First and mostly, one might be grateful for being able to read this account of three decades of life of the author as an intelligence officer, at all. That it was allowed to be published seems a miracle, and while India is not an iron curtain or bamboo curtain state, such an account published even from someone of similar stature in UK or US would be just as much a reason for a reader to marvel at being able to read about what goes on behind the veils of government workings and politics.
Not that the author exposes what must not be done, and he often enough makes it clear explicitly. Still, there is much in terms of facts not generally known to public as such, and even while one discounts for subjective opinions and feelings of the author, one is quite astounded and daunted reading this account. That makes up for the few shortcomings of the writing to begin with, even though one comes across them all the while as one reads.
One such not so serious shortcoming is about language and small mistakes therein, which a good editor could have corrected. For that matter often writings of this nature are helped immensely by use of a professional writer so it is easier to read, too, but then both or either of these would have detracted from the original purpose of the book, which was to publish the manuscript as it was written by the author and found by his son.
Amongst other details that emerge here enabling a reader to see the picture in detail, an important one is about how the party that ruled for most of almost seven decades played it for power by hook or by crook post Nehru era. Apart from politics played in various states, and especially in the sensitive border states, all the more so in sensitive border states of Punjab and in Northeast, one single but horrendous detail that stands out is re protests sparked by infamous Mandal commission report that the government in late eighties attempted to implement.
It was obvious to anyone who watched the protests in Delhi by young students that the first boy who supposedly immolated himself and died, really did nothing of the sort - he was desperately trying to survive and was not allowed to; it is unimaginable that his fellow students would do anything but save him, do everything possible to save him, so it was obvious something else was afoot.
Dhar tells the readers, categorically, about the Indira congress conspiracy behind this - how they had promised to save him, told him to wear three trousers which he did, and then double crossed him reneging on their promises to save him, by pouring fuel rather than water on him (reminds one of the Lahore fire department pouring fuel instead of water on Hindu homes during partition when their neighbours and general Muslim mobs set fire to Hindu homes); this callousness by congress about lives of innocent Indian citizens is not new in view of all Dhar discloses, especially re Punjab, even re intelligence operatives, but does somehow stand above, being about a hapless young boy unsuspecting about congress using his (completely unintended by him) death to return to power.
And since by this time the party was a single family rule, one loses any vestiges of sympathy for those that were then and have been since at the helm.
Of course the most horrifying disclosure comes at the end, shedding a very different light on a late prime minister of India who was known more for his learned persona than for a questionable act at any time. That Dhar was punished for what was a confusion and blunder of several other characters in the drama despite his altogether correct behaviour, both in interests of his nation and in terms of official proprieties, only horrifies one more.
But then this last one is only one explicit wrong committed by political needs is amply clear in light of the various security lapses allowed by the so called or self termed secular parties in sphere of national security and awareness re operatives of terror export nations infiltrating agents in India, both via illegal migrations with aim of taking over whole territories and terror strikes via official visitors who simply disappear in the nation due to laxity on part of authorities in various states tom-tomming their secular credentials, as directed by the political leaders of the so called secular parties.
In this larger picture and the specific last incident both, while some officials might be to blame such as the IB boss in the last incident who was far less than required for his post, most blame lies with the political leaders who direct and decide policies re intelligence and security, as is also amply clear from this account. If police and intelligence operatives were used by the said so called secular political leaders for spying on opposition and told not to bother the agents of the terror export nation, they cannot be much faulted for towing the line in interest of their families' security and well being, and not wishing to be threatened physically or terminated wrongfully.
One surprising little detail one could mention is about how this author, like Guha, another of his community - Bengali - who is officially a historian, is about how both are so surprisingly so incorrect in something one would expect any Indian with a bringing up in India, and all the more so a Hindu, to know better about.
Both these well educated people state Krishna as being from Gujarat, which in light of how steeped in Krishna lore India is for millennia, is astounding. But Dhar had another surprising lack of awareness regarding the epic Mahabhaarata, which is that he does not recall Naagaas or Nagas being mentioned in Mahaabhaarata - and he should, since one of the most favourite names for a male in Bengal is Paartha or Paartho, a name of Arjuna, who was married to Chitraangadaa, a princess of Bengal (from Manipur as going by lines on map of today). She was the third wife of Arjuna, and the fourth was Uloupie the princess of Nagas or Naagaas, known also as Naagakanyaa or daughter of Naagaas. This relates to the word Naaga, understood throughout India to mean serpent or snake, worshipped generally but more specifically on Naagapanchamie, a festival day allotted to them.
And yet, Dhar seems to think the term or name Naaga has quite another meaning, related to a sect of monks - wonder if he is the only person so confused or there is a general confusion in Bengal? Then again, it might be that a background of East Bengal is the reason for this lack of comprehension re the difference of the two meanings of the word Naaga, one an ancient meaning and used all over India while other (related to the monks sect) more of a recent one, due mostly to reverence for the monks making India unwilling to use the precise word for naked and instead using a word similar but meaning snake.
On the whole a must read for anyone remotely interested in India as defined by the political boundaries of today but India as defined and understood since antiquity, which is the region in general.
