to accept the Nazi theory that Jews were an internal threat to Germany. Ursula never recalls any discussion with her father “about Jews.” She claims that after Kristallnacht he officially complained to the highest ranks. There is no record of any such protest."

"With the merging of Sudetenland, and Germany being strong again, we were all very proud. These were very good times for me.”"

"But as events led inexorably to full-scale war, Dönitz eschewed his winter holiday in 1939. Instead he published a book called Die U-Bootswaffe (The U-Boat Arm), a primer on how he intended to use his fleet during war. Unfortunately, British intelligence did not obtain a copy until 1942. By that time the Allies had experienced Dönitz’s tactics on the open seas."

"My husband was away at sea and my father said to me, for the first and only time, ‘There will be a war and it will be a long one. The British will not allow Germany to get too powerful.’ It surprised me a little because I had not thought it was that certain.”"

"In the first months of the war, Dönitz’s U-boat fleet followed the Prize Law, a treaty which mandated warnings before firing torpedoes. However, as the war rapidly intensified, Raeder and Hitler prodded him to flout the Prize Law. Unrestricted U-boat warfare was waged by mid-1940. The results were impressive. The British lost aircraft-carriers and destroyers, and tons of Allied merchant shipping were sent to the ocean bottom. Hitler was ecstatic about this elite and dangerous naval fleet which mirrored Dönitz’s pride and enthusiasm.

"In June 1940, France fell. That convinced many in the navy that world domination was within Germany’s grasp. Ursula is not certain her father shared the enthusiasm for eventual victory. “I remember a conversation during the war, when he said very earnestly, “It will be a long, long and very hard war.”"

"In September 1942, as Dönitz prepared a status report for Hitler, an incident took place which later became a key part of the Nuremberg case against him. A U-boat sank a British troop transport, the Laconia, with over two thousand men aboard.

"Four U-boats arrived at the scene to save survivors, and, their decks crammed with Allied troops, they steamed along on the surface towards a safe port. All the vessels flew large Red Cross flags. Three days into their rescue mission, in clear and visible weather, American planes circled for an hour and then bombed the submarines. One U-boat was badly damaged. Against the advice of his staff, Dönitz did not call off the rescue operation. When Hitler learned of the Allied bombing, he telephoned in a rage. He screamed that German lives should never be at jeopardy because of rescuing enemy soldiers. Dönitz responded by issuing a directive, later dubbed the Laconia order, to cease all attempts to save survivors at sea. He proclaimed: “Rescue contradicts the most fundamental demands of war for the annihilation of ships and crews.” He ended by urging his troops to “be hard. Think of the fact that the enemy in his bombing attacks on German towns has no regard for women and children.”"

"Although not an order to shoot survivors, the Laconia directive could be so interpreted by individual commanders. The Allies charged that Dönitz left the language ambiguous, hoping his fleet would resolve the question in favor of murder. Ursula later spoke to her husband about the order, and is adamant that it was never intended as permission to kill survivors."

But at Nuremberg trials his attorney contacted Charles Nimitz of U.S. navy, whose response made it difficult to assign criminality to this action; it made him Hitler's favourite, on the other hand.

"Although he was at a conference in Posen in the autumn of 1943, when Himmler informed senior party members of the extermination program, some ministers claim Dönitz had left by the time of the Reichsführer’s talk."

"What seems probable is that Dönitz was willing to follow Nazi policies against any enemy of the state, whether external ones like Britain or the United States or internal ones like communists and Jews. Whatever he heard about the extermination program during the last years of the war, he did not consider it his duty to investigate."

"Ursula hoped the Nimitz testimony would exonerate her father. This quandary split the judges. The American judge, Francis Biddle, argued that Dönitz must be acquitted because of the Nimitz affidavit. Biddle said, “Germany waged a much cleaner war than we did.” But the other judges were persuaded by the British argument that even if both sides broke the law, that did not clear Dönitz. Of the judges who voted him guilty of waging aggressive war and of war crimes, a majority carried the day with a ten-year sentence."

"I did not think they had proven he did anything wrong. It seemed like a nightmare, not at all real. But I later learned that he actually thought they would condemn him to death.”"

But when sentenced, he looked at the judges blazing with fury, threw his earphones and stalked out. In Spandau he did not get along with Speer, berating him for not being loyal to Hitler forever.

"The following year there were rumors of a neo-fascist attempt to obtain Dönitz’s freedom and make him Germany’s new leader. When Speer asked him about the rumor, Dönitz announced, “I am and will remain the legal head of state, until I die.” When Speer protested that there was a new West German president, Dönitz said, “He was installed under pressure from the occupying powers.” Another prisoner, Konstantin von Neurath, said of him that the idea of leading Germany had become “an obsession with him.”"

"Dönitz did not have a good relationship with most of the other prisoners. Instead, he spent much of his time alone, occupied by voluminous reading and contemplating his own memoirs. On the final day of his imprisonment, September 30, 1956, he attacked Speer, accusing him of recommending his appointment as Hitler’s replacement. “What did I have to do with politics? But for you, Hitler would never have had the idea of making me head of state. All my men have commands again. But look at me! My career is wrecked!” Speer yelled back, accusing Dönitz of being more concerned with his career than with the fifty million killed during the war. Only during that final night did Speer feel any sympathy for the former admiral. Dönitz went from cell to cell to shake hands with the remaining prisoners; Speer says he later heard him crying in the adjoining cell. Only at that moment did Speer realize that the prison pressures were so great that even the "strong-nerved" Dönitz quietly wept during his last hours of confinement."

He lived an increasingly lonely life after his return from Spandau, especially after his wife's passing on, and preferred it that way due to feeling ignored by the government of West Germany, despite being respected by both military and nazis alike, who attended his funeral in hundreds. He wrote about his life.

"One of his major critics who criticized the book was Speer, who read a smuggled copy in Spandau. He felt it was “the book of a man without insight. For him, the tragedy of the recent past is reduced to the miserable question of what mistakes led to the loss of the war. But should this surprise me?”"

"He also reveled in the opinion of British and American naval authorities that he was the most dangerous enemy they ever faced."

"However, during the early 1970s several books reconsidering the navy’s role in waging aggressive war upset Dönitz’s political rehabilitation. They exposed the grand admiral’s total identification with Hitler. When the BBC interviewed him in 1973 for a documentary on U-boats, they found him suspicious of any questions about National Socialism or Hitler. He refused to answer most questions without checking the books that lined his walls."

"The daughter of the last Führer lives next door to a Turkish family; some observers say Turks are Germany’s new Jews. “Many things have changed since the time of my father,” she told me. When I last left her, I noticed the concrete underpass outside her home had been sprayed with large black painted letters, “Auslander Raus!” (Foreigners Out!). Maybe things have not changed as much as Ursula Dönitz thought."
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Chapter eight is different from the rest in that it's not about someone accused, of war crimes or crimes against humanity or anything, at Nuremberg, but completely the opposite - it's Claus Philip Schenk von Stauffenberg who's known for the only serious attempt to rid Germany of Hitler, that too at his zenith of power.

"It was no easy task. Surrounded by an elite SS bodyguard, Hitler changed his schedule constantly to avoid any potential trap. He had not made a public appearance since 1942, and access was restricted to the most trusted and ranking officers. Even his oversized cap was lined with three and a half pounds of steel plating."

To anyone who's watched Valkyrie and even more so for those who've seen The Valkyrie Legacy, the details of the story are well known, and yet this chapter is of great interest in that one gets to read about the family, the wife and children, how they were treated and how they fared. Franz Ludwig, the son interviewed, is the third son, and it would have been nice to read about the rest too. Understandably he's proud of his father.

"“He was not an early addict of Hitler, and I have seen this information published. I would not have much of a problem if it were so. It would be very decent for a young man to be quite enthusiastic and then to change his mind as he discerned and saw new facts which brought him to a new conclusion. But it was not like this. My father was not a definite opponent from the very beginning, but he was not a disciple or an addict in any way. It was not in his character or his personality. This report of my father is simply not true.”

"Franz Ludwig is correct. His father, while not opposed to National Socialism in the mid-1930s, was certainly far from a slavish follower of Hitler. Stauffenberg’s first doubts about the Nazi programs came during the virulent anti-Jewish campaigns of 1938, the year Franz Ludwig was born. But when the war started in September 1939, Stauffenberg was willing to perform his duty. He did so with characteristic energy and talent, earning a solid reputation as an officer in the Sixth Panzer Division’s campaigns in both Poland and France. In early June 1940, just before the Dunkirk assault, he was transferred to the army high command. And for the first eighteen months of Operation Barbarossa, the Russian campaign, he spent most of his time in Soviet territory. There he witnessed first-hand the brutality of the SS. His Russian service disillusioned him with the Third Reich."

"The unnecessary disaster at Stalingrad in February 1943 further alienated him from Hitler’s strategy. As soon as the battle for Stalingrad finished, he asked for a transfer to a new front, and he was sent to the Tenth Panzer Division in Tunisia, just in time to join the last days of the fierce battle for the Kasserine Pass."

As is well known, the assassination attempt failed, as did the coup. The children's grandmother was arrested, but what with a large house and several people, Franz says the children didn't realise it.

"Unknown to the Stauffenbergs, isolated on their large estate in southern Germany, Hitler and Himmler had embarked on a brutal campaign of vengeance to stamp out all vestiges of the resistance. There was a wild wave of arrests followed by gruesome torture, kangaroo trials, and sadistic death sentences, including the suspension of victims from slaughterhouse meat- hooks. Relatives and friends of the suspects were rounded up by the thousand and sent to concentration camps. The Stauffenberg arrests had marked the beginning of the sweep across Germany. Within two months the Gestapo arrested more than seven thousand suspects, and “people’s courts” sentenced 4980 to death."

"One of those executed was Count Berthold von Stauffenberg, Claus’s older brother."

"The third Stauffenberg brother was a professor of ancient history at a university and was above suspicion. Still, the Gestapo arrested him because he was a Stauffenberg. With two of the brothers dead and the adults of the family in prison, the Nazis decided to move against the children."

"“Then something happened which I remember quite well. My grandmother’s maid was a devout Catholic. She took us to the village priest, and we went the very short walk to the priest whom we knew well, all six of the children. He talked to us, and he gave us a blessing and told us that quite bad and even ghastly experiences might await us, and that we even might land in a pigsty. But that whatever happened we should always remember that our father was a great man and what he did was good. Of course, this was an extremely dangerous and courageous thing for this priest, because if we had told that story to the Gestapo men, he would have been put into a concentration camp. I remember that evening walk and I remember the maid crying. I knew something very emotional had happened but I didn’t realize what it was."

They were taken to Bad Sachsa, a to a country estate. An aunt managed to visit.

"“Alexander, my father’s brother who was the university professor was married to a very interesting woman, Melitta. We called her Aunt Lita. She was a flier, a pilot, which was not that common a profession for a woman at that time. She was not merely an adventurer; she was also an engineer and had invented a number of quite important gadgets for night flying."

She was arrested too, but freed due to her flyer fraternity, and insisted she'd be informed and visit the family, which she said meant the Stauffenberg clan.

"So as a surprise, she came to us during Christmas 1944. During the holiday, we were asked to the house of the camp director, a woman, and we went over and there was Aunt Lita. And there was a Christmas tree and she wanted to celebrate with us the way we used to, and since it was difficult to get toys, she had gone to a place where they kept war medals, and she took a handful of them and gave them to us. Of course, we felt like real war heroes."

"“We loved her. She was very exciting. She told the most wonderful stories of her flying and her planes. Christmas was great with her that year.”"

Bad Sachsa was liberated by U.S. troops.

"“The memory I have of the American soldiers is absolutely positive, and not just because of the chocolate. They were friendly, awfully nice, and they were all very young. They played with us and had fun with us.”"

Their mother, with their new baby sister born after they'd been all taken away, managed to arrive.

"But we received very bad news from my other aunt. Melitta did not survive the war. She was shot down in her small aeroplane during the last days of the war. We now know she was intentionally shot down in Bavaria by German troops."

She'd kept everyone informed, which helped the grandmother collect the children and hurry back home as allies closed in, but the aunt was shot down by German troops due to someone saying she was flying to Switzerland with Stauffenberg family jewels.

Stauffenberg children did well.

"You are interviewing me now for hours, and not because I am a member of the European parliament, but because I am the son of Stauffenberg. It is really still that way.

"“But it is quite acceptable for me because I am proud of my father and I have much love for him. I don’t see him as the perfect god on earth. I think he was a very intelligent man with great courage, but I also see him as somebody who had his weaknesses, as any other person. He was a great man, and a very human one. He had some extraordinary and great qualities well worth remembering, not only for his children.

"“It is quite understandable that I much prefer being the son of Stauffenberg than the son of a Himmler or the like. The memory and knowledge of what my father did will always be very special to me. He is very special to me.”"
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Chapter nine is about Mochar, an early nazi party member from Carinthia who was a soldier on eastern front and never involved in war crimes and has never changed his mind about the ideology, and his daughter Ingeborg who grew up loving her parents but then learned more, and fought with her father about his beliefs most of the years. She loves him, and longs to hear him admit that perhaps he was wrong.

The astonishing part is her own life. Neither the author nor she question why it took so different a direction, but the clues are given away with her mother's background.

Mochar was from a very poor family and didn't get much of education, while his wife was from an urban German affluent family of doctors, and although she too was a party member, much less antisemitic, because her family knew many Jewish people since many of them were doctors.

Ingeborg lived  during her graduate school and doctorate years in Vienna, and she lived for a while with someone who helped her growth in questioning the Nazi ideology and antisemitism. Subsequently she met and lived with and married someone Jewish. With her parents' background this was a problem, but she fought through. His parents were displeased, too, but Ingeborg found his mother warm, welcoming and nice.

They don't say that the strain of the gap in backgrounds was why it happened, but since then her husband lives with another woman who is Jewish and a doctor as he is, and they have a son. Ingeborg does mention that the son is the difference, Ingeborg had only daughters.

The author went with her to Berlin to check if her father's claim of innocence was true, and she was in tears to find that it was. She didn't know if she could have loved him if he were involved in the crimes. 
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The penultimate chapter ten, title "The Little Princess", is about Göring and his daughter Edda. Quite worth reading, what with his thefts, of art and new is and more, from Germans and subsequently from all over Europe, using his power; his lies and deception at the trial and his suicide, of which Edda here inadvertently let slip knowledge to the family. She ends the interview stating there is no need for her to say how she felt because everyone loves her father with exception of Jews and Americans. Her idea of U.S. is drugs and crime.
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The final, eleventh chapter, seems to be the quintessential case of a child traumatised by the horrendous crimes of her father while the nazi is not only unrepentant, he is, by his town, considered wronged by the government in sentencing him for murders of over seven hundred people including families, and even the judge bought the fraudulent remorse about the cases that couldn't be denied - the sentence was reduced from twenty years to five, of which Max Drexel, of Boeblingen, Leonberg and Heubach, served less than three.

"“When the verdict was announced I was not surprised by the dimension of the punishment,” says Dagmar. “I don’t want to be a judge of what is fair and what is not fair. You can’t measure crimes like his by the length of a prison sentence. If he had been indicted right after the war he probably would have got a life sentence. But even if he was put behind bars for the rest of his life, the suffering of the people he killed and their relatives cannot be compensated. Not even with a life sentence.

"“I visited him frequently in prison. But I definitely want to point out that I never, never accepted what my father did. On the contrary, he carries a heavy burden for what he did and his actions can never be excused.”"

Dagmar hasn't confronted him. She is hugely conflicted and tries hard to make up, bringing up her children with very different values, working with foreigners to help them settle, and encouraging her children in associating with Greek and Turkish people. Her husband is her true partner in this effort.

"In 1985, Dagmar met another daughter of a Nazi father, Dorte von Westernhagen, who was researching a book on children of non-prominent Nazi officers. The book, Die Kinder der Täter (Children of the Perpetration), appeared in Germany in 1987, and Westernhagen included a chapter on Dagmar and her father. This was shortly after the publication of Born Guilty, a collection of anonymous interviews with the children of Nazis.

"Two years after Dagmar’s interview was published in Westernhagen’s book, a cousin told Drexel about it. He was furious.

"“Later I received a long letter from him in which he tried to deny everything I said. He attacked me. One example is when he said, ‘To make a point that could serve as an excuse for you, I would say you are a psychopath, as you have admitted yourself, who in this notorious interview has acted wildly.’ He also said he would like to justify his behavior to his grandchildren. After that letter I decided not to have any further contact with him. A second letter followed but I refused it, in order to protect myself.”"

"“For a long time I debated whether I should again go public with my personal story. And I am doing it only because I spoke to you for a long time. In the meantime, I am not afraid any more, I don’t fear my family’s repressions or threats. But I do think of my children, and they should not suffer from this. I have arrived at this after a long process of thinking that one cannot make up for what happened. But by listening to my story people may realize they have to react sensibly to political change and that every individual is responsible to ensure that something like this never happens again. People have to engage themselves to fight for freedom and peace, and most of all for humanity.”"
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"British prosecutor’s summation: “It may be that the guilt of Germany will not be erased, for the people of Germany share in it to large measure. But it was these men who, with a handful of others, brought that guilt upon Germany and subverted the German people. That these defendants participated in, and are morally guilty of crimes so frightful that the imagination staggers and reels back at their very consideration, is not in doubt. Let the words of the defendant Frank be always well remembered: ‘Thousands of years will pass and this guilt of Germany will not be erased.’”

"The sins of the father: they affected a second generation of Germans in ways little understood or appreciated. The children of those who served the Third Reich have had to deal with their dark legacy to a much greater extent than the rest of the German nation.

"Those who broke with their fathers’ politics and crimes are often troubled by shame and guilt. Some, like the Frank brothers, are haunted by images of mounds of twisted corpses or Jewish families being packed into a ghetto. Yet, even without these chilling memories, many are confused by their heritage, almost sharing the guilt for their fathers’ crimes. “I am afraid,” says Dagmar Drexel, “that if the people I meet know what my father did, they won’t want anything to do with me.”"

"Murderers like Mengele and Drexel returned to quiet, mundane lives, unburdened by guilt. It is that lack of remorse that some of the children find most disturbing. The second generation often has greater moral outrage over the atrocities than any of their parents, the actual perpetrators."

"The generation responsible for the crimes closed all discussion. They refused to be honest and forthright. This silence did not eliminate the family friction, but only submerged it, often into the child’s psyche. Years after the parent’s death, some of the children seek to have the public discussion about their feelings that their fathers denied them."

"“And I think it’s important for the victims and their families,” says Dagmar Drexel. “They should know that we, the children of these men who are guilty of crimes, that we don’t just forget about the Holocaust. Instead, we try to deal with it. The murders of millions of people, especially Jews, can’t be redressed. We try to do our little part to prevent it from happening ever again. It is our special obligation.”"
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"Before every interview I constructed my own biography of the Nazi parent. In cases where the child presented new information, I checked his or her recall independently against documentary evidence. At no time did I accept the children’s recollections as the final word, although their memories mostly proved remarkably accurate."

"Bunte eventually gave more than $100,000 to a New York-based survivors’ group. When Rolf allowed me to use his father’s papers in a biography, Mengele: The Complete Story (New York: McGraw Hill, 1986), he requested that I donate 20 per cent of my profits to survivors. I did so, giving the money to a group of surviving twins, all victims of his father’s experiments."
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Benton, Wilbourn, and George Grimm, eds, German Views of the War Trials. Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1955.

Bewley, Charles. Hermann Goering and the Third Reich. New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1962.

Conot, Robert E. Justice at Nuremberg. New York: Carroll & Graf, 1983.

Davidson, Eugene. The Trial of the Germans: An Account of the Twenty-Two Defendants Before the International Military Tribunal. New York: Macmillan, 1966.

Dawidowicz, Lucy. The War Against the Jews. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970.

Dönitz, Karl. 10 Jahre un 20 Tage. Frankfurt: Athenaum, 1958. —.
Mein wechselvolles Leben. Gottingen: Musterschmidt, 1968. —.
Deutsche Strategie zur See im zweiten Weltkrieg. Munich: Bernard & Graefe, 1969.

Dulles, Allen. Germany's Underground. New York: Macmillan, 1947.

Ferencz, Benjamin B. Less Than Slaves. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979.

Fishman, Jack. The Seven Men of Spandau. New York: Rinehart and Co., 1954.

Frank, Hans. Im Angesicht des Galgens. Munich: Beck Verlag, 1953. —.
Das Diensttagebuch des Deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen, 1939-1945,
Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1975.

Frank, Niklas. Der Vater: Eine Abrechnung. Munich: Bertelsmann, 1987.

Frischauer, Willi. The Rise and Fall of Hermann Goering. New York: Ballantine, 1951.

Gilbert, Dr. Gustave M. Nuremberg Diary. New York: Farrar, Straus and Co., 1947. —.
“Hermann Göring, Amiable Psychopath,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 43, No. 2 (April 1948).

Gilbert, Martin. The Holocaust: A History of the Jews of Europe During the Second World War. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1985.

Göring, Emmy. My Life with Göring. London: David Bruce and Watson, 1972.

Hess, Wolf Rudiger. My Father, Rudolf Hess. London: W. H. Allen, 1986.

Hilberg, Raul. The Destruction of the European Jews. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1961.

Hohne, Heinz. The Order of the Death’s Head. Translated by Richard Barry. New York: Ballantine, 1971.

Irving, David. Göring: A Biography. New York: William Morrow and Co., 1989.

Kelley, Douglas. 22 Cells in Nuremberg. London: W. H. Allen, 1947.

Kempner, Robert M. W. “Blueprint of the Nazi Underground,” Research Studies of the State College of Washington. (June 1945).

Kersten, Felix. The Kersten Memoirs, 1940-1945. New York: Macmillan, 1957.

Knieriem, August von. The Nuremberg Trial. Translated by Elizabeth D. Schmidt. Chicago: H. Regnery Co., 1959.

Kranzbühler, Otto. “Nuremberg, Eighteen Years Afterwards,” De Paul Law Review, Vol. 14 (1964).

Manchester, William. The Arms of Krupp, 1587-1968. New York: Little, Brown and Co., 1968.

Manvell, Roger, and Heinrich Fraenkel. Göring. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1962. —.
Hess. London: McGibbon & Kee, 1971.

Padfield, Peter. Dönitz: The Last Führer. New York: Harper & Row, 1984.

Parker, John J. “The Nuremberg Trial,” Journal of the American Judicature Society 30 (December 1946).

Rees, John R., ed., The Mind of Rudolf Hess. New York: W. W. Norton, 1948.

Reitlinger, Gerald. The SS, Alibi of a Nation. London: Heinemann, 1956.

Rowe, Harvey T. “Im Schatten der Väter,” Quick, 6 November 1986.

Schacht, Hjalmar. Account Settled. London: Weidenfeld &c Nicolson, 1948. —. Confessions of the Old Wizard. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1956.

Schlabrendorff, Fabian von. The Secret War Against Hitler. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1965.

Shirer, William L. The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960.

Speer, Albert. Erinnerungen. Berlin: Propyläen, 1969. —. Spandau: The Secret Diaries: London: Collins, 1975.

Swearingen, Ben E. The Mystery of Hermann Goering’s Suicide. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985.
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December 29, 2019 - January 9, 2020.
ISBN 978-1-909979-47-5
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Sunday, January 5, 2020

The Fighting 30th Division: They Called Them Roosevelt's SS; by Martin King, Michael Collins, David Hilborn.



In more ways than the obvious one, this work can be - it is in every way but official, in that authors differ - a sequel to The Longest Day, the famous one about D-Day, which was made into a film as well.

The first two pages of chapter six describe next moves, after capture of Aachen, planned by Generals Eisenhower, Bradley, Montgomery - with some objections by General Patton noted - and the differences they had; to anyone whos watched A Bridge Too Far, mentioned in this book before in previous chapters, what's coming is anticipated, and so such a reader expects more details of Operation Market Garden at that point. This is even more true about the Battle of the Bulge, which the 30th Division was involved in, so all in all there is much to look forward to as one begins, and more so later. 

But - having built up the anticipation - Battle of the Bulge precedes Operation Market Garden. One point a reader here might begin to notice unless a professional historian, is that most accounts of the Battle of the Bulge are usually centred around Bastogne, which is well deserved, of course, but here one reads about other just as well deserved battles and encounters, and begins to know of other important points that the Battle of the Bulge was fought around - Stavelot, for example - and most of all, Baugnez and Malmédy. This part is hardly ever spoken about, perhaps as a matter of policy, because immediately after the war and even as Nuremberg trials were proceeding, cold war was on, and any public knowledge about the Malmédy massacre by the S.S., of eighty U.S. soldiers who had fought and surrendered, would turn the U.S. people into far more fiercely anti German than the horror evoked by the exposing of extermination camps.
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Foreword introduces the topic, and the Introduction takes it further:-

"The 30th Infantry Division, named “Old Hickory” and code-named “Custom,” was called by historian S. L. A. Marshall the “most outstanding infantry division in the European Theater of Operations (ETO)” during the entire war.

"The officers and men of Old Hickory were the product of a civilian army, well trained by competent officers into a cohesive fighting machine that outsmarted the best of the German Army’s elite divisions. Although a National Guard unit, it never received the credit to which it was due all through the war; it was always relegated to the bottom of the publicity lists of accomplishments that gave more credit than was due to the Regular Army divisions in the ETO.

"A majority of the officers and men of the 30th were from farms and small towns throughout the country, although at the beginning, they were predominantly from North and South Carolina and Tennessee. Consequently they brought with them considerable knowledge of tractors, trucks, and other farm-related vehicles, which gave them enhanced knowledge of military vehicles. Most had a basic knowledge of guns from their experiences in hunting deer, squirrels, and rabbits, making them excellent marksmen.

"It is only fitting and proper that these “Old Hickorymen” be given the honor of being the best soldiers to fight against the best that the enemy— the Germans—had to offer."

"The combat record of the 30th Infantry Division in the ETO led it to being named the “outstanding infantry division of the ETO” by Colonel S. L. A. Marshall, the official US Army historian for the theater. The citizen soldiers of the 30th Division saved the Normandy breakout by standing firm at Mortain; later, they again stopped Hitler’s vaunted SS panzer units in the Battle of the Bulge, halting the German advance and thus turning the tide of that pivotal engagement. They were so respected by their German opponents that Axis Sally referred to them as “Roosevelt’s SS.”"

"Soldiers who initially joined the 30th Infantry Division when it was activated in August 1917 at Camp Sevier, South Carolina, came from the National Guard units of North and South Carolina, Tennessee, and Georgia, the same area where Andrew Jackson grew up."

"Early in July 1918 they finally arrived at Le Havre, France, and immediately set about training with the British Army in Flanders and Picardy. On the 9th of July they were assigned to hold the line east of Poperinghe in the Dickebusch and Scherpenburg sector to become acquainted with the hell of Flanders fields. Later on they were called on to participate in the second Somme offensive that culminated in the breaking of the almost impenetrable Hindenburg Line. When the armistice arrived at the 11th hour of the 11th day in November 1918, the 30th Division had chalked up approximately half of the medals awarded by the British to US forces in WWI. There were also twelve Medals of Honor."

"The 30th Division arrived in Normandy on 10 June, four days after D-Day. Their initial objective was to replace the battered 29th Division that had been decimated at Omaha Beach. They were put into action almost immediately and were soon being unanimously referred to as the “Work Horse of the Western Front” due to their tenacity in battle against seasoned SS units. They quickly gained the attention of the German commanders who praised their efforts and said that they were operating with the same discipline, intensity, and rigor as the real SS, hence Roosevelt’s SS.

"By the end of WWII, the 30th Infantry Division had accumulated a remarkable list of battle honors. It spent 282 days in combat earning five battle stars in the Normandy, Northern France, Rhine land, Ardennes-Alsace, and Central Europe campaigns. Ten Presidential Unit Citations were awarded to subordinate units within the division (including the 743rd Tank Battalion and 823rd Tank Destroyer Battalion, both attached to the 30th). Six Old Hickorymen earned Medals of Honor—three posthumously. More than eighty men earned Distinguished Service Crosses, the nation’s second highest award for valor. Approximately 20,000 Purple Hearts were awarded to soldiers wounded or killed in action in the ETO. In addition, the division took approximately 53,000 prisoners over the course of its campaigns."

"After the war, Colonel S. L. A. Marshall, the official US Army historian for the European Theater of Operations (ETO), reviewed combat records for all US Army infantry divisions serving in the theater and cited the 30th Division as, “. . . the outstanding infantry division in the ETO.” This was remarkable because the 30th was a National Guard outfit, not a Regular Army unit. Initially, the Division was a formation comprised of ordinary men. Once in combat, however, the citizen soldiers of the Fighting 30th morphed into warriors. They accomplished truly extraordinary feats, never failing in their missions, and they did so with great gallantry and a degree of efficiency that was unmatched."
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"HAROLD WILLIAMS, 105TH ENGINEER COMBAT BATTALION

"I was in the motor pool to start with. They put me in Water Purification at the beginning measuring streams, water supply, back flushing, and taking samples. There were three of these units in the 30th Division. One day, they wanted a volunteer to drive an amphibian. We were in Florida and we would practice bridge building. That kind of fascinated me. From then on I was assigned to a 2-1/2-ton truck. We traveled by train from Florida to Tennessee to Camp Forest. It was a tent city. Tullahoma was the name of the town. This was just prior to maneuvers. We had all kinds of training there. Eventually, we held maneuvers that went on for weeks. We were all over Tennessee and maybe even into parts of Kentucky. After finishing maneuvers the Division came out with high standards, really high. Then we were ordered to Indiana, to Camp Atterbury. It was fall and it was getting cold. We were placed in a two-story barracks. Every day we would get up at daybreak, have roll call, and then we would hike with combat bags and rifles. We would hike approximately four to five miles to a firing range. This went on all the time, rain or shine. Before we left we would take some bread, a piece of cheese, and an apple, and away we would go. We would get back from our hike in the evening before dark. This went on into January. We had to report to a set of buildings, where there were officers from Washington who interviewed us on our training and other things. Our ratings were pretty high so it was determined that we were ready to ship out. It leaked out that we were headed to the Pacific. I think it was a deliberate leak. We boarded the train and we started to travel east, so we knew damn well that we were not headed west. We ended up at Camp Myles Standish on the Cape near Boston. It was just a staging area. Some of us got new equipment and new rifles. I can remember going on KP duty and it went around the clock; that’s how enormous the camp was.

"We were in a state of high secrecy. Trucks took us to south Boston and we boarded ships that were waiting for us. I was on the USS John Ericsson and there were three ships, I believe, that transported the Division. From there we landed in Liverpool, another unit unloaded in Blackpool, and the third one, I believe, on the Clyde in Scotland. From there we moved by train east to London. The Division was broken up when we got there, meaning some were bivouacked in separate towns. We didn’t operate as a whole. We went into London and there was an air raid going on. The city was being bombed and we spent the night there in the yards. We waited until it was over, then we proceeded to the town of Winchester. We hadn’t had a shower in two weeks, since we had gotten on the boat. We were packed in like sardines and we needed showers pretty badly. We were quartered in Quonset huts. We got our showers in the morning and went down to the chow line. A whistle blew shortly after and they called all drivers to fall out. The drivers fell out in an area in the front near the curb and the motor pool officer came by with a jeep. As our name was called from the roster each one of us got into the jeep and drove it a foot or two. We backed it up and then got out. This qualified us for driving in the U.K.!"


"KING KENNY, RECONNAISSANCE PLATOON, 823RD TANK DESTROYER BATTALION

"We landed in Liverpool north of London and got on trains headed to a town named Hereford. We unloaded and formed one whole battalion at the station. I remember some little kids coming by in their beanies, short pants, and jackets and one kid said, “Hey look they’re Scots!” and another kid said, “They’re Aussies!” and finally one kid said, “They’re Yanks!” We stayed in civilian homes."


"WILLIAM GAST, COMPANY A, 743RD TANK BATTALION

"A tank weighs approximately 35 tons. That’s 70,000 lbs! Our first tanks had a cast hull with a 75mm main gun, a .30-caliber machine gun mounted beside it on the right, and another .30-caliber machine gun, known as a bow gun, which the assistant driver operated. There was also a .50-caliber machine gun mounted on top of the turret with a 360-degree traverse that the tank commander could use as direct fire or anti-aircraft. A little later we received a tank with a welded hull. It had more armor plate and a lower silhouette of the turret.

"The channel was very rough. It was cold, misty, and wet. We were getting nervous. Because the hours were dragging on, we threw a tarp under the tank to try to get some sleep. Too much tension!

"Through the night we became friendly with the LCT captain. We got to talking about getting the LCT in close enough to the beach so when the ramp was lowered, and we drove our tanks off, they would not be submerged. He promised he would get us close enough.

"Now it’s just around 0600 hours in the morning and as we looked out over the side of our LCT there were boats and crafts as far as you could see. “Mount up and get your engines started.” This is it! The Captain of the LCT did as he promised. The front ramp was lowered and the first tank drove off. Then I drove down the ramp and I could feel my tracks turning . . . then they took hold of the bottom of the channel and I was able to move forward. As I found out later, the water had all kinds of metal obstacles to prevent us from coming onto the beach. The beach was loaded with everything you could think of to keep us from advancing."

"By dusk we finally made it up to the wall. That’s as far as we could go. Up against the wall we were protected from direct fire, and started to get a little organ -ized. We learned that out of 15 tanks of A Company, five of us made it. I have some -thing that bothers me to this day. The beach was covered with dead and wounded soldiers. There is no way of telling if I ran over any of them with my tank.

"Pictures . . . video games . . . movies . . . words . . . they simply do not convey the feeling of fear . . . the shock . . . the stench . . . the noise, the horror and the tragedy . . . the injured . . . the suffering . . . the dying . . . the dead!

"Sometime during the night the engineers were able to blast enough of the wall away, enabling us to exit the beach the next morning and get on top of the bluff."

Even as the tanks were dealing with coming ashore,

"Within moments German coastal guns had elevated their firing angle and started to respond in earnest, the first salvos ripping into the surf at short range just off the beach. Other German gunners attempted to stem the first advance wave of combat engineers who were vainly attempting to tackle murderous underwater obstacles such as barbed wire; and anti-tank and antipersonnel mines. Sherman tanks, half-tracks, and trucks of the 743rd were the first armor to attempt that hellish strip of sand that would become known ad infinitum as Omaha Beach. This was just the beginning of a long and terrible fight for men of the 30th Division that would endure almost without pause until the end of the war in May 1945.

"The first actual 30th Division unit to arrive at Omaha Beach on D-Day +4 was the 230th Field Artillery Battalion. They had been sent to replace an artillery battalion of the 29th Division that had lost most of its pieces in the choppy English Channel off the coast of Grandcamp-les-Bains. Other units from the 30th Division arrived in France during the night of 13/14 June. The first casualties in the 30th Division were incurred when a Landing Ship Tank (LST) carrying members of the 113th Field Artillery Battalion struck a German mine just off the Normandy coast. The final toll for that unfortunate incident was two killed, eight wounded, and 20 missing. It wouldn’t be long, however, before the entire division was thrown into the fray."


"ED MIDDLETON, 730TH ORDNANCE COMPANY"

"We were also supposed to have extra weapons and supplies for the troops. We ran out very quickly, so we established battlefield recovery and I had all the frontline troops collect army ordnance—ours and the enemy’s—and they let us know where it was. We picked it up and took care of it. By the time we got to the Ardennes and the Battle of the Bulge, I had a 2-1/2-ton-truckload of M1 rifles which I distributed to the backup troops who were coming up to help us. Basically, it was a routine operation. We would be close to the front lines and I was far enough forward that I did not have to wear a tie, but I was far enough back not to get shot at every day. When we got to a town, some of the locals would come as a group and ask us to go to different locations to find Germans that were still around."


"FRANK DENIUS, BATTERY C, 230TH FIELD ARTILLERY BATTALION"

"It was chaotic on the beach. I saw a lot of dead and wounded GIs. We were under artillery and mortar fire from the Germans. A few German aircraft came over but they weren’t the problem. The real issue was that German artillery was still coming in. It was harassment fire because they didn’t have observation on us. Scaling the cliff on Omaha Beach was one of those things I will always remember. We climbed the cliffs and joined the 29th, which had moved inland by what I think was the second day. We moved in and provided artillery support for them for the next six days. We didn’t know those guys so they had to get to know us and we had to get to know them under combat conditions. The 30th Division eventually started to land on the second and third days, and after the sixth day the 230th rejoined the 30th Division."


"FRANK DEEGAN, COMPANY D, 119TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"We were sitting somewhere in Normandy for a week or two, I never knew where I was. When we shoved off through another outfit’s lines, I don’t know who they were, I remember seeing a young soldier who was dead. We passed his body. I was 19 at the time and this guy looked like he was my kid brother; he was so young. That was my first impression we were in a war (other than a sniper who took a shot at us when we moved out from our defensive position). I felt sorry for him. He looked younger than my brother, about 13 or 14. I have always remembered his face because he looked like he was smiling."

"After successfully occupying Montmartin en Graignes, the 2nd Battalion got to work securing the position before nightfall. Earlier on, sometime around mid-afternoon, the newly-arrived 1st Battalion, 119th, had worked its way down through sporadic artillery fire and passed through the 2nd Battalion’s positions before pivoting southeast to force their way towards a small enclave of houses located close to the Vire River. Meanwhile, the 3rd Battalion of the 120th Infantry Regiment was having its own baptism of fire and discovering the bane of all the Allied divisions currently in Normandy, “Le Bocage!”This meant they were enduring the painstaking hedgerow to hedge -row fighting that came to epitomize the fighting in Normandy and was equally detrimental to all sides."

"The 30th Division was led by the 120th Infantry Regiment and during the following days the rest arrived in dribs and drabs until, by 17 June, the entire division was safely on land. One of the first German units they encountered was the SS-Panzer-Grenadier Regiment 38 of the 17th SS-Panzer -grenadier Division “Götz von Berlichingen.” This particular division had been formed in France from remnants of other divisions and consisted of mainly Rumanian and French volunteers. Collectively it was under the direct command of LXXX Corps, part of Generalfeldmarschall (general of the army) Gerd von Rundstedt’s Army Group D, and it was going to be seriously decimated in the ensuing Normandy battles. This would be in no small part thanks to the 30th Division who quickly discovered that fighting between the centuries-old tight hedgerows of the Normandy countryside, Le Bocage, was going to demand an almost complete revision of tactics."

"FRANK DENIUS, BATTERY C, 230TH FIELD ARTILLERY BATTALION"

"We then found ourselves right out in the middle of hedgerow country. Those fields were 75–100 yards wide and square in shape. Apple trees, orchards, and cattle were in them. There were also dead cows everywhere from artillery fire. The Germans defended each hedgerow and each one made for a perfect defense. We would fight directly across the hedgerow from them and they would line up a machine gun and dig in a tank at the corners. You had to crawl over those hedge rows to advance. As you went over you faced crossfire from tanks, machine guns, and rifles."
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"Intelligence and reconnaissance were equally important to the Allies and occasionally they managed to procure useful intelligence from unexpected sources. On one occasion two young students hiked all the way from the Sorbonne in Paris, and managed to find their way through the lines and pass on information regarding what they had observed en route. One audacious Frenchman from Graignes came surreptitiously by boat to inform the Allies that SS men were present in his town, and then he even went back to get more specific locations. For his efforts he insisted on, and was presented with, a certificate stating that he had personally helped in the task of liberating France."
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The book includes a report and some citations of medals, after a quote by Rudolf Ribbentrop about his part at Normandy, and an interesting detail is about two silver stars to two soldiers with identical name of Joseph Funk - the private first class from California and the Major from New Jersey. Wonder if this is where the thought about Hum Dono of Navketan sprung? Unlikely, of course.
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"MARVIN SMITH, COMPANY K, 120TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"Once relieved, our company rested in a reserve position to the rear about one mile. We were in the middle of a beautiful French orchard. I found a nice “home” under an apple tree, dug in, and set up camp. Now off the front, we were to get hot meals brought up in a company jeep trailer. Apparently a German observer had seen the jeep come over the high ground to our rear, though, and they shelled the area just as the cooks got the pots set out. Never before under fire, the cooks ran in all directions. The rest of us “hardened and experienced” combat veterans doubled up with laughter to see the cooks in their clean white uniforms making tracks, although it was really no laughing matter."

"When we came upon an open gap about three or four feet wide, which would expose us, we paused. I was thinking, “Okay, each of us will run quickly across this opening one at a time.” Just then, Private Boker said to me, “Wait, I’ll cover you Captain,” meaning, he would cross the gap first and then aim his rifle across the canal to cover us while we crossed. Just as he was saying this, he jumped out into the gap and raised his M1 into position. In that instant, a shot rang out from across the canal. Boker screamed once and slumped to the ground. I knew it was a fatal shot just by the way he fell. We were stunned."

Evocative of one or rather two events depicted in Enemy At The Gates, but each with a different angle, from the one above and from one another.

"When the 4th of July came and everyone was told to fire one shot simultaneously, everything from 155mm artillery to the smallest caliber rifle, all together at precisely 0100 hours. We did! Wow, I wonder what the enemy thought."

"Medical aid men were following to assist. We progressed rapidly forward, being severely shelled by enemy artillery, or perhaps short American rounds, resulting in several of our fellows being wounded. I came upon them being attended by a German medic who wore a white sheet in front and back with a large red cross on it. By contrast, our medics wore only small Red Cross armbands which were soon covered with dirt and mud. Consequently, many medics must have been killed by the enemy, believing they were combat soldiers."

He doesn't seem to be aware that nazis had no intention of following any civilised convention, and had no problem firing on refugees fleeing, including women and children and babies. If allied medics were killed by Germans, it wasn't necessarily because their armbands were covered by mud. 
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One begins to wonder why the allied forces did not simply use air bombardment to destroy the enemy instead of fighting Le Bocage country hedgerow by hedgerow, and being forced to fight it out for weeks. It wasn't because it was not quite cricket, or unsportsmanlike, to just bomb them. And Luftwaffe was mostly absent.

It could only be because allies were liberating France, and causing civilian desths and casualties wasn't kosher when avoidable. Bombing Berlin or other parts of Germany was another matter.

German forces had gone about bombing civilians routinely in their conquering blitzkrieg and not just cities, either, but refugees fleeing the advancing Germans, too. Memoirs by various survivors speak of seeing the face of the pilot diving down to aim at them as they were fleeing, women and children and babies, old and poor.
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"MARK SCHWENDIMAN, COMPANY I, 119TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"Putting finishing touches to combat training with the US First Army in England, the 30th launched its first attack in World War II in Normandy on 15 June 1944—D +9—after its first units had come ashore at Omaha Beach on D +4. In sniper-infested hedgerow country, the 30th’s baptism of fire came in the Isigny area where it drove a stubborn German enemy beyond the Vire River and Vire et Taute Canal. Then in dangerous nightly patrols, it probed German positions in preparation for the assault crossing of the Vire River where, on 7 July, it started the push south out of the Cherbourg peninsula. Crossings of the Vire at dawn and the Vire et Taute Canal at 1300 the same day were masterfully executed. The preparatory artillery barrage left the Germans stunned in their foxholes and made the initial advance possible. Panzer troops were brought in to plug the gap thus created, however, and in the succeeding days other elite panzer and parachute troops counterattacked with the mission of seizing Isigny. Old Hickory nevertheless ground their way steadily ahead."
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"The hedgerow fighting badly affected both Allies and Axis forces. By late July, it was estimated that the Germans had lost approximately 400 tanks, 2,500 other vehicles, and 160,000 men. This had undoubtedly put a great strain on the Germans offensive capabilities. One of the main problems was the lack of resources such as gasoline and other necessary supplies. Bearing in mind that a division on the move needs around 7,000 tons of supplies every day it was becoming increasingly difficult for the Germans to keep up with the demand. Moreover they no longer had the capacity to effectively replace destroyed and damaged armor in any significant numbers."

"Most of their divisions had sustained heavy losses but there were still one or two that were battle ready. The 2nd SS-Panzer Division had a particular reputation for being stringent and thorough in all their dealings. Just four days after the Allied invasion of Normandy, they had been held responsible for a heinous war crime at the small French village of Oradour-sur-Glane. Soldiers of the 3rd Company, 1st Battalion, SS-Panzer-Grenadier Regiment 4 (motorized infantry) “Der Führer,” attached to the 2nd SS-Panzer Division, advanced to the village of Oradour-sur-Glane. Led by the commander of the 1st Battalion, SS-Major Adolf Diekmann, the Waffen-SS troops surrounded the village. Dozens of women and children were burned alive. In total 642 men, women, and children were killed at this site which is still maintained as a shrine to the victims."
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"JOHN O’HARE, COMPANY E, 117TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"During World War II, US Army regulations required that young men be at least 19 years of age before being sent into combat. I became 19 on 2 June 1944 and I landed on Omaha Beach that July."

"For the first time I heard the distinctive sound of the motor of a German reconnaissance plane. Such planes took infrared photos of American positions every night. We referred to them as “Bed-Check Charlie.”

"While awaiting assignment to a unit, I learned to dig my foxhole into a hedgerow and then down. The hedgerows had been there for centuries and were very stable. This technique created a safe place under many feet of soil, tree roots, and rocks. On one occasion, German planes came down over the hedgerow I was using and strafed with their machine guns. I do not know how many planes took part because I was in my cave-like shelter. One soldier said six planes were involved. No Americans were injured.

"On two of the days before my assignment to the 30th Division, I witnessed the sky full of US heavy bombers from horizon to horizon and in seemingly endless processions. They were on their way to carpet-bomb the German front line along part of the road west of St. Lô to Periers in preparation for the great breakout from the small enclave where the invasion had been bottled up for weeks. I joined the 30th Division at St. Lô immediately after the bombing and took part in the breakout known as Operation COBRA."

So the allies did use air support for the forces, but not at the beginning; that probably was because D-Day was to be kept as secret as possible, but later the French resistance informing civilians to expect bombings of German forces was more possible, and done.
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"MARVIN SMITH, COMPANY K, 120TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"An American soldier was sprawled in the middle of a field, apparently dead. Upon examination, I found instead that he was sound asleep, exhausted."

"That same night a K Company guard saw a soldier approaching in front of a tank. Thinking they were friendly troops, he ran over and grabbed him and asked, “What outfit are you with?” The soldier responded, “Aach, Americans!” Both the enemy solder and the K Company soldier turned away from each other and walked into the darkness. Such is the confusion of combat."

"I was surprised to see about 20 enemy soldiers at Battalion Headquarters who had surrendered. They were smoking American cigarettes. They all looked about 15 or 16 years old."

"The attack by K Company and another rifle company proceeded on towards the enemy, making progress of about 200 yards. Heavy enemy artillery fire and small arms fire was concentrating on our lines."

"Several K Company men were around me. We waited for the enemy to come. The next thing I knew, I heard an extremely heavy concentration of artillery shells screaming down upon us, coming from our rear, from our own friendly sector. There must have been hundreds of shells crashing all around. The noise was terrible. It was devastating. I expected death. In five minutes, it was all over."

"Soon, K Company men began straggling back. They had simply fled the devastating shell fire. They looked very sheepish, but were ready to perform again whatever orders they received. They probably had saved their own lives, however. K Company was soon ordered into yet another field with orders to defend."

"The Quartermaster set up a “bath unit” on the banks of the Vire River near Condé, and Red Cross doughnut wagons arrived in the area accom -panied by movies and USO shows. The USO shows were a particular highlight for weary GIs who could expect to be entertained by the cream of the Hollywood community with such names as Bob Hope and Bing Crosby; Judy Garland; Bette Davis; Humphrey Bogart; Lauren Bacall; Frank Sinatra; Marlene Dietrich; the Marx Brothers; Carole Landis; Jack Benny; James Cagney; James Stewart; Fred Astaire; Betty Hutton; and Lucille Ball. Musicians and singers included the Andrews Sisters, Al Jolsen, Glenn Miller, and Dinah Shore, to name but a few."
................................................................................................


"On 28 July, under the auspices of General Patton, the 4th Armored Division achieve an advance of twelve miles, which allowed them to capture the town of Coutances before pushing south to Pontaubault where they would be free temporarily of Normandy’s claustrophobic bocage. The town of Avranches was captured by the Third Army on 30 July, and on the following day, while Patton’s divisions were pushing across the Pontaubault Bridge into Brittany, the Third Army was officially activated. He then turned his divisions east, west, and south behind the German lines and stormed ahead in search of a good fight. Patton managed to perform the unprecedented feat of getting seven divisions through the Avranches-Pontaubault bottleneck in only 72 hours. This consummate grasp of logistics was going to be very useful during the coming months. The first week of August saw General Patton’s Third Army charging forcefully ahead into the recently established Avaranches breach that had now been expanded to a corridor approx imately 20 miles wide. This was wholly in keeping with the General’s characteristic “move fast, hit hard” strategy."

"The plan was that once the men of the 30th Division had established their positions at Mortain, they would then push east toward Barenton and Domfront. There was no indication at this time that a German counterattack would seriously disrupt these plans."

"MARK SCHWENDIMAN, COMPANY I, 1 19TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"The armor having driven through, the 30th continued south to Tessy sur Vire to secure the gateway, and then on 6 August, speeded by truck south to the Mortain– St. Barthelmy area. Taking over positions that had been manned by the reinforced 1st Infantry Division, the 30th found itself, without warning, engaged in a struggle for existence against four German panzer divisions. During three days and three nights of vicious fighting the 30th not only fought the German attack to a standstill, but beat it back after knocking out many of the German tanks and killing hundreds of attackers. The 30th’s losses were heavy, too. Commenting on the action immediately afterward, General Hobbs said, “ We won’t ever be in a tighter spot and survive as a division.” Division closed in to capture 172 German vehicles including 39 tanks, six of them Tigers; 70 half-tracks; 33 self-propelled guns; and 30 other vehicles. The German radio and captured German prisoners nicknamed the 30th “Roosevelt’s SS” troops, explaining the 30th is always thrown in where the going is the roughest."
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"The front line had been stabilized less than 24 hours after Operation LÜTTICH had commenced and although the battle continued for several days with von Kluge committing additional forces, the Germans didn’t manage to make any further gains. For its heroic stand during the German counterattack, the 30th Division, who were already known as the “Work Horse of the Western Front” added another nickname to its list, “The Rock of Mortain.”"
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"JOHN O’HARE, COMPANY E, 117TH INFANTRY REGIMENT

"A large part of our activity during the battle was not directed by anyone in authority. We acted freely and spontaneously to help the common cause."
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"The battle at Mortain was a decisive tactical victory for the Allies. It culminated in the entrapment of significant portions of Germany’s two western field armies in what would later become known as the Falaise Gap. They had been attacked by seasoned veterans from some of Hitler’s crack SS divisions and proved that there was something significantly different about Old Hickory."

"Even with all the other elements combined, it nevertheless was undeniable that the 30th Division had tenaciously and courageously withstood a gargantuan test of their resilience and managed to survive. The US Army’s “Workhorse” realized during those fateful summer months that they could win battles and they were capable of executing their allocated tasks with an almost unparalleled level of zeal and commitment.

"There would be many more encounters to endure before the war was over, but those first few months in the bocage effectively determined the character and composition of this division. The indomitable resolution and fortitude that they had displayed under pressure in fierce combat inspired not only the other divisions they had fought alongside, but the whole Allied effort. Praise even extended as far as certain individuals at the German high command HQ who, out of earshot of Adolf Hitler, referred to them in no uncertain terms as Roosevelt’s SS."
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"Paris was liberated on 25 August. While Third Army crossed the river Seine and entered the Marne area, on the morning of 27 August, the 117th and 119th Infantry Regiments crossed farther northeast toward to strategically significant ridge-lines that were held by the Germans. Two tough days of fighting ensued until the Germans were finally dislodged but at a heavy cost to the 743rd Tank Battalion’s Company B who lost four tanks due to enemy fire. After that action the chase was on and progress was swift and decisive. The Red Ball Express had a serious job on their hands to keep up with the rapid Allied advance. A division on the move needed 7,000 tons of supplies every day."
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"HANK STAIRS, HEADQUARTERS COMPANY, 117TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"We traveled down to Domfront, southeast of Mortain. We didn’t know it but we were part of a bigger plan to cut off the Germans. We were swinging up to close in on the Falaise Gap to cut them off. While in Domfront we were in reserve. A Red Cross donut wagon visited us and there was a jeep parked in the area with a radio. We were able to listen in on a conversation with an observation plane, one of those little Piper Cubs, that was directing artillery. He was giving a damn near blow-by-blow account of the hell that was coming down on this German column as they tried to escape. He was shouting, “Oh my God, we hit that lead truck there. They’re all backed up. They can’t go anyplace!” He gave us a firsthand account of what turned out to be a massacre!

"That pretty well finished up our combat in France after Mortain. We left the hedgerow country, which was a great relief. We went clear across France and nothing major happened. We reached the Seine, north of Paris, and the Germans destroyed many of the bridges behind them. There were still a couple of bridges foot soldiers could cross that weren’t totally disabled. We’re going east on Jerry’s tail and met sporadic resistance."
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"FRANK DENIUS, BATTERY C, 230TH FIELD ARTILLERY BATTALION"

"The 30th went on the attack toward the east of France, north of Paris. The first objectives were small towns, then we moved to protect Patton’s southwestern flank during the Battle of the Falaise Gap. After that, we moved 25 to 30 miles northwest of Paris on the Seine River. We were positioned there in late August when General de Gaulle and the French 1st Armored Division entered Paris. From there, we went through WWI territory all the way north of Paris to Belgium."
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"The initial air of triumphalism that had pervaded the Allies since the St. Lô-Falaise breakout had steadily begun to dissipate in the fresh autumnal scenery that now greeted Old Hickory’s advancing col -umns. While the British, Canadian, and Polish armies were hammering out a path up along the coast into the Dutch-speaking Flanders area of Belgium, the 30th Infantry Division spearheaded the route to Germany through the center of Belgium. Farther south, meanwhile, Patton’s Third Army had ground to a halt on 31 August just outside of Metz. This was due to the fact that his vehicles were consuming an average of 350,000 gallons of gasoline each day and the supply route was becoming overextended. The Red Ball Express was stretched to capacity in an effort to keep Patton’s men well supplied, but despite constant maligning from the general, they were struggling. On 28 August Third Army was forced to slow down when it was acknowledged that its fuel allocation was 100,000 gallons below target. There were sufficient supplies in Normandy but the Red Ball could not transport them in sufficient quantities to the Third Army’s forward units. Fuel shortages and other logistical problems were also beginning to affect the 30th Division."

They took Fort Eben-Emael easily enough, since the guns were all facing East.

"Just over the Dutch border in Maastricht the German authorities occupied themselves with rounding up strays and organizing the defense of this city. Their attempts to establish a line of defense just to the south of Maastricht with this ad hoc collection of soldiers and a few 30mm flak guns was a resounding failure; on 12 September at 1000 hours, the 117th Infantry crossed the Dutch-Belgian border. These were the first Allied troops to enter the Netherlands. After taking Maastricht on 13 September, they realized that they were getting precariously close to the German border in the east and it was generally accepted by all Allied commanders that the Germans were going to fight the hardest on their home ground."
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"While the 117th Infantry Regiment entered Maastricht and veered north, severing all roads out of the city, the 119th Infantry Regiment occupied high ground overlooking the Geul River. As expected the Germans counterattacked, but could only muster battalion strength. One of the reasons that they counterattacked so ferociously was to recover important documents from the attaché case of a German general’s aide-de-camp. Unbeknown to the Germans these papers had already been discovered and requisitioned by Lieutenant Elwood G. Daddow; they were already providing some valuable intelligence regarding the dispositions of the German 7th Army.

"One particular map among these papers indicated the location of Nazi headquarters in Maastricht, along with the command post locations of two corps and twelve divisions. The papers also gave some important insights into the reorganization of German forces as they retreated toward their own border. Rigorous attempts by Gestapo officers in Maastricht to destroy other potentially useful paperwork were thwarted by Captain Melvin Handville of the division’s Counter Intelligence Corps who literally walked in on these Nazis while they were in the process of destroying the documents. These Gestapo officers were the last remaining Germans in the city; the rest had fled and headed north during the night, blowing almost every bridge over the Meuse River as they went. Just south of there is where the countries of Belgium, Germany, and the Netherlands converge.

"At the Dutch city of Valkenberg, situated in the Geul River valley, the 1st Battalion, 120th Infantry Regiment, met some of the stiffest resistance yet encountered. On 14 September, they initiated the attack by first sending a single platoon into the town center, but before long the whole battalion had been drawn into a bitter fight. Initially they discovered a somewhat deserted town because most of the civilians were hiding in nearby caves and most of the German troops had retreated, but there were still a handful of them at the Oda Hotel in the center of town. They had remained there to guard the only remaining intact bridge over the Geul River situated near the seventeenth-century Den Halder castle.

"The Germans had earmarked the line of the Geul River as a major obstacle to the Allied advance. Some soldiers from the 1st Battalion climbed the church tower to set up a machine-gun nest and obtain a good view of the bridge. From there they noticed that the view was slightly obscured by the walls of nearby Den Halder castle. Some audacious members of the Dutch resistance expertly guided two jeeps with machine guns along the small backstreets to get a better vantage point on the bridge. Snipers from 1st Battalion were brought up; they trained their rifles on the bridge to prevent the Germans from attempting to blow it up. These efforts were all in vain because within moments of the snipers lining up their sights the Germans had detonated charges, causing an almighty explosion that blew the bridge to smithereens. In the course of the afternoon the rest of 1st Battalion arrived and captured the whole town. From there they moved out to cut off the German line of retreat on the Maastricht-Aachen road. The Dutch people had suffered terribly under German occupation. They had been starved, subjugated, and repressed for four long years. Malnutrition was ubiquitous and the unshaven, war-battered, 30th Division GIs were warmly welcomed as redeeming angels. They were greeted in Holland as they had been greeted in France by grateful cheers, kisses, and waves, but this was the last friendly encounter that they would have with civilians for a long time."

"Within three days Old Hickory had moved east from the Netherlands and was inside Germany, establishing observation posts (OPs) on the hills just west of the Wurm River, a tributary of the Rur River (also spelled Roer in Dutch and French) from where they could look down at the imposing defenses of the Siegfried Line. The initial attack there began 16 September, with the 119th Infantry Regiment on the left and the 120th Infantry on the right. Once the Siegfried Line had been reached the 117th Infantry, which was already allocated to extend the Division zone northward, would follow on the heels of the 119th. While the 1st Battalion of the 120th had managed to clear Valkenburg of its Nazis, the 120th’s 3rd Battalion continued on its mission to reach Ubachsberg by nightfall. In contrast to the labored advance of the 119th, the 120th hardly made any contact with the German defenders because, unknown to the Allies, the Germans were beating a hasty retreat."
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"In September 1944, the Germans claimed that the Siegfried Line was being defended by 25 divisions that collectively constituted around 230,000 men. This was propaganda to deter the Allies, however. In reality, many of these divisions were hastily assembled “Volkssturm” that had a reputation for fielding a high proportion of young, inexperienced boys and elderly men who were inadequately equipped, badly led, and poorly trained. Colonel Gerhard Wilck was not swayed by any altruistic considerations and was resolute in his intention to defend the old capital of the Roman Empire to the last street and to the last man."

"By the end of September, the 30th Division had successfully reached the Siegfried Line all along the entire length of its front. The bitter battle that ensued was fought in large part by the 30th Division and had commenced with an attack on the Siegfried Line south of Maastricht. It would culminate with the successful encirclement of Aachen, but there were many obstacles to overcome first. The division had a relatively short time to prepare for this new offensive.

"According to Allied intelligence, the German 7th Army was already defeated. The wrecked hulks of their tanks and trucks now littered the roadsides and dirt tracks heading east from the lowlands. The German 5th Army was retreating from the north of the Netherlands. In less than four months of fighting, most of France and Belgium had been liberated and now the Allies had reached the German border at Aachen! There were, however, ominous indications that the “honeymoon” period for the Allies would be over soon.

"Supply was still an omnipresent problem. The port of Antwerp had been captured relatively intact by the British on 4 September. It had been captured, but it wasn’t operational. The problem was that the Germans still held most of the Scheldt estuary, which controlled access to Antwerp; it was going to take another few months to clear them out so that supply convoys could physically reach the port. The advance remained overextended, however, and consequently, ammunition for artillery and mortars was becoming rationed. Allied intelligence had determined that the Germans were far from being on the verge of collapse or surrender, so there was still some hard fighting to be done. ... The US VII Corps had succeeded in penetrating one of the two lines of the Westwall that surrounded Aachen. Farther north in the Netherlands, from September 17 to the 24, two German SS divisions had thwarted Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery’s abortive attempt to outflank the Siegfried Line in the north and cross the Rhine at Arnhem. Operation MARKET-GARDEN had been an abject failure, despite Montgomery’s claim that it had been a 90 percent success."
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"GEORGE SCHNEIDER, HEADQUARTERS COMPANY, 120TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"Villages were taken one at a time during November and the first part of December while we closed the Aachen gap. Aachen was the first major German city captured by the Americans. This city of approximately 300,000 inhabitants was known hundreds of years before as Aix-la-Chapelle, the name the French still use. This was the home of Charlemagne (Charles the Great) who was emperor of the west from 800AD to 814 AD. Most of Aachen was in ruins, but the large cathe-dral where Charlemagne is buried was not destroyed. An officer and I entered the cathedral, but didn’t consider it especially interesting. All of the statues and stained glass windows had been removed so the inside was drab. We stood on Charlemagne’s tomb without realizing where we were."
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"In the city itself, meanwhile, the German soldiers were dealing with looters. Two 14-year-old boys were arrested and sentenced to be shot by firing squad in public."
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Aachen fell on 21st October, 1944.

"After Aachen fell, VII Corps and the 1st Infantry Division formally thanked the 30th for its vital work in enabling the city to be taken, and the Division received widespread media recognition for its part in this vital battle. Sometime later, in the last week of October, Major General Clarence R. Huebner of the 1st Division appeared unannounced at a 119th regimental outpost and introduced himself to the surprised soldiers there. He said “I wish you’d get it around to your people that we never could have taken Aachen without your help.”"

"At 1205 hours on 21 October, it was all over. That evening before sunset, GIs swept through every corner of the city, rounding up 1,600 German POWs as they went. Colonel Wilck and his headquarters staff, defiant to the very end, were nevertheless taken prisoner."

"The 30th Division, since the start of the Aachen campaign on 2 October, had incurred almost 3,000 casualties and taken 6,000 prisoners, which was a testament to the ferocity of the fighting that they had endured up until that point. They claimed to have destroyed 20 German tanks: 12 destroyed by 105mm howitzers; five by supporting tanks and tank destroyers; and three by bazookas. The 1st Infantry Division’s casualties were heaviest in two of the battalions of the 26th Infantry Regiment and totaled 498. On occasion the battles in the 30th Division sector had assumed the character of an armored duel, although it had primarily involved infantry units. Both sides had tank support and few units, German or American, experienced much success unless supporting tanks were on hand. By their own count, the Germans lost 45 tanks."

"GEORGE SCHNEIDER, HEADQUARTERS COMPANY, 120TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"Even though Aachen, the first major city in Germany, had fallen, there was still serious work to do. The way ahead was not going to be easy for the Allies. After arriving in the Aachen sector in mid-October, General der Panzertrupppen Hasso Freiherr von Manteuffel and his 5th Panzer Army staff had organized a comprehensive digging program involving the troops, some men of Organization Todt, boys of the Hitler Youth, and the civilian population. Extensive minefields were laid, both in front of the main line and on approaches to second, third, and fourth lines of defense. Arrangements were made with the 7th Army about controlling the water level of the Roer River by utilizing the Roer River dams, most of which were still undamaged. During the three weeks in which the 5th Panzer Army commanded the Aachen sector, it organized an impressive battle position, complete with several lines of defense, coordinated artillery positions, barbed wire entanglements, minefields, and anti-tank obstacles. Now it was just a question of establishing when the Allies would strike."
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The first couple of pages of chapter six describe next moves planned by Generals Eisenhower, Bradley, Montgomery - with some objections by General Patton noted - and the differences they had; to anyone whos watched A Bridge Too Far, mentioned in this book before, what's coming is anticipated, and so a reader expects more.

"Since 19 September, the 1st Infantry Division, along with the 3rd Armored Division, had been making forays into an area between the cities of Aachen, Düren, and Monschau known as the Hürtgen Forest. Lieutenant General Courtney Hodges had personally authorized and endorsed this action for the purpose of eliminating German resistance there. It wasn’t even debated at the time that entering those densely forested primordial woods of tall fir trees, deep gorges, high ridges, and narrow trails area would eradicate all tactical advantages that the US forces had employed since the battles in Normandy. The canopy of the forest was so thick that when the GIs ventured in, they were in almost pitch darkness after about 30 yards. This also meant that it was nearly impossible to operate at anything above squad strength. The situation was exacerbated by the strong German defenses located deep in the forest and protected by pillboxes from the Siegfried Line.

"American units were furnished with maps that didn’t accurately show the steep contours of this region, and when the attacks bogged down, no one above the rank of captain ever went to see what the problem was. For the unfortunate infantry the forest presented a hellish tableau full of booby traps, mines, tree bursts, and an enemy determined to thwart their every move."

"General Hodges delegated the job of clearing out the forest to Major General Leonard T. Gerow’s V Corps. Gerow, in turn, passed the mission on to Major General Norman D. Cota’s 28th Infantry Division. It cost the 28th Division, whose red keystone shoulder patch became known as the “Bloody Bucket,” almost 80 percent of its number and even then the task wasn’t successfully accomplished."

"While the 28th Infantry Division endured the stalemate in the Hürtgen Forest, US divisions in and around Aachen prepared for a drive to the Rhine River. ... When General Eisenhower met Field Marshal Montgomery and General Bradley in Brussels on 18 October to discuss future plans, he once again hammered home his idea of the “broad-front” strategy. Eisenhower had first proposed this idea after the St. Lô-Falaise breakout. Patton had disagreed vociferously with the suggestion. General Eisenhower and his advisers suggested that with winter fast approaching, the best policy might be to hold in place, then to launch a final victorious offensive in the early spring.

"The problem for many Allied commanders was Eisenhower’s credibility as a strategist. Although he was a respected and much admired leader, his emphasis was usually more inclined toward maintaining the equilibrium among his commanders rather than initiating bold military strategies. The problem for many Allied commanders was Eisenhower’s credibility as a strategist. The “wait until spring” idea was not received well and eventually three mitigating factors helped dissuade Eisenhower from this course of action. First, due to the attritional nature of the fighting, the German army was incurring casualties of up to 4,000 per day. Second, a winter sojourn would give the new German divisions time to train, prepare these troops for combat, and enable German industrial production to turn out more tanks and guns. Third, a sizeable pause in the fighting might enable the Germans to accelerate their jet production and discover the proximity fuse that would enable them to blast Allied bombers out of the skies.

"Although Bradley and Montgomery’s opinions on how to proceed were diametrically opposed, Montgomery still fervently supported the idea of his Allied spearhead in the north supported by US divisions. Bradley wasn’t particularly enamored with this idea. Supply was an omnipresent problem for the Allies so before he could begin any concerted thrust east, Montgomery had to clear German forces out of the Walcheren peninsula west of Antwerp, which would drastically shorten supply lines. Eisenhower knew that a push to the Ruhr River was an imperative. He had even made plans for this before the Allied invasion of Normandy. The Ruhr valley was the pumping heart of Germany’s industrial might; moreover, the Allies wanted an economic objective that, if achieved, would substantially hinder Germany’s means of continuing the war. If they could capture the Ruhr industrial area this would effectively deprive Germany of 65 percent of its production of crude steel and 56 percent of its coal.

"It was tentatively agreed that the British 21st Army Group would attack east of Eindhoven and head towards the Ruhr to establish bridgeheads over the Rhine and Ijssel Rivers. Hodges’s First Army would make the main thrust in the center for the 12th Army Group. He would be charged with the task of establishing a bridgehead across the Rhine south of Cologne. Lieutenant General William Hood Simpson’s Ninth Army would protect the First Army’s left flank between Sittard and Aachen until the Ruhr was crossed, and then they intended to veer northeastward toward Krefeld. Bradley had repositioned the Ninth between the First Army and the 21st Army Group on 22 October to avoid them from being requisitioned by Montgomery. According to Bradley the motivation for doing this had no tactical basis other than to prevent Montgomery from using the veteran First Army for his own purposes. After weeks of meticulous planning the attack was finally launched toward the Roer River.

"The 30th Division, meanwhile, was given the job of eliminating the German salient that jutted out west toward Aachen. Their flanks would be protected by the 29th Infantry Division in the north and the newly-arrived 104th Infantry Division (“Timberwolves”) in the south. While the 119th Infantry Regiment remained in Würselen, the 117th and 120th Infantry Regiments lined up between Alsdorf and Euchen. Patrols in that vicinity didn’t encounter any serious German opposition, so everything was set for the standard military advance. This reconnaissance established that the German line ran along the line of a railway embankment. The “Work Horse of the Western Front” was going to have to work for it again."

But - having built up the anticipation - Battle of the Bulge precedes Operation Market Garden. This after all is about the 30th, who were at the Battle of the Bulge, but not involved in Market Garden.

One point a reader here might begin to notice unless a professional historian, is that most accounts of the Battle of the Bulge are usually centred around Bastogne, which is well deserved, of course, but here one reads about other just as well deserved battles and encounters, and begins to know of other important points that the Battle of the Bulge was fought around - Stavelot, for example - and most of all, Baugnez and Malmédy. This part is hardly ever spoken about, perhaps as a matter of policy, because immediately after the war and even as Nuremberg trials were proceeding, cold war was on, and any public knowledge about the Malmédy massacre by the S.S., of eighty U.S. soldiers who had fought and surrendered, would turn the U.S. people into far more fiercely anti German than the horror evoked by the exposing of extermination camps.
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"On 21 November, the 30th Division moved out at night, charged with the task of clearing out Ninth Army’s inner wing near the original line of departure and during the initial assault they gained 3-1/2 miles. The 120th Infantry Regiment and its attached 743rd Tank Battalion quickly overran five villages. The 120th Infantry’s most advanced position ended just four miles from the Roer. They had encountered some sporadic resistance but there were no concerted German counterattacks to dissuade them from their trajectory.

" ... Rumors began to circulate that the Germans were massing forces just east of the Rhine, but there was no serious intelligence at the time to substantiate these claims. ... By 30 November, Old Hickory had accomplished its contribution in the historic drive to the Ruhr River and in the process they had incurred 160 men killed and 1,058 wounded."

"On the whole, the drive to the Ruhr had been a disappointing maneuver because although quite a bit of territory was claimed by the Allies, they hadn’t really been able to exploit these minor victories sufficiently. Hemmed in by a checkerboard of villages and towns, it had been a slogging match that hadn’t really enabled the US forces to break out into open ground. They had now set themselves up, moreover, with the daunting task of actually crossing the Ruhr River at a future point in time. Farther south in the Hürtgen Forest, torrential rain and mud had all but brought the advance there to a halt. The whole area was simply not conducive to the Allied way of fighting. To the right of the town of Schmidt in the Hürtgen Forest, the Schwammenauel Dam was still intact as were many of the dams that supplied the Ruhr industrial zone. Between 4 and 11 December, the RAF dropped approximately 2,000 tons of bombs on these dams, but hadn’t managed to breach any of them and had been largely ineffectual. Calling for air support in the Hürtgen was often counterproductive because of the dense canopy, so it was all left to the infantry to do the hard work."
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"General Patton had casually mentioned that the Germans were still capable of mounting a powerful offensive if they wanted to, but nobody at SHAEF suspected that a counterattack would occur in this sector. Patton had positioned his whole Third Army in the Alsace region in northern France because if the attack came he assumed that it would happen there. He based his assumptions on the fact that this area had indeed changed hands on a number of occasions during the previous hundred years. Alsace looked like any other southern German place with its half-timbered houses and cobbled streets. Many there still spoke German and referred to Alsace by its German name, Das Elsass. The Germans knew the terrain there all too well. They had targeted the area in 1940 but whether or not it would be suitable for a new offensive remained to be seen."

"A particular problem for the Allies at this time was the glaring lack of accurate and verifiable intelligence regarding the buildup of German forces in the west. Bletchley Park had intercepted communications that indicated that some German divisions were being moved west from the Russian front, but no one at SHAEF regarded this information as anything more than an indication that they were preparing to defend their homeland when the Allies went on the offensive again in February 1945. Even when two German prisoners were inadvertently captured by the 28th Infantry Division on the Luxembourg/Germany border, no one believed their claims that a massive German counteroffensive was imminent. Some days prior to the attack, the German armies had imposed radio silence on all their units; although some US division commanders suspected that something was afoot, there was still no definitive intelligence to corroborate this.

"At 0530 hours on 16 December, however, their suspicions proved right. Along an 89-mile front that stretched from Monschau on the southwestern edge of the Hürtgen Forest all the way down to Echternach in the south of Luxembourg, a tirade of German wrath was unleashed against unsuspecting GIs as barrages from at least 657 artillery pieces, along with 340 rocket launchers, thundered into the murky pre-dawn skies and crashed among the unsuspecting thin green line of US troops there.

"Over at First Army HQ in Spa, General Omar Bradley received the news with incredulity. He wasn’t the only one who didn’t consider this to be an all-out offensive, but as the day wore on it was evident that these were most definitely not simple probing attacks. As German 88s and Nebelwerfers reaped havoc among front-line US divisions, word reached the 30th that something serious was going on down in the Ardennes. Three German armies had attacked simultaneously along the whole line there. In the northern sector they were primarily SS units, some of which had been specially imported from the eastern front solely for this offensive. These battle-hardened veterans were not afraid of cold temperatures and were spoiling for a fight with the intrusive Americans."

"The 30th was also battle-hardened; most of them had taken on SS troops before and come out on top. ... In addition to being pitted against the SS, there would be an enemy with which they had already had some experience, but not to this extent. The weather would be more debilitating in the Ardennes than anything they had dealt with before. The November rains had caused cases of trench-foot and hypothermia throughout the ranks, but nothing could have prepared them for what was in store when they reached the Ardennes region of Belgium."

"The 30th Reconnaissance Troop and the 119th Infantry Regiment led the way, arriving in the vicinity of the Belgian town of Malmédy by 1630 hours on 17 December. They were closely followed by the 117th and 120th Infantry Regiments, the 120th having turned over their sector to the 29th Infantry Division moments before they hit the road. The long regimental columns interspersed with tanks and tank destroyers meandered south almost unopposed. A couple of stray German fighter planes dropped a few flares on the columns. It was about this time that the ominous tones of Axis Sally could be heard on frequent broadcasts informing the troops mockingly that, “The fanatical 30th Division, Roosevelt’s SS, was going to save First Army.”"

"The 1st SS-Panzer Division “Liebstandarte SS Adolf Hitler” led the advance into the Amblève River valley and collided with the 30th Division. LAH was part of General Josef “Sepp” Dietrich’s 6th Panzer Army. Dietrich was a committed Nazi, and while other German commanders secretly muttered their disapproval of Hitler’s plan, Dietrich supported it wholeheartedly. Such was his enthusiasm for the plan that the Germans called “WACHT AM RHEIN” (Guard on the Rhine) that Hitler gave him the task of leading the “spearhead” toward Antwerp. The unit on point was known as Kampfgruppe (battle group) Peiper. Its leader, Obersturmbannführer (lieutenant colonel) Joachim Peiper, was a handsome 29-year-old veteran with a fearsome reputation for being very thorough when in combat. He had served as an adjutant on Heinrich Himmler’s staff before commanding various panzer units attached to the 1st SS-Panzer Division. Peiper was Himmler’s “blue-eyed boy” and Himmler always maintained a fervent interest in Peiper’s military career.

"On the eastern front, his unit had been known as the “Blowtorch Battalion.” The “blowtorch” reference came from their overly enthusiastic use of flamethrowers. Their method of fighting had been brutal and merciless. They would capture a Russian village, burn everything to cinders, and kill everything with a pulse."

"The following day brought more problems for Kampfgruppe Peiper. Unable to take the route that he had intended, combined with the dogged resistance of the 99th and 2nd Infantry Divisions, his unit was effectively funneled into an area where he didn’t want to be, the Amblève valley. Peiper’s command was used to fighting in the vast open spaces of the Russian plains where it was possible to maneuver. His unit was not designed to be confined to the narrow and constricting roads; small villages and towns; hilly terrain; and the densely-wooded boreal forests of the Amblève valley. Peiper, moreover, harbored a festering dislike for Sepp Dietrich, the butcher’s son from Bavaria. By that stage in the war Dietrich was an alcoholic who rarely exhibited the necessary lucidity required to orchestrate a major offensive. He’d become no more than a Nazi sycophant who acquiesced willingly to his Führer.

"When the 30th Division arrived the following day to take on Kampf-gruppe Peiper in the Amblève area, they discovered that the task force from the 99th had already been involved in a fierce running battle with the SS. Brigadier General Harrison, the 30th’s assistant division commander, instructed the 117th Infantry Regiment to continue on and secure the towns of Malmédy and Stavelot. The 119th Infantry Regiment stopped at Hauset, just inside the Belgian border, and bedded down for the night. A task force from the 99th Infantry Division was also ordered to go to Malmédy. They arrived there at 2130 hours and found that 60 men from the 291st Engineer Combat Battalion had already set up some roadblocks and were laying mines south of Stavelot. Within two hours of arriving on the scene the task force became embroiled in a vicious firefight with leading elements of Kampf-gruppe Peiper.

"The 1st SS-Panzer Division and Kampfgruppe Peiper had been given the instruction by 6th Panzer Army commander, Josef “Sepp” Dietrich, to subjugate all opposition by whatever means. This was a thinly-veiled order to indulge in a killing spree and take no prisoners. Perhaps the most infamous example of these orders being followed to the letter occurred at the Baugnez crossroads on 17 December. On that fateful winter’s day in 1944, the spearhead of Peiper’s Kampfgruppe executed more than 80 American GIs in cold blood, while more than 40 escaped the slaughter. It is generally agreed that at approximately 1300 hours on 17 December 1944, the lead vehicles of Kampfgruppe Peiper’s 15-mile-long column approached the crossroad at Baugnez, a few miles north of the town of Malmédy. They ran into a small American convoy of 26 vehicles belonging to Battery B, 285th Field Artillery Observation Battalion (FAOB) that had been sent down from Germany to join the 7th Armored Division near St. Vith. A short but violent firefight ensued, and the men of the FAOB, lacking any heavy weapons to defend themselves and after taking casualties, decided to surrender. They didn’t have the option to retreat back down the road to Malmédy because engineers had felled trees behind them that toppled in a lattice pattern on the road, making it virtually impassable. As the exchange of fire subsided, the GIs were told to lay down their weapons, whereupon they were herded into a nearby field next to a structure known as the Café Bodarwe.

"According to eyewitnesses, half-tracks and tanks from Kampfgruppe Peiper pulled up opposite the field where the surrendered Americans were gathered. The SS were seen loading their weapons, then the SS troops suddenly opened up with pistols and machine guns on the US prisoners standing in what would become known as the “Massacre Field.” GIs crumpled to the ground while terrified US soldiers who were not hit in the initial fusillade suddenly began to run. There was more fire and additional prisoners fell screaming to the ground. Within a matter of a few minutes, pools of blood and writhing bodies littered the field. Then a small group of SS men began to walk among the injured and the dead, with their pistols out. Any bodies that showed signs of life were instantly dispatched by the SS; personal valuables such as watches were taken from the dead Americans. ... Despite what has been written by other historians, there is indisputable proof that many of the casualties at Baugnez suffered close-proximity head wounds, which concurs with reports by survivors that many of the wounded were shot point blank. Escapees who made their way back to the 291st Engineer positions in Malmédy would later tell their stories and those quickly made their way through the American ranks, steeling GI resolve to blunt the German assault, and fueling their abhorrence of the SS."

"General Bradley, meanwhile, had given orders to move First Army’s headquarters south to Luxembourg. Bradley now fully comprehended that this was no minor enemy incursion; it was an all-out counterattack by a determined enemy. Down in Luxembourg Bradley would be in closer proximity to Patton’s Third Army and he understood well that when push came to shove Patton would never evade a potential fight."

"HANK STAIRS, HEADQUARTERS COMPANY, 117TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"Sunday, 18 December 1944. Fast forward. Our battalion captured the town and controlled the Stavelot bridge, cutting off Peiper’s supply line. The Battle of the Bulge continued."
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"Farther west, the 30th Division’s attack was gathering momentum, supported by IX and XXIX Tactical Air Commands, who had joined the fight and were proving their worth. Planes from the 365th Fighter Group, reinforced by the 390th Squadron (366th) and the 506th Squadron (404th), swooped down on German armor wherever they could find it. They even made it over to Stavelot where they tipped the balance in favor of the US forces there. This wasn’t entirely the old pattern of air superiority repeating itself like it had in Normandy because the ground troops still had to deal with the lion’s share of the fighting on the ground."

"By dawn 19 December, the 30th Division’s line extended over 17 miles and there was almost constant fighting along each mile of the front. The SS were as determined to reach the river Meuse as the 30th Division was to prevent them from doing precisely that. Due to the unfavorable terrain Kampf-gruppe Peiper was severely restricted in their ability to maneuver effectively enough to deploy their superior tanks. Those hills and trees were causing increasing claustrophobia for the SS column as 30th Division units and 82nd Airborne Division effectively occupied the high ground and lobbed mortar and bazooka shells onto the winding trails at the base of the valley."

"Horrendous freezing weather conditions didn’t help the situation for either side as temperatures plummeted and blizzards began to blow through the Ardennes, forming snow drifts deep enough to cover a man."
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"In addition to the miserable weather conditions, the GIs began to hear about another potential menace. Rumors abounded that there were German SS troops wearing American uniforms and, according to reports, they were all over the Ardennes. This was a major exaggeration, but there were indeed some German troops who were thus attired. They were known as members of the Panzer Brigade 150 (or Brandenburger Brigade) and had approximately 2000 men in the unit. It was claimed that 150 of these men could speak perfect English. Sometime after the war, Lieutenant Colonel Otto Skorzeny described their mission, called Operation GRIEFF (Griffon), as an unmitigated disaster. He added that most of this specially chosen 150 were incapable of putting three English words together in a sentence. Skorzeny simply hadn’t had the time to train them up to his high standard. They used captured Allied equipment (particularly tanks and jeeps), uniforms, identification papers, that had been hurriedly accumulated at the front and sent to Skorzeny’s headquarters. Although he was personally very dismissive of the effectiveness of these troops, the psychological effect on the Allies was quite profound. Skorzeny was known as “Hitler’s Assassin” and had indeed been quite successful in the past. He had rescued Mussolini from the Italians, conducted various clandestine operations, and when the Hungarian Regent, Admiral Miklós von Nagybánya Horthy began to show signs of questionable loyalty by declaring an end to the war, Skorzeny was dispatched to Budapest to kidnap Horthy’s son. As a direct result of this, Horthy was forced to revoke his declarations and abdicate."

" ... Disguised jeep parties did go into action with varying degrees of success on 16 December, but the Brandenburger Brigade would be engaged as a unit only in a single and abortive skirmish near Malmédy five days later. One particular bazooka man took the initiative on one occasion to fire a direct hit at a jeep carrying four GIs. It was a gamble that worked because all the jeeps occupants were indeed Germans wearing GI uniforms. The bazooka man had taken the shot purely on the premise that regulations restricted the number of passengers to two, and that jeep, driver included was carrying four which, in his opinion made it a justifiable target."
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"Rumors abounded that the SS were massacring civilians as they pushed west. When American soldiers occupied the western perimeter of Stavelot and entered the villages of Ster, Renardmont and Parfondruy, they discovered gruesome confirmation that the German troops, who had occupied these places, had indiscriminately murdered innocent civilians. In the homes and outlying buildings of these localities, the GIs saw the irrefutable evidence of these atrocities with their own eyes. They counted the dead bodies of 117 men, women, and children, all killed by small arms fire."

And yet GÜNTER ADAM, 9TH SS-PANZER DIVISION “HOHENSTAUFEN”, who is quoted quite a bit in this book, when spat at by two young girls in Mortain vicinity, as they saw him captured by U.S. forces, describes them as spiteful for no reason.

"Two young girls of about 17 or 18 years old emerged from a farmhouse nearby. They stood and stared, then spat at us. This spiteful attitude only served to aggravate the already loaded atmosphere as the threatening situation developed into a dangerous one."

Never occurred to him that most of the world did not subscribe to the Nazi ideoĺgy he'd been indoctrinated with, convenient for him and his, which had taught them they could murder and loot and torture anyone for no reason other than the victims being of a different race or nation. 
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"At 0300 hours on 24 December Kampfgruppe Peiper, now reduced to approximately 800 men led by Peiper himself, had surreptitiously slipped away from La Gleize under cover of darkness. Major McCowan (commander of a battalion in the 119th Infantry, captured on 21 December while assaulting Stoumont) was the only one of the 171 American prisoners in La Gleize to go with the column. The rest were simply left there in the basement beneath the former Town Hall. At the commencement of his great drive to the Meuse River, Kampfgruppe Peiper consisted of 5,800 men that were later augmented by an additional battalion from the SS-Panzer-Grenadier Regiment 2. Now, there were only 800 left to sneak back through the woods to their own lines. As he moved back east he was forced to abandon 80 wounded in the Château de Froid-Cour and just over 300 in La Gleize.

"The tally in abandoned and destroyed German armor totaled around 87 tanks; 70 half-tracks; at least 14 flak wagons; 25 75mm assault guns and 105mm and 150mm self-propelled howitzers; plus trucks and smaller vehicles."

"Peiper later disclosed to Major McCowan that seven of the prisoners there had been shot while attempting to escape."

"After the Battle of the Bulge, Joachim Peiper spent a while in a German hospital recuperating from this traumatic experience. Behind his unit in the Belgian Ardennes lay a trail of murder and destruction on a scale that had never been experienced in this previously sedate part of Belgium. He would eventually be brought to account for his transgressions, but first the Nazis had to be defeated. Roosevelt’s SS had once again checked the real SS, but their fight wasn’t over yet. They had spent the past few weeks on the defensive, but now they were gearing up to chase the Nazis right back to the German border and beyond."

"A massive pincer movement involving the First and Third Armies had finally squeezed the German forces into submission and forced them well back behind the Siegfried Line from where they started. The two US armies met at the town of Houffalize on 16 January, and by 28 January, the Germans had been pushed back to their original starting line beyond the Belgian and Luxembourg borders. It had been the largest land battle ever fought by US forces; by the time it was over more than 600,000 US troops had reached the Ardennes. Old Hickory’s fight in the Belgian Ardennes was over, but their war was destined to continue, and to a man, they were hoping it would all be over soon."
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"The imposing bridge at Remagen had been taken intact by the 9th Armored Division between 7 and 8 March 1945, enabling US forces to establish a bridgehead on the eastern side of the Rhine. Ninth Army now held the west bank of the Rhine, from the south of Düsseldorf to the mouth of the Lippe River at Wesel."

"Montgomery was a fastidious and meticulous planner who rarely considered any offensive unless the odds were decidedly in his favor, and this time they most definitely were.

"The Germans were now finding themselves the disagreeable target of a massive pincer movement with General Patton’s Third Army attacking from the south; Ninth Army attacking from the east; and British and Canadian Allies bearing down from the north. ... They were, moreover, insufficient to the task of defending the whole northern sector against the inevitable Allied tsunami now coming in from the west.

"The Old Hickorymen were again given a vital role in the planned assault that would cover an area approximately five miles wide, which was roughly the textbook standard for a division front in WWII. First, a massive artillery bombardment lit the skies in one of the most impressive and powerful barrages of WWII. Then zero hour arrived and the GIs quietly made their way down to the riverside with tracer bullets whizzing above their heads. Just to the north of the 30th Division’s position, under cover of darkness, British commandos removed the safety catches on their weapons and at 2200 hours they stealthily boarded the boats that would carry them to the west bank of the Rhine."

"FRANK DENIUS, BATTERY C, 230TH FIELD ARTILLERY BATTALION"

"There were a lot of German soldiers moving west because they wanted to be captured by the Americans, not the Russians."
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"The Old Hickory habit of riding tanks into battle to get to the enemy faster was repeated for one final time, and by 1730 hours, the way ahead had been completely cleared of German troops. Within 24 hours of crossing the Rhine, the 30th Division had advanced over six miles. On top of that, their engineers had stunned division command again and completed a bridge across the Rhine in just nine hours."

"The German response to the Allied assault had been to commit the 116th Panzer Division that had faced the 30th Division on numerous occasions in the past months. ... The 116th had practically welcomed the final opportunity to pitch themselves against their old adversaries in the 30th Division. While other Allied divisions raced ahead, the 30th remained in place to take on the 116th Panzer Division and eradicate them once and for all. The reputation of the 116th with their own army wasn’t quite as illustrious as it was with the Allies. They were frequently accused by German generals of turning up unprepared to fight.

" ... But by 18 April 1945, there was a definite cessation of all resistance in the Ruhr Pocket, and the remnants of the 116th Division, along with their commanding officer, surrendered to the US Ninth Army."

"Despite difficulties encountered while facing off against the 116th Panzer Division and attempting to break out to the east, the ground and amphibious operations proved to be a resounding success and a veritable testament to the iron discipline and expertise of the 30th Division. Unfortunately, the airborne part of the attack, Operation VARSITY, hadn’t fared so well.

"A total of 1,111 Allied soldiers had been killed during the day’s fighting. In comparison, on D-Day, the 101st Airborne Division had lost 182 killed and the 82nd Airborne Division 158. Operation VARSITY, executed on 24 March 1945, was the single worst day for Allied airborne troops in WWII. Much of the damage inflicted on the airborne was due to the well-prepared German AA defenses that protected the Ruhr area. It was a staggering blow, nevertheless, to the final airborne assault of the war in the west."
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"Now that the Rhine had been crossed, Field Marshal Montgomery gave new orders that would guide the Ninth Army across the north German plain toward the Elbe River, deep inside Germany. Four Allied armies had successfully negotiated the last great barrier and now they could begin thrusting into the German heartland. On 1 April, Adolf Hitler responded to the rapid Allied advance by issuing a proclamation calling on all Germans to become “Werewolves” to prey on Allied troops, Jews, and those Germans who cooperated with Allied forces. Despite the late date of this statement, Hitler was serious. Despite the collapsing German defense, 30th blood would continue to be spilled along the rapid advance into the German heartland."
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"The next item on the agenda for the 30th Division was the attack and capture of the city of Magdeburg that occurred in April 1945. This was to be the final action of the 30th Division before they reached the Elbe River. On the morning of 16 April, the 120th Infantry Regiment was ordered to make preparations to attack the city. While those preparations were underway, an attempt was made to obtain an unconditional surrender from the German staff, but at this juncture they were still reluctant to sign. Initial plans to send one regiment to attack Magdeburg were discarded and replaced with new directives to involve two divisions whose assault would be preceded by a massive air strike. Artillery units encircled Magdeburg to provide close support for the attack. Just a few days prior to the attack a horrifying discovery had been made in the forest beside the small town of Farsleben."
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"FRANK TOWERS, COMPANY M, 120TH INFANTRY REGIMENT"

"Upon entering and capturing the village, no German soldiers were found who may have been intent on setting up an ambush when we appeared. The lead elements of the 743rd Recon, however, discovered a long freight train on the railroad track, which had been guarded by several Nazi guards. The engine was standing ready with a full head of steam and awaiting orders. The guards and the train crew fled the area as soon as they realized that they were well outnumbered, although they were rounded up in a short time.

"While the train crew was awaiting orders where to go, many of the occupants of some of the passenger cars had dismounted and were relaxing on the ground near the train.

"This train which contained about 2,500 Jews, had a few days previously left the Bergen-Belsen death camp. Men, women, and children were all loaded into a few available railway cars, some passenger and some freight, but mostly the typical antiquated freight cars, termed as “40 & 8.” WWI terminology, this signified that these cars would accommodate 40 men or 8 horses.

"They were crammed into all available space and the freight cars were packed with about 60–70 of the Jewish Holocaust victims, with standing room only for most of them, so that they were packed in like sardines.

"Why those people had not been exterminated earlier we never did learn. The Nazis, however, were attempting to move them out of Bergen-Belsen so that the advancing Allied army would not see the condition of this mass of frail humanity, if it could be called that. They had been moved eastward from the camp to the Elbe River, where they were informed that it would not be advisable to proceed farther because of the rapidly advancing Russian army. The train then reversed direction and proceeded to Farsleben, where they were then told that they were heading into the advancing American army. The train halted at Farsleben and was awaiting further orders as to where to go next. The engineers had then received their orders: to drive the train onto the bridge over the Elbe River and either blow it up or just drive it off the end of the damaged bridge, with all of the cars of the train crashing into the river, and killing or drowning all of the occupants. The engineers were having some second thoughts about this action, as they would be hurtling themselves to death, too. This is the point at which they were discovered, just shortly after the leading elements of the 743rd Tank Battalion arrived on the scene.

"The men of the 743rd Tank Battalion and the 119th Regiment, who discovered this train, could not believe what they were seeing, nor what they had upon their hands at this moment. Upon speaking to some of those victims, a few of whom could speak a little English, they began to learn what they had uncovered.

"We had heard of the cruel treatment that the Nazis had been handing out to Jews and political opponents of the Nazi regime, whom they had enslaved, but we thought that it was propaganda and slightly exaggerated. As we went along, it became more apparent that this barbaric savagery was actually true. The stories of German inhumanity were being corroborated before our own eyes. The condition of these people had deteriorated to the lowest level imaginable.

"Of primary importance was getting food, water, and medical assistance to these victims. Our 105th Medical Battalion was called upon to survey the group and provide immediate attention to those most in need. The 823rd Tank Destroyer Battalion commander, Lt. Col. Dettmer, immediately contacted the Burgomeister of Farsleben, and without any hesitation, ordered the Burgomeister to order his citizens to gather up all of the food, clothing, soap, and sanitary supplies, to help these victims. Second, they were ordered to offer them any housing facilities that were available, particularly for the elderly and those families with children.

"The German people caused these victims to be in the situation in which they were found, so it was felt that it was their responsibility to rectify what they had done to them over the past five years. At first they rebelled at these orders, but upon the threat of execution of the Burgomeister, and with a pistol held to his head, the citizens of Farsleben complied and went about the task that they had been ordered to do.

"At this time the Burgomeister began to cooperate, and told his citizens to take some of these Jews into their homes and give them some comfort, which they did, very grudgingly. This was the first taste of “Home” for many of them after some months or years of inhuman incarceration.

"After loading up these Jewish victims on our trucks and navigating the convoy over a circuitous route, we arrived at the designated site in Hillersleben, where their custody was turned over to the American Military Government for further processing."
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Magdeburg was taken by 30th Division after two days of fight.

"On 18th April 1945, the war in Europe had witnessed it's last battle.

On 25th April the western allied forces met Russians in the vicinity of Torgau, and on 4th May while the two generals sat down together at dinner, word came that Germans had agreed to unconditional surrender.
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November 24, 2019 - January 5, 2020.
ISBN 978-1-61200-301-6
Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-61200-302-3
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