Saturday, May 14, 2022

Brothers Against the Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose, by Leonard A. Gordon.


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Brothers Against the Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose
by Leonard A. Gordon
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The conclusion, much like the last chapter of Gone With The Wind, seems to have been written first, after Gordon finished interviews and reading. Rest of the book is diluted form thereof, with much abuses and snide comments against the younger Bose and much lies holding up some others such as British or Gandhi. The conclusion could be read first and the rest avoided, and it too offers really nothing not known. 

Gordon gives photographs at the very end, but they are not mentioned in the contents. He does not discuss them, either. It's as if anyone who could possibly care for the subject is to be dissuaded from reading it after having bought it, and those who'd love the lies could use it as another weapon. 

Somewhere, a third of the book through, Gordon quotes the Nobel laureate poet of India from Bengal 

"As Bengal’s poet, I acknowledge you today as the honoured leader of the people of Bengal. 

"—Rabindranath Tagore to Subhas Bose, 19391"

And its a pleasure to know that he was where the title bestowed on Subhash Chandra Bose originates, especially if one is familiar with his poetry in the original. 

The title "Brothers Against the Raj", by itself alone, wouldn't be clear about the subject, since it would fit several families from diverse regions.  

There were four Chapekar brothers of Maharashtra,  who were (all four of them) executed by British, for being freedom fighters; then the father and two uncles of Bhagat Singh, known much less than Bhagat Singh himself along with his group; between Patel brothers Vitthalbhai and Vallabhbhai Patel, one was known much more; and of course, Bose family, where roles of other brothers are less known  but only so due to one having dwarfed, not only his own clan, but nation and world, as happened in case of Bhagat Singh as well. 

So the whole title 

Brothers Against the Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose, 

is needed, just so one would know not only who it's about, but, if one gets the subtle hint, the slant as well. It's not for the subject, to cut through icing. 

It dawns on one quite early on while reading this, that Gordon has no intention of being impartial, nor interest in facts, but was perhaps commissioned to write indicting Hindus, and siding with every accusation however false; he isn't even very interested in the supposed topic as expected from the title, but more in portrayal of concerns regarding British, apart from Bengal muslims in particular and Muslims in general, and merely uses Bose brothers as a background, occasionally mentioned. 

In addition he uses Gandhi’s dictatorial manipulations to indicate a rap on knuckles for not only Bose brothers, revolutionaries, or Hindus, but Congress too. That clears it - Gordon assigns righteousness to anyone who can bully and manipulate, more the better; so British were right in India according to him, Gandhi less so, and others don't count, deserving of every brutal atrocity if they don't shut up and suffer in silence. He doesn't say so explicitly,  but indicates it in snide comments, or refraining from negative remarks about perpetrated atrocities, or not mentioning brutal murders. 

Often, as one reads, one wonders if the agenda given to this author was to demean the subject, especially Subhash Chandra Bose. 

If he quotes a speech by Subhash Chandra Bose, or even mentions his interaction with someone, Gordon is just as likely to make a snide comment against Subhash Chandra Bose as not, for no reason other than that Gordon isn't obvious as Asian even in Germany and he's writing about subjects of British colonial empire, from his point of view. From Gordon's perspective, mention of king of Jews as Oriental cannot be overlooked without a swipe. 

He failed to realise that readers of his book would mostly be those who had an interest in the subject, and they wouldn't be likely to to share this snide view - but even more, he fails to see that, as he didn't write this for charity, such an attitude makes him a traitor to his earnings. There's a short word for that, but it's in another, Oriental language, not of Indian origin. 

Gordon, moreover, is sloppy about factual details! 

"While these controversies were being worked out, some other political workers were moving in a very different direction. Late in the evening of 18 April, 1930, not quite on the anniversary of the Easter Rising in Dublin, a band of some 100 revolutionaries calling themselves the Bengal branch of the Indian Republican Army acted to destroy the British hold on Chittagong district and proclaim an independent republic. They took the district establishment by surprise, and seized many arms and supplies at the armoury, but, unfortunately for them, they overlooked the ammunition for these arms. ... "

No, the most important part they'd overlooked was that that Friday was a church event, and so the English were not, as they did every other Friday, at the club.

"An intelligence summary for this period describes the impact of the raid: 

"The news of the Chittagong armoury raids was received by revolutionaries all over the province with amazement…From that moment the outlook of the Bengal terrorists changed. The younger members of all parties…clamoured for a chance to emulate the Chittagong terrorists. Their leaders could no longer hope, nor did they wish to keep them back…30 

"The Chittagong raid was the signal for a considerable number of violent acts in the following years, aimed particularly at officials of the Raj."

Again, Gordon misses an opportunity of exploring what effect Bhagat Singh and his group, their thinking and actions, by now publicised through India, via court trials and more, as Bhagat Singh intended, had on India. 

Surely Surya Sen and his group wasn't unaware of them, surely they had followed every word?
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Actually, there seems to have been a flaw with the Kindle copy, corrected now! So the feeling that chapter titles were mismatched was correct. We shall give corrected titles below the ones that were until now, 01:15, May 13th 2022..
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"S.C. Bose may be dead but much that he did lives still." 

"—Government of India, confidential file, 19452" 

But the then authorities, in particular the investigating officials of intelligence, weren't, in fact, convinced of the air crash story. 

"Here was Islam, his own country, more than a Faith, more than a battle-cry…he seemed to own the land as much as anyone owned it. What did it matter if a few flabby Hindus had preceded him there, and a few chilly English succeeded? 

"—E.M. Forster, A Passage to India3"

Flabby? After a thousand years of victimization by invaders, looted, massacred, and mostly poor, Hindus looked flabby to Forster? 

Was he limited to the rich invited to viceroy’s garden parties, and never, in fact, saw India? Did he never hear of history that was recent, of what stopped British from an assurance of control of India? It wasn't mughals. 

It was Maratha empire, held together by Peshawas of Pune, whose existence didn't allow British to presume control over India. 

When Nana Phadnavis died - of natural causes - the British could finally, an English historian wrote, be reassured.
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"…one must understand the evil spirit of 1946, to understand why the partition was accepted in 1947. 

"—The Indian Annual Register5"

The said spirit wasn't new in 1946 or restricted to India. It had wreaked havoc and attempted to destroy India, as it had done to Persia and Egypt, and elsewhere, destroying ancient civilisations and wiping them out in a century. It attempted in India for well over a millennium, to destroy her civilisation, and was behind genocides in Europe during WWII, before taking another swipe at India in 1946. 

If Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose had been brought back by Jawaharlal Nehru, as he could have, India could have been protected. 

"Sarat Bose was free at last, but his health had deteriorated seriously during almost four years imprisonment. Fearing the machinations of the Boses, officials of the Raj had been unwilling to put him in his own house near Darjeeling as they had in the 1930s. ... "

British didn't fear massacres of millions - over eleven million, according to Koenraad Elst - Hindus, and therefore went on encouraging Jinnah even after Calcutta massacre of a few thousand in three days, or Noakhali massacre of 150,000 later; but British feared Bose brothers, despite their anxiety to bring about communal harmony in Bengal, and so kept them incarcerated, exiled, both? 

If that doesn't expose British, it's only to the blind fans of British.

" ... The consequence was that Sarat Bose remained in poor health for the rest of his life. He resumed his legal work in order to support his family, but his main focus was to help secure independence with unity for India. Subhas Bose was gone and Sarat was more than ever before in a crucial position as a leading Indian nationalist of Bengal."

Netaji was very much alive, could have been brought back, and benefited India immensely, but Jawaharlal Nehru chose otherwise. 

"Sarat Bose had other important matters with which to deal: namely, the Indian National Army; the Azad Hind movement in Southeast Asia; and the legacy of Subhas Bose. Now that the war was over, Bose met with INA and Azad Hind government personnel, and identified the movement with the Congress and mainstream Indian nationalism as an effort to secure India’s freedom. As the British were bringing some of the INA officers to trial, he joined the large Indian chorus that shouted that no retribution must be taken against these patriots."

Notice the anti India slant there - "chorus", "shouted", ... ??????

If anything, it was a ground swell that British hadn't foreseen, exploding with a dull roar until there was a tremendous explosion, which woke London to communications from India being facts, not imaginary fears. 

Had they foreseen it, they would have not brought INA prisoners to India for public trials. The hubris, the blindness to their own reality, imagining India to be not human, was what had them lose India. 

"Besides Sarat Bose, every Indian nationalist—indeed, every political actor, Indian or British—had to come to terms with the INA in the fall and winter of 1945-46. ... "

In terming it "come to terms", Gordon is speaking of British attitudes, and imposing it on India, as British then did; India saw them as patriots, heroes, India's own army set to free India, and the setback of defeat and capture didn't diminish their glory. It hadn't in case of Queen Laxmibai of Jhansi, and now it didn't for Netaji. 
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"As the British Raj moved to put some leading officers of the INA on trial for treason against the King-Emperor and other charges, Indian nationalists closed ranks to defend them. ... "

This was no different from congress appropriations of other philosophies and slogans of national heroes they pushed under without giving credit - mist recently, Bhagat Singh and his group, while slogan "Inquilab Zindabad" had been taken over by congress, as well as socialist program (but more in words than action, until later), while Gandhi did an all out effort by his Salt March, to wipe out the tremendous impression created by Bhagat Singh and his group with their revolutionary act and thinking. 

So congress defending INA was their only chance to pull limelight onto themselves, and wipe out memories of their mistreatment of Bose. Once they'd achieved that, they went right back to bsdmouthing Bose, ill treatment of INA, persecution and hounding of Bose clan, and far worse. 

" ... The Raj made it easier for all Indians to identify with the defendants by choosing to try together a Muslim, Capt. Shah Nawaz Khan; a Hindu, Capt. P.K. Sahgal; and a Sikh, Lt. G.S. Dhillon. ... "

Gordon is desperate to assign credit anywhere, everywhere other than where it belongs - the fact that India perceived truth of INA as valiant soldiers for freedom of India led by a hero of quality that belonged to legends. But the detractors of Netaji perceived this all right, and set out yo nalign Netaji, discredit ina and take credit to themselves, whether by defending them and later claiming it as charity, or as in case of British, calling it a mistake to have tried them, and having tried these of diverse communities together. 

" ... Nehru spoke about the INA in a speech demanding the release of Jayaprakash Narayan: 

"The I.N.A. trial has created a mass upheaval. Wherever I went, even in the remotest villages, there have been anxious enquiries about the I.N.A. men. There are profuse sympathies for these brave men, and all, irrespective of caste, colour and creed, have liberally contributed to their defence…The continuance of the trial is sheer madness undermining the position of the British in this country. The trial has taken us many steps forward on our path to freedom. Never before in Indian history had such unified sentiments been manifested…9"

All true. 

And yet, in 1946, when he had a communication about Subhash Chandra Bose being in Russia, he chose to promptly inform the then PM Clement Attlee, and forever later lie about his having died in the air crash - which never did take place, on that day in Taipei. 
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" ... What followed was a surprise to Viceroy Wavell, Commander-in-Chief Claude Auchinleck and the British military establishment. An example of British military thinking is the view of General O’Connor writing to Auchinleck during the trial: ‘Everyone knew the INA were traitors…Now they…say they were patriots…How can we expect to keep loyalty if we don’t condemn disloyalty?’10"

When they said "Everyone knew the INA were traitors", they were only counting their own race, not Indian people, who hadn't forgotten Jallianwala Bagh, brutal treatment of Lala Lajpat Rai resulting in the elderly beloved leader's death, or execution of Bhagat Singh and his group and horrible conduct of British in chopping up the dead and trying to secretly burn them on river bank without proper funerals; for that matter, they hadn't forgotten British killing the young Queen Laxmibai of Jhansi who didn't want to give up her kingdom, or her rights to adopt a son. And just because India had yo tolerate being treated with racist abuse, first mean India thought it was fair, just or proper. 

British were pretty idiotic if they really were surprised, but just as likely, that surprise was a lie, and the reality was they'd expected to get away by terrorizing India again via the trials and executions. 

"These military leaders had not counted on the fact that Subhas Bose was a renowned patriot who could not be labeled a mere “Japanese tool”. Furthermore, although there were many opportunists in the INA, there were also quite a few devoted patriots and they had a formidable lawyer: Bhulabhai Desai. He was considerably to the right of the Boses in the Congress spectrum, but he mounted a keen defense backed by legal and political precedents and parallels from British, American, French, Latin American and Asian traditions. ... "

Beginning right with George Washington would have been hitting the nail on head. 

" ... The kernel of Desai’s defense was the following: ‘Modern international law has now recognised the right of subject races which are not for the time being or at the moment independent, to be so organised, and if they are organised and fight an organised war through an organised army…’11 Desai pressed his case that the Government of Azad Hind was a recognised belligerent opposing Britain and the British Raj and that the former’s army was operating under the Indian National Army Act. He claimed that the British had turned over the Indian prisoners in Malaya and Singapore to the Japanese and that these Indians could then take an oath to a new Indian government which superseded their oath to the King-Emperor. He differentiated Indian subjects of the King from British subjects and said that Bose’s government claimed and received the loyalty of Indians resident in Southeast Asia. Among the precedents for insurgents becoming a recognised belligerent power, Desai cited the American colonies in North America and included a recitation of the Declaration of Independence in his final speech along with a host of legal citations."

"The rallies and the impact of the INA on the Indian army, navy, and air force were one factor influencing the British to quit India. ... "

Gordon lies again! - "one factor"???? There was none other. Clement Attlee said as much, in response to a query while on a visit to India, specifically about why British left India. 

As another source points out, South Africa with its nonviolence succeeded only in 1994. 

" ... General Francis Tuker, GOC of the Eastern Command covering the region up to Delhi, has noted that, ‘During 1946 there were serious cases of mutiny in the Royal Indian Navy, less serious in the Royal Air Force and Royal Indian Air Force and minor troubles in the Indian Army.’16 The most serious of these was the Royal Indian Navy mutiny in Bombay, February 1946, which was shortly put down by determined repression and with calming words by Sardar Patel and Nehru."

Lies again - about "shortly put down" and about the"soothing words". Fact is British authorities desperately needed someone to make the naval men stop and surrender, and Nehru and Sardar Patel were the only options available under the circumstances. Indians believed them, but they didn't play fair, asking the Indians to surrender and promising further. 

As per Clement Attlee, this mutiny was the chief reason British were terrified enough to decide to leave. 
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Here's proof of partisan attitude of the author, and perhaps of the fact that this work wasn't independent, but written according to instructions. 

"The real problem to be faced in the fall of 1946 was the spreading communal violence. From Calcutta in August, the focus of the dreadful carnage moved to Noakhali District in East Bengal. What appears to have been a carefully planned attack by a Muslim force on the small Hindu minority was infact, systematically carried out. In the rural areas where one community often greatly outnumbered the other, when there was violence, it became a pogrom. The Hindus were nearly defenseless. Leaders of Hindu resistance were killed, some were forcibly converted to Islam, including some Hindu women whose marriages and lives were broken."

What he's not mentioning, apart from numbers - 150,000 massacred - is that the murdered were not only male, but Hindus of all ages including babies, and in that the last bit he's refraining from mentioning mass rapes of Hindu women. 

Also, he refrains carefully from mentioning the dates or the time, saying only "fall of 1946", which is as racist in the context and as fraudulent as it gets. 

Fall is at best terminology of Nordic latitudes, more of USA than of England. Indian seasons - six, not four - have a fall, but its in February, roughly, not in accordance with Nordic calendar. Since this book can only have overwhelmingly, predominantly Indian readership, this terminology is deliberately racist, imposing seasons non-existent in India on India, and attempting to wipe out Indian seasons from India's mind. 

Far more racist is the attempt to wipe out Hindu culture, in not mentioning that the massacre was perpetrated quite deliberately during Hindu sacred month-long festival days observed majorly in Bengal during first ten days, but hugely throughout India, for most of the month. 

This assault by muslims, in such atrocities bring perpetrated during this time, has continued with Pakistan usually taking this opportunity to assault, and China too did the same in 1962. 

In global terns, it's comparable to say, Chingiz Khan - or Attila the Hun - attacking everywhere from Rome to California on or day before Xmas. 

This genocide, this pogrom perpetrated against Hindus by muslims had been in abeyance only most of the time during British rule, but in fact was a resumption of the over eleven centuries long continuous, unprovoked assaults against Hindus by islamic invaders. 

Even in early twentieth century there was the massacre of well over a thousand Hindus in Kerala by muslims disappointed with failure of Khilafat, kept out of media by British, and commented by Gandhi only to the effect that he trusted Hindus to not react. But subsequent massacre of Hindus in NWFP by muslims had Gandhi express admiration for muslims and clear statement that he despised Hindus for this. 

At Noakhali too, he later came to do a hunger strike - to calm down Hindus, but staying well away from the area where massacre of Hindus had been perpetrated. 
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" ... Amidst the rising violence, it was difficult for a tolerant voice like that of Sarat Bose to make itself heard; that of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, however, became louder. "

The latter probably had far more truth, but notice how hordon muzzles his voice by not mentioning his words. 

Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, after independence, was a victim of a deliberately perpetrated murder, but unrecognised as such; he was imprisoned for stepping across border into Kashmir, despite Kashmir then being part of India, and had within a month been reduced to a state of being at door of death, despite having been in perfectly good health when he had stepped across the "border". Some sources allege that thus incarceration resulting in his death, after whatever atrocities were perpetrated, was with accord of the then PM, Jawaharlal Nehru. 

"In late November and early December, 1946, Sarat Bose made a tour of Noakhali and Tippera to see the results of the devastation and to talk to survivors. ... "

"Sarat Bose continued the effort to have a political orientation that overarched communal identifications. Sarat Bose was unhappy that “peaceful and sober elements among the Muslims failed to control other Muslims who were attacking Hindus”.33 But this did not lead him into stereotyping all Muslims. He said, ‘I shall admit that the disturbances which began from 16 August have made a large number of Hindus think in communal terms. But I believe it is only a passing phase.’34 ... "

Well, considering it's lasted most of seven decades, calling it passing was inaccurate at best, and proven wrong - by muslims of Bengal - more accurately. Northwest achieved their ethnic cleansing much earlier, by perpetrating atrocities and massacres at time of partition enforcing an almost complete exodus. 

" ... Although he did not think “in communal terms”, he was too sanguine about many of his fellow Hindus. He was also too ingenuous in thinking that preaching socialism and freedom to the masses of Bengalis would turn back the rushing tide of communalism."

Funny how Gordon selects Sharat Chandra Bose for the sarcasm and quotes his comments for the purpose, despite Gandhi’s being the obviously atrocious comments and conduct in the context of every time atrocities were perpetrated against Hindus. Gordon blinds it out, and keeps his references to Gandhi limited to what can be contrasted with Bose, or quoted for its worth as comments against Bose - whichever Bose brother it be. The only time Gordon deviates from his bashing of a Bose in what's supposedly a biography of the Bose brothers, is when he can bash up other Hindus thereby. 
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Gordon lies again.

"The political deadlock, the frightening communal riots, the growing ineffectiveness of the police, fears about the future economic and defence interests of Britain and the Commonwealth, brought the Attlee government to agree to the transfer of power. ... "

No, it had been discussed between British authorities in India and back in London all through 1945-46, beginning with local authorities in India becoming aware of India's reaction to INA trials and to INA itself, the effect of Subhash Chandra Bose and his feats, on India. 
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" ... During the war, the Government of India had effectively carried out the “policy of silence” and blacked out Bose, his army, and the provisional government of Free India. Although Bose sent radio messages to India frequently, few were able to hear him. Now, with the end of the war, and the release of political prisoners, the open functioning of the Congress, and the freer flow of information, the tales of the war period were broadcast everywhere. ... "

No, people did hear his broadcasts, however few, and word spreads by word of mouth in India far more effectively, never mind government blackout on news. 

" ... The British officials and the Government of India now gave maximum publicity to Bose’s work and to the way in which they dealt with the INA prisoners, and particularly their decision to put some of them on public trial in New Delhi. Had Bose lived, he could not have arranged for better promotional efforts."

Gordon seems to imply British were resorting to honesty and frankness as suits a democracy with justice and law, which is false. 

British simply had no clue that their self projected false image hadn't succeeded, that Jallianwala Bagh wasn't forgotten nor was execution of Bhagat Singh and his group and how despicable the British Government had been in each case, and people hadn't forgotten Indian heroic freedom fighters either. 

British had used the huge, two and half million strong Indian army, daunting successful and known now for valour, and assumed loyalty of subjects to a racist master by people treated like less than animals. They were wrong in the assumption. 

" ... General Arisue, one of the directors of Japanese Intelligence, described Bose as the embodiment of a samurai. In particular, Arisue mentioned that his seemingly soft exterior covered a strong heart and powerful spirit, and extolled Bose’s insistence on keeping his promises. Another Japanese of those days, an expert in the history of Japanese culture, mentioned the warrior ethic to which Bose adhered: worldly gain was unimportant, physical courage, and devotion to the cause at hand were all-important. A few Japanese military men of the war period said that Bose more fully incarnated the samurai spirit than any of their own leaders. With all of his difficulties in dealing with the Japanese, Bose did impress them and thus truly was an Indian samurai.76"

That's all very well, except Gordon still attempts to discredit by beginning that paragraph with Japanese having been unwilling to work with him, and refrains from really mentioning his much and how many Japanese not only admired him but far more.

Relevant to the matter, however, is his image in India, tremendous just then due to his feat, and growing ever since, despite all efforts to the contrary including this work, supposedly independent of government of India or Britain. 

Slant of the work, out of place but deliberate, gives that away. 
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One has to wonder what it is that assures certain races, certain creeds regarding their rights and propriety in offending others, even a billion, of race and creed different from that of the categories they profess or respect; and why this continues even from those persecuted for most of two millennia, that too towards precisely those who did not -alone in the world - so persecute them. 

Gordon, in the process of writing about Bose family and about the stature of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, already does it more than once, before he's finished prologue! 

Why he had to mention that some people question if Netaji was really married, is incomprehensible, but offensive it is, because while he's writing about an Indian family, it's without accepting that India has a different culture, that it has norms very different from West or abrahamic, and imposing other norms isn't polite. 

[Later, slightly short of through half the book, he mentions - 

" ... Emilie Schenkl later reported that during their brief stay in Badgastein in December 1937, she and Subhas Bose were secretly married. In An Indian Pilgrim, Bose places the development of love at the center of human life. ... in advice to younger friends and relations in 1937 and 1938, he advocated free choice in marriage, rather than arranged marriage by the parents of the prospective couple."

" ... There are several stories of when and how they married, including one she related to a Bose family member, Krishna Bose, who wrote in the Illustrated Weekly of India in 1972: 

"Emilie Schenkl says that marriage between Germans and foreigners was not at all encouraged in the Nazi regime. It was discreetly suggested to her that she should break off the relationship. When they… got married during the war they avoided some of the difficulties by getting married quietly according to Hindu rites.22"

If it weren't secret, if there were official records risking nazis finding the documents after anschluss, they'd be risking an extermination camp, depending on whims of any and every official from the lowest nazi up. 

But Hindu rites are valid for a Hindu and an Indian, whether or not anybody else likes it.
 
Moreover, each held on - although as per then custom and law, he could very well have married, and several times too, with plenty of dowry each time, and made profitable connections setting him up in life and career for lifetime.  

She meanwhile could have married someone else, since a marriage with an Indian was in a questionable zone regarding legality after racism laws of Germany were applicable post anschluss. 

But neither ever considered the option. Emily was free to marry especially after 1945, but never believed he'd died, and never married anyone else. 

If anyone still questions their marriage despite these facts, that person needs to look for a life, after acquiring some sense and a bit of heart. 

Gordon nevertheless questions it, gives different versions by several sources, but foesnt realise that this bit he's included is the clinching part - 

" ... we have a letter from Subhas Bose to his brother Sarat—discovered posthumously—stating that Emilie Schenkl was his wife and Anita his daughter. And we have Emilie Schenkl herself giving testimony that they were married secretly in December 1937. ... "

Why he goes to the trouble, giving offence in the bargain and raising doubts about his sanity, is a good question. Was he paid by per word rate for the manuscript? That'd explain the far too many snide comments, the bits attempting to pull down Subhash Chandra Bose and inordinate discussions about other matters - political chiefly, but persons too - while completely avoiding matters of vital importance for India, such as death of Lala Lajpat Rai and consequences thereof. 

"By December 1937, when Bose and Schenkl were in Badgastein, a war was already underway in East Asia, following the Japanese attack on China. The Germans and Italians had formulated the Anti-Comintern Pact and Hitler was putting great pressure on other Central European countries, particularly those with German-speaking populations. In the face of the Nazi military build-up, Britain was only slowly responding to the threat. Her government, headed by Neville Chamberlain, and with former viceroy Lord Halifax as its leader in the House of Lords, was bent on appeasement. Civil war, with international participation, was raging in Spain."

That last bit does make it wartime, in Europe as well - unless it's the normal convention whereby Spain and Portugal are considered only officially in Europe but informally considered not quite so, pretty much as Balkans are, too. ]
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So - why he had to mention that some people question if Netaji was really married, is incomprehensible, but offensive it is, because while he's writing about an Indian family, it's without accepting that India has a different culture, that it has norms very different from West or abrahamic, and imposing other norms isn't polite. 

This is even more so when he discusses sadhus, Gods and more, branding beliefs of India as myth and shredding beliefs casually. 

And this from someone who refrained from disclosing his identity in Germany in interest of frank answers from them! Someone who feels free to certify that Netaji wasn't on agreement with Germans regarding antisemitism. (Did he miss the import of the first resolution by Israel's Knesset, thanking India for not being antisemitic? Did he think that was work of invading jihadists?) 

All this already comes as a couple of stones in a soup would spoil the pleasure of an otherwise good dish - for his writing style is very good, and reading this smooth, so far. 

Gordon writes off every possibility of Subhash Chandra Bose having not died in the air crash that in fact never did happen, discussing it instead as mythology generated by a Bengal deprived of power it once had. He's the delusional one, in this, but the delusion is helped by racism. 

"A final question, dealt with partially above, is this: Why Subhas Bose? Why is he the hero who is desired, resurrected, not allowed to rest in peace? ... "

And there's more racism! Why assume that souls "rest in peace", or that that's the highest possible alternative? This assumption is Abrahamic and very opposite of any Hindu thinking about departed. 
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Gordon begins by being offensive, to India, which he's done in prologue quite well and more than once; did he have to do so already in first paragraph of this beginning too?

" ... In India it is common for the parents of a prominent leader—if they appear at all—to be slotted into familiar stereotypes: noble father and pious mother. ... "

Did he take a challenge with a publisher - or a klansman? - that he'd be more offensive than, say, Winston Churchill, George Eliot and Sheldon Pollock, and write about a hero of India with so abominable a tone that nobody West could accuse him of having "gone native" just because he didn't do this work as a charity project? 

Would he have dared to do so, if, say, the hero wasn't Hindu, but likely to be of people who'd declare a few hundred fatwas for every time Gordon gave offence? 

Or is solidarity of Abrahamic-I with Abrahamic-II, Abrahamic-III, even Abrahamic-IV, is beyond being broken despite all persecution including holocaust, but non-abrahmic must be given offence no matter what?
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" ... The belief that the fairer were superior had an ancient lineage in India dating at least to the Aryan invasions and was reinforced by the British conquest."

Aryans being a race is a lie invented by British, as is Aryan invasion theory; the first part of that statement above by Gordon is even more of a lie, since nobody was more respected as Arya than Rama, and he's known for his beauty as well,  but specifically described as "Shyamavarna", dusky hued, even blue-tinged. Thus is not limited to males. Mahabharata war was to avenge humiliation of the extraordinary beauty of wife of Pandava brothers, and she's described as Shyama, the dark one. 

Above all, nobody ascribes any other qualities in India to a lighter skin than just that, lighter hue of skin; certainly  no qualities of mind, heart or soul are inferred thereby, or even beauty. 
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" ... In India, male children are considered more important than female children since most of India is organized in a patrilineal tradition and the eldest son performs the shraddha or funeral rites for his parents. ... "

It'd be fair if Gordon put it in context, of the then societies of West and up till now. The very few societies which do in fact give more importance to female principle are none in West, certainly not US and definitely not church of any variety or even an Abrahamic except Abrahamic-IV; in US, as described well enough by citizens thereof, a woman has control of her finances only if she's an heiress, a widow not unseated by sons, and capable of handling male predators; few are in any position to earn equally. England was changed slightly by Queen Elizabeth I, and has only now come to legislate about primogeniture of royal heritage including daughters despite being followed by sons, in order of birth. Suffrage was fought for in West, including UK. US still hasn't legislated equal pay for women. Divorce settlement most often leaves first families of men poor, and in eighties it was recognised that new poor were women and children. 

As for India, Gordon has just finished a paragraph about Bengal worship of Mother Goddess, which in fact isn't limited to Bengal but common to all Hindus. 
................................................................................................


"Writing in his autobiography, Subhas commented on these events: 

"In my undergraduate days Aurobindo Ghose was easily the most popular leader in Bengal, despite his voluntary exile and absence since 1909… He had sacrificed a lucrative career in order to devote himself to politics. On the Congress platform he had stood up as a champion of left-wing thought and a fearless advocate of independence… Last but not least, a mixture of spirituality and politics had given him a halo of mysticism and made his personality more fascinating to those who were religiously inclined…. I was impressed by his deeper philosophy… He worked out a reconciliation between Spirit and Matter, between God and Creation, on the metaphysical side and supplemented it with a synthesis of the methods of attaining the truth—a synthesis of Yoga, as he called it… All that was needed in my eyes to make Aurobindo an ideal guru for mankind was his return to active life.11"

Ironically, it turned the other way, instead. Wonder if he realised it in Ayodhya. 

"Even before Aurobindo’s influence, Subhas had begun meditating and experimenting with different forms of yoga in Cuttack. It was clear he wanted an Indian religious philosophy that would shape, channel and support action in the world. He found this in the teachings of Vivekananda and Aurobindo. ... "
................................................................................................


"While still in England, Dilip recalled, ‘We often talked far into the night with a glow of heart that only youth can command. Sitting before the crackling fire, we fell to discussing the portents of the Labour Party in England and Communism in Russia.’36 Dilip argued that these new forces embodying the will of the proletariat would come to India’s rescue. But Subhas responded, ‘No. Dilip, Sri Aurobindo was perfectly right when he said in the Swadeshi days that no outsider would help India. If we ourselves can’t win our freedom none will come to our rescue.’37 

"Dilip wrote that Subhas went on to advocate revolutionary organization by Indians to combat the Raj. Claiming that the Bengal revolutionaries in the post-Swadeshi period had not failed, Subhas cited an Irish parallel: 

"You might just as well say that the Sinn Fein movement is a failure also since it hasn’t delivered the goods yet. … A revolutionary movement for national liberation is not like a chance detonation which makes the age-long prison-walls topple once and for all. It is a slow laborious work of building up brick by brick a citadel of strength without which you can’t possibly challenge the powers that be. The Bengal revolutionary movement at the dawn of this century was the first real movement, real in the sense that it gave our supine prostrate people the first hint about the reality of their own, unaided strength. It was the first movement that created a nucleus of national consciousness…38"

" ... He also saw the need for a mass base, as is clear from a passage in a letter of this time to his friend, Charu Ganguly: 

"Swami Vivekananda used to say that India’s progress will be achieved only by the peasant, the washerman, the cobbler and the sweeper. These words are very true. The Western world has demonstrated what the “power of the people” can accomplish. The brightest example of this is—the first socialist republic in the world, that is, Russia. If India will ever rise again—that will come through that power of the people.39"
................................................................................................


" ... great tragedy was unfolding in the summer and fall of 1943: the Bengal Famine. This greatest famine of 20th-century South Asia cost millions of Bengali lives."

Gordon here quotes British propaganda, lies. 

"Bengal had become a rice-importing area, after a long period as a rice exporter. The war exacerbated the problem of importing rice from outside: preparing for a possible invasion, the government began a boat-denial policy, later a rice-denial policy, thus interrupting the flow of foodstuff to the Bengal countryside. A severe cyclone hit some of the districts bordering the Bay of Bengal, further hindering the flow."

Fact is, much like the so called Irish potato famine, this too was caused by British stealing local harvest for themselves, leaving poor subjects to die. 

"Starting in late 1942, cultivators began holding back grain supplies and prices began to rise. The Government of Bengal intervened in the market process, first trying price controls and threats against hoarding, then allowing the market process free rein. The government was also determined to see that Calcutta, centre of the Raj in eastern India, did not experience a significant shortfall. Some traders were allowed to buy up what they could in the countryside to ensure that Calcutta did not starve. 

"The full force of the famine hit in mid-1943, after a Muslim League-dominated coalition took office in April 1943, with H.S. Suhrawardy named as minister for civil supplies. Criticism for the inept handling of the deteriorating situation has been laid at his door and at that of food speculators. ... "

The then British government of India had muzzled media - newspapers, radio, local and global - completely, and draconian so-called laws had thrown thousands in jail either no ceremony, no trials. The millions dying on streets were known to British government, and ultimately they were responsible, for stealing harvest and for refusing to allow aid ships filled with grains sent by FDR to reach India, stopping them at Australia. 

Gordon quotes fraudulent propaganda by British. 

" ... There was ineffectual handling of the grave situation at every level of government. Relief efforts were also inadequate and neighbouring provinces refused to rush to Bengal’s aid."

Is there a pretense here that any of it was not controlled completely by British? That's fraudulent too. 

"Subhas Bose, in Southeast Asia, made an offer of grain supplies: 

"There can be no doubt that these famine conditions have been largely due to the policy of ruthless exploitation of India’s food and other resources for Britain’s war purposes over a period of nearly four years. You are aware that, on behalf of our League, I made a free and unconditional offer of one hundred thousand tons of rice for our starving countrymen at home as a first instalment. Not only was this offer not accepted by the British authorities in India, but we were given only abuse in return.26"
................................................................................................


"The victory of Subhas Bose in the Congress presidential race came as a surprise to Mahatma Gandhi and his closest colleagues. The leftists throughout India had backed Bose—attaining the high-watermark of their unity in the 20th century. Thus Bose, the much-better known and more charismatic candidate, won through in this round with his 1,580 votes as against his opponent’s 1,375, and was to be Congress president for 1939.

"The victory for a candidate opposing his own choice, however, awakened Gandhi from his somnolence and he issued a hostile and self-accusatory statement two days later. In part, the Mahatma said: 

"Shri Subhas Bose has achieved a decisive victory…I must confess that from the very beginning I was decidedly against his re-election…I do not subscribe to his facts or the arguments in his manifestos. I think that his references to his colleagues were unjustified and unworthy. Nevertheless, I am glad of his victory…After all Subhas Babu is not an enemy of his country. He has suffered for it. In his opinion his is the most forward and boldest policy and program…The minority may not obstruct on any account. They must abstain when they cannot cooperate.4 

"Here Gandhi gives hints of what is yet to come. He says the vote was a defeat for his principles and for the rightist team of Gandhians who had long run the Congress organisation. And it was a sign of strength for those Bose called the “left” and for a program of resolute opposition to the Raj. But even more than these suggestions in Gandhi’s words, it is a challenge to Bose to direct the Congress executive and run it according to his principles and program."

More than anything, that last bit -

"The minority may not obstruct on any account. They must abstain when they cannot cooperate."

- is the key to what manipulative wheel Subhash Chandra Bose was next racked over by Gandhi and his group.

"Gandhi and his men, angry with Bose’s description of them in The Indian Struggle as “tired old reactionaries” who are not prepared for the coming and necessary struggle, were preparing to teach Bose a lesson. On 22 February, 1939, all the Working Committee members—except the Boses—including Jawaharlal Nehru, resigned, leaving the Congress with a president marked for the helm, but without a crew to run the ship. 

"Bose wanted Gandhi’s approbation. He met with Gandhi on 15 February, and thought he would have Gandhi’s support; but having taunted the Gandhians in his book as compromisers, he was perhaps foolish to think they would continue to run the Congress organisation with him. ... "

But if Subhash Chandra Bose and his book were the problem, why did Gandhi nake him a president of congress in the first place, instead of ignoring him and sidelining both brothers? Was it just so he'd stomp on him next and show him who was boss? 

That makes one suspect that Bengali common accusations against Gandhi and congress, of deliberately wrecking and dividing Bengal, aren't without foundation. 

"Bose went into seclusion with relatives at Jealgora near Dhanbad in Bihar to try to shake off an inexplicable illness which some of his friends attributed to some magical mental effects—and Bose himself to the end maintained that the irregular course of the symptoms showed that there was something “mysterious” in it all. ... "

Is it out of the question that Gandhi's ill will was affecting the young man? Perhaps the perception of illiterate masses in calling him Mahatma had a lower level truth behind it, in yhat he could affect others with a vital power, while outwardly lack of physical aggression and carefully maintained verbal image of non threatening produced illusion of saintliness for those led by words. 

"Throughout these exchanges in March and April 1939, Bose wrote to Gandhi most respectfully, imploring him to compromise. Did Bose really believe that the Mahatma had no hand in the counterstrike of the old guard against the insurgent Bose and his supporters? ... "

"The letters to Nehru were a different matter. They were blunt; they were bitter, they were often rude and nasty. Bose claimed that he had been respectful to Nehru in the past, “…ever since I came out of internment in 1937, I have been treating you with the utmost regard and consideration, in private life and in public. I have looked upon you as politically an elder brother and leader and have often sought your advice”.14 But when the crunch came, when Bose decided to challenge the Gandhians at the end of 1938, he found that his socialist colleague, the one he called his “political elder brother”, was not with him. Nehru did not view the Congress in the same left-versus-right terms as Bose; he thought Gandhi was the vital heart of the movement; and felt that Bose’s “aspersion” against the old guard was wrong and unwarranted. And he had opposed Bose’s re-election, as he explained: 

"I was against your standing for election for two major reasons: it meant under the circumstances a break with Gandhiji and I did not want this to take place… ... I felt all along that you were far too keen on re-election.15"

Nehru accuses Bose of being too keen on being reelected, although when it came to his own being not elected, he informed Gandhi he'd leave congress, so it's an unfair accusation against someone younger who'd worked ceaselessly and suffered far more from British brutality. 

What does come through undoubtedly though is that this letter is excellent incontrovertible evidence that neither congress nor its leaders had democracy after Gandhi arrived in India by invitation of Gokhale - it has always been an autocracy dictated by a Gandhi or a Nehru, and maintained a patently false, fraudulent claim to being a democratic structure. 
................................................................................................


" ... Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in his diary on 11 November, 1941: 

"Today’s papers contained the Govt. announcement that Subhas was either in Berlin or Rome…One of the head warders asked us if this was true and added that it was like Vibhishan leaving his brother Ravana to join Ramachandra! The British Govt., with all its atyachar [atrocities] in India was like Ravana, he said. Probably this represents a fairly widespread public reaction.74"
................................................................................................



"Through the series of controversies in which Subhas Bose had been involved from late 1938 through late 1939, one prominent figure, the giant of India’s cultural life, Rabindranath Tagore, supported him stoutly. As he explained, Tagore had had his doubts about Subhas, but now, with Subhas besieged, the Poet spoke eloquently for him and to him in an essay entitled, “Deshanayak” [The Leader of the Country]. He wrote, in part:

"As Bengal’s poet, I today acknowledge you as the honoured leader of the people of Bengal.…Suffering from the deadening effect of the prolonged punishment inflicted upon her young generation and disintegrated by internal faction, Bengal is passing through a period of dark despair…At such a juncture of nation-wide crisis, we require the service of a forceful personality, the invincible faith of a natural leader, who can defy the adverse fate that threatens our progress.…Today you are revealed in the pure light of the midday sun which does not admit of apprehensions…Your strength has been sorely taxed by imprisonment, banishment and disease, but rather than impairing these have helped to broaden your sympathies…You did not regard apparent defeat as final: therefore, you have turned your trials into your allies. More than anything else Bengal needs today to emulate the powerful force of your determination and self-reliant courage…Long ago…I sent out a call for the leader of Bengal who had yet to come. After a lapse of many years I am addressing…one who has come into the full light of recognition.37"

This is amazing insight. He'd showed that also in writing a salutary piece about Sri Aurobindo. 

"Privately as well, Tagore had made every effort to help Bose, asking Gandhi and Nehru in late 1938 and early 1939 to accept Bose as Congress president again without a squabble. In December 1939, Tagore asked Gandhi to have the ban on Subhas lifted and his cooperation cordially invited in the “supreme interest of national unity”.38 They declined his advice throughout. ... "

They also declined advice from Sri Aurobindo when, one time, he broke silence on politics after having gone to Pondicherry. Their cribbing response was, why is he advising now when he first go to jail with us? In short, Gandhi only tolerated those he could dominate; rest, he tried to break and made every effort no matter what. 

"At the end of 1939, their view of Bose differed sharply from that of Tagore. Writing in Harijan in early 1940, Gandhi said, ‘I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son…,’ but that he had suffered the “pain of wholly associating myself with the ban pronounced on him”.39 ... "

Seeing how he broke two out of four sons he had, and kept the rest in background but not letting them grow to carve a path for themselves, it's a horror that he says "I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son", and relief that this association ended soon enough that Subhash Chandra Bose could escape the Mahatma! He didn't deserve being broken the way sons of Gandhi were, certainly. Those who did deserve such a treatment were in fact coddled by Gandhi for perpetrating atrocities and massacres, because they never considered him their leader in any case. 

Gordon quotes very imperceptive and denigrating comments by Nehru about Subhash Chandra Bose, and writes in laudatory terms about Nehru being busy because "WWII had begun". 

Considering their later trajectories - Subhash Chandra Bose with his INA not only planting India's flag in imphal but affecting India enough to make British run away; Nehru condemning Japan while British were between him and Japanese army but never saying a word in defence of Tibet, pretending India was a friend of China and bring taught finally in 1962 by Chinese about his pontificating on nonviolence - it's a joke, which perhaps Gordon doesn't see. Or if he does, he's making fool of readers who don't. 

" ... Bose thought that the British would never leave unless driven out, any negotiations into which the Congress entered were likely to lead to a sellout. Some of his broadcasts were addressed to Gandhi, with whom he pleaded not to make any compromise with the British which would damage the essential interests of the Indian people, including the issue of Pakistan. Bose renewed his pleas to Gandhi at the time of the Simla Conference of 1945, and rejoiced when the conference failed. Bose simply could not imagine a negotiated settlement with Britain of which he would approve."

And subsequent history bears out truth of his thinking. 
................................................................................................


" ... The Muslims in Bengal were mostly lower-class cultivators in the eastern districts of Bengal proper and were tenants on Hindu lands; they were much slower to gain Western education in Bengal and even those few interested in regional and national politics often stayed clear of the Congress. In contrast, the dominant Indian minority functioning in collaboration with the British rulers was Hindu. Many of those in the small Muslim elite, moreover, were Urdu-speaking Muslims, who did not identify with the masses of Bengali-speaking Muslims in Bengal, and considered Bengali to be the language of idolatry and cowardice, and the Bengali-speaking Muslims as closer to Hindus than to the world of Islam. ... "

This - and worse - bias later, in an overtly racist Pakistan, was the genesis of East Bengal war for independence, preceded by massacre of 3 million East Bengal civilians by Pakistan military, apart from their keeping half a million local women chained and naked for use of Pakistan military males. 

" ... first partition of Bengal, from 1905 to 1912, creating a Muslim-majority East Bengal and a Hindu-majority West Bengal. The legislative councils reforms of 1909 creating separate Muslim and General (or Hindu) electorates further widened the cleavage between the Muslim and Hindu communities. The founding of the Muslim League at a meeting of upper-class Muslims in Dacca during 1906, supporters of the Raj, whose aim was the protection of the rights of Muslims, gave further prominence to the Muslim position."

Gordon refrains from mentioning that formation of this party was at insistence of British government; a British officer invited some muslims to his home and argued with them about it, and they only agreed after seeing that he'd get so other guys to do so anyway. 
................................................................................................


" ... post-war steps taken by the Government of India and its superiors in London to extend self-government to India. The latter initiative resulted in the Montagu-Chelmsford Report released on July 8, 1918, laying out a plan for dyarchy, accompanied by the repressive Rowlatt Bills intended to quash the small, but dangerous revolutionary movement, whose cadres were being called “anarchists” and “terrorists” by Raj officials. Dyarchy provided for expanded legislative councils with some departments to be headed by Indian ministers. 

"Gandhi declared a national satyagraha the day after the Rowlatt Bills became Acts, leading to widespread discontent and agitation and to Gandhi’s arrest. And then, on April 13, 1919, there occurred one of the blackest actions of British imperialism in India. Ignoring a ban on demonstrations, many Indians gathered in an enclosed park, Jallianwala Bagh, in Amritsar. ... "

Gordon doesn't explain that it was the place locals went out for air, just as English might in an enclosed garden in neighborhood in London. The crowd consisted of old and young, children and babies and mothers, and nit political speakers, much less anything more dangerous. 

" ... With scarcely a warning, General Reginald Dyer ordered his troops to fire at the assembled throng, who could not easily exit from the enclosed park. ... "

Dyer had barred the single gate, entrance and exit, with a tank, and soldiers with automatic weapons - rifles - stationed fanned around it, were ordered to fire as long as anybody lived. 

" ... Several hundreds were killed, many more wounded. In the aftermath, Gen. Dyer was given the mildest reprimand, the government’s Hunter Commission whitewashed the affair and the House of Lords congratulated Dyer for helping to enforce law and order. This event and the responses to it turned many politically conscious Indians against the Raj and prepared the ground for Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement beginning in 1920."
................................................................................................


" ... Then suddenly, on 25 October, 1924, everything changed. As he would remember the moment a few years later: In the early hours of the morning of 25 October, 1924, I was roused from my sleep as I was wanted by some police officers. The Deputy-Commissioner of Police, Calcutta, on meeting me said: ‘Mr. Bose, I have a very unpleasant duty to perform. I have a warrant for your arrest under Regulation III of 1818.’ He then produced another warrant authorising him to search my house for arms, explosives, ammunition, etc. Since no arms, etc. were forthcoming, he had to content himself with taking a pile of papers and correspondence.13"

"No specific charges were ever made public and Bose—along with seventeen others in this particular round-up—was jailed for an indefinite term. No charges were filed, no hearing occurred, no right of habeas corpus was granted; there was neither judge nor jury. This was the Raj’s special method of dealing with those suspected of revolutionary involvement. Within one brisk October day, taken from his home, family and the highest seat of executive power in the second city of the British Empire, Bose became simply another political detainee in the New Alipore Central Jail."

"In Mandalay, Bose and his seven companions joined some other political prisoners as well as ordinary convicts in a jail built of wooden palisades, exposed to all the elements. In time Subhas came to learn that rain-storms as well as dust-storms could howl through the palisades as he experienced the round of the year in Mandalay. But dust or rain, hot season or cool season, he never felt well or comfortable during almost two years there. Part of this had to do with the construction of the prison, as Subhas sketched it: 

"From the outside and especially at night, the inmates of these buildings appeared almost like animals prowling about behind the bars. Within these structures we were at the mercy of the elements. There was nothing to protect us from the biting cold of winter or the intense heat of summer or the tropical rains in Mandalay…we had to make the best of a bad situation.17"

" ... The Bengali political prisoners in Mandalay learned that there was a financial contribution made by the government for religiously-incurred expenses. So in the fall of 1925 they approached the officials seeking financial assistance for all the expenses involved in properly celebrating Durga Puja, the moment in the year when Bose and his Bengali prisonmates felt united with the Bengali people from whom they had been arbitrarily separated. 

"It was, therefore, both a religious-cultural and political issue when they confronted British officials over payment for their prison Durga Puja. An official denial of funds for the Puja and a request for a refund from the prisoners of monies advanced to them precipitated the hunger strike which began on 18 February,1926, word of which was soon trumpeted in bulletins printed in Forward. Not only were the officials chagrined that information about the strikers had slipped out, but also unpublished, evidential parts of an Indian Jail Committee of 1919-21 report suddenly appeared in the hands of the Swarajists, revealing that optimistic health reports on prisoners had been fabricated."

It's not anywhere close to extermination camps in Germany, but it's on the way - the manner of arrests without legal recourse, no habeus corpus, no trials, no evidence of guilt except informers' word, state of jail that had no protection from weather for inmates, all this on top of two centuries of loot and racism - and finally, stealing funds for Durga Pouja! 

No wonder Subhash Chandra Bose did not see German people and state as strange or different! 

British in India as experienced by him, and by most others except Gandhi and Nehru, were only different from Germans in East Europe, or to Jews, in matter of degrees. 

And as to deaths, British not only ran away when massacres were perpetrated, abdication governance, but also stole harvest and let millions starve to death but refused to allow aid ships from FDR, filled with grain, to proceed to India, stopping them in Australia. 

" ... Although he had tried to keep news of his medical problems from his parents, word of his physical condition made the front pages of the nationalist press. Sarat, with other nationalists, began to ask the strikers to give up their fasting, saying they had made their point and made it well. Finally, on 4 March—about two weeks into their fast—the government made concessions and the inmates gave up the hunger strike. Subhas wrote to a Calcutta friend explaining the gains they had made: 

"…our hunger strike was not altogether meaningless or fruitless. Government have been forced to concede our demands relating to religious matters and henceforward a Bengal State Prisoner will get an annual allowance of thirty rupees on account of Puja expenses…our principal gain is that the government have now accepted the principle which they refused to do so long…34"

Here's the genesis of the much greater, much longer, hunger strike that was far more in its scope of addressing situations and treatment of Indians in jail, by Bhagat Singh and his group, who were tortured during their incarceration including during hunger strike, the torture resulting in death of one of theirs. 
................................................................................................


"After the death of C.R. Das, a leading Swarajist and barrister from Chittagong, Jatindra Mohan Sen Gupta, was chosen to wear the Triple Crown (mayor of Calcutta, leader of the Swarajists in the legislative council and president of the Bengal Provincial Congress). Sen Gupta was from Das’s native East Bengal and had been educated at Presidency College, Cambridge University, and Gray’s Inn, London. He joined the Calcutta High Court Bar, taught law, and plunged into the Non-cooperation movement in 1921. By 1923 he had been elected to the Bengal Legislative Council (BLC) and been selected as secretary of the Bengal Swarajya Party, the Congress group in the BLC, and of the Congress Municipal Association. He had also helped organise strikes by oil workers and railwaymen as president of the Burma Oil Labour Union (Chittagong) and of the Assam-Bengal Railway Union. Sarat Bose wrote to Subhas: 

"There has been great excitement lately over filling up the positions held by Deshbandhu. It has been eventually decided (on the advice of Mahatma Gandhi) that J.M. Sen Gupta is to occupy all the three positions. Personally I think it is a great mistake to put any other man into all the places filled by Deshbandhu. But the Mahatma’s decision was accepted.35"

Was this the same person who, later as a sadhu in Shaulmari, was suspected to be Netaji, but denied it, and in fact wasn't? 

Gandhi’s sweeping aside opinions of others was probably not new, but got entrenched herein, with elders who had courage of their convictions dying or being rendered ineffective one way or other, and younger leaders being pushed by him more easily, either under or out. 
................................................................................................


"In most of his work Sarat Bose was quite composed and business-like. An exception was a debate in the Corporation in August 1926, when Sarat criticised a European member, and charged that the Europeans had surrendered their conscience to an arbitrary executive and that they were not people’s representatives at all. He berated them for their support of the Bengal Ordinance and Regulation III of 1818, finally calling them “tailors of Tooley Street”.36"

"With these remarks in view—and they angered the Europeans and the Indian loyalists greatly—it is no wonder that the Statesman wrote in assessing the quality of the Corporation, ‘Among the Hindus, Alderman S.C. Bose is, by general consent, the best speaker, but racial bitterness mars his otherwise undoubted gift.’38"

That's pretty much akin to a news anchor of yore holding a TV program to let a gang rape and murder instigator and perpetrator go free so he has a chance to change, and like-minded channels calling the bereaved victim's mother bitter for insisting on justice. 

"His quotations from Burke and Mazzini were characteristic of one who had studied the speeches of great Western orators and nationalists and had a photographic memory. Burke’s views on the relationship between a legislator and his constituency were familiar to one trained for the bar who had studied the British parliamentary system. 

"The comment in the Statesman that Sarat Bose’s gifts were marred by “racial bitterness” raises an important point. British commentators often deemed as “racism” all hostility by Indians against their European rulers. But Indian nationalists were not racists who thought that the British should be removed because they were white or European; rather, they believed they should have rulers who were chosen by the native inhabitants of India. The Boses, like all Indians, were sensitive to color, but did not harbor racial antagonism to all Europeans. Sarat Bose had many European friends who were his colleagues at the bar. As peers before the bar, as friends in the bar library, they were accepted. But as rulers from a small group of islands thousands of miles away, simply because of their conquest of India in the 18th century, they were the enemy."

Author makes several mistakes there. 

Sensitive to colour, no; to racist attitude and behaviour,  who wouldn't be! 

The last part is incorrect as well. It wasn't that British were disliked because they were "rulers from a small group of islands thousands of miles away, simply because of their conquest of India in the 18th century",  it's because they were looting and perpetrating atrocities, were fraudulent and had no intention of making India home, but only of bleeding it to death - as later Hitler’s intentions and plans regarding East Europe, including Russia West of Urals, were. 
................................................................................................


" ... 1926 Calcutta riots featured attacks on Hindu temples, Muslim mosques and Sikh gurudwaras, and Bengali Hindus and Muslims were involved. If the riots did not sound the death knell of Das’s Bengal Pact between Hindus and Muslims, they certainly hastened its demise.

"The riots began when Hindu drummers in a procession past a mosque provoked a Muslim attack on the marchers. In the beginning, the rioters were Muslims and up-country Hindus, but as attacks on temples and mosques took place, more Bengalis became involved. Troops were called out and when this phase was over, the official figures reported forty-four killed and 600 injured. After a pause of two-and-a-half weeks, riots broke out again, from 22-27 April, and in that aftermath fifty-six were killed and 365 were injured, according to the Home Department. A third phase took place from 11-25 July, for which the official figures were twenty-eight killed and 226 injured. Other incidents took place outside Calcutta, most significantly for future developments, in Dacca, in September 1926. Since the British had disarmed the Indians after the rebellion of 1857, guns were scarce; most of the deaths and injuries were from stabbing or mauling."

It was wrath of an ex-invading regime let loose on a once subjected people for not being terrified enough to convert completely and retain rheir own culture, thinking, philosophy and more, unlike Egypt and Persia which had been wiped out culturally by islamic invaders in short duration. 

And that reaction remains, bit hidden behind abuses hurled at majority instead; so calling oneself Hindu without shame is labelled fascist, and celebration of Hindu festivals is labelled provoking, to justify murderous attacks perpetrated against Hindus. 

But now, attacks by jihadists aren't limited to being perpetrated against Hindus in India and Jews of Israel; Paris and London, New York and Australia, they've been everywhere. Old women of France have been beheaded for being in church on Sunday morning, and young Australians have died for being out on weekends mornings. 

"Writing to Sarat from Mandalay, Subhas Bose said that he was firmly against separate electorates. The question of joint or separate electorates had long been tense. Many Muslims who had once supported the Congress position of joint electorates now insisted on separate electorates, and began to demand a much larger percentage of reserved seats for Muslims in the Bengal Legislative Council. ... "

That's the inevitable fallout of reservations based on population percentage, as opposed to honest merit considerations. In other words, dangers inherent in leftist philosophy versus worth of democracy based on merit. 
................................................................................................


Gordon speaks of formation of Simon Commission. 

"From its inception, its all-British composition made it anathema to a wide spectrum of Indian political opinion, and Liberals, Congressmen, and one part of the Muslim League joined to boycott it. In response, Indian political leaders chose to form the All Parties Conference which appointed a committee headed by Motilal Nehru to draw up the “swaraj constitution” which some nationalists had called for in 1927. Subhas Bose was invited to become a member of Motilal Nehru’s committee, and as president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee, was responsible for organising the Bengal hartal—complete one-day stoppage of activity—against the Simon Commission. It was to become only one of many.

"When the Simon Commission landed in Bombay on 3 February, 1928, a hartal was observed throughout India with thousands of Indians waving signs, “Simon, Go Home!” ... "

Having mentioned Simon Commission, hordon has veered off to attack Hindus instead, to avoid mentioning the brutal police charge ordered by British against the Gandhian congress demonstrators, which almost had Jawaharlal Nehru killed under a horse, and where elderly leader Lala Lajpat Rai was deliberately thrashed by orders of police with large wooden sticks, hitting him on head, so he died a few days later. 

This provoked action by Bhagat Singh and his group, resulting soon in their being hanged with Gandhi refraining from protest despite nationwide pressure.
................................................................................................


Gordon brings up a topic without its root causes, Simon Commission and police brutality resulting in death of an elderly beloved Lala Lajpat Rai. 

" ... Demands for violent action were being argued out among Bengal’s revolutionary groups in 1929, and on 8 April, members of the Hindustan Republican Socialist Army in northern India blew up a bomb at the Legislative Assembly Hall. No one was injured and the bombers were captured, and put on trial in the Lahore Conspiracy Case. Among them was a young Bengali, Jatin Das, assistant secretary of the South Calcutta Congress Committee, and well known to Subhas Bose for years."

No one was injured, due to that being precise the intention - as they explained, they could have escaped, but intended to be noticed, caught and have their say in court. 

As for Jatin Das, he was tortured to death by jail authorities at instructions of British; so were others. They survived, some to be executed secretly because British feared relatives grieving, and their bodies were chopped and burned without informing the relatives, who were alert and caught this attempt. 

"When Jatin Das was taken to the prison in Lahore, he joined other prisoners there who were already on a hunger strike for removal of certain kinds of discrimination in the treatment of political prisoners. ... "

That discrimination began with rotten food and included whipping and other tortures, apart from lack of hygiene. 

" ... On 13 September, 1929, Das died ... "

Due to torture, Gordon avoids mentioning, as per orders by British. 

" ... His body was taken by train to Calcutta and arrived there on the evening of Sunday, 15 September. The next day Subhas Bose, J.M. Sen Gupta and other Congress leaders—bare-headed and bare-footed—headed an enormous procession through the streets of Calcutta. Some said it was the biggest funeral procession to be seen in Calcutta since the death of C.R. Das. Gandhi, however, remained silent, and implied in a later comment that the hunger strike—as well as the HSRA’s activities—should never have been taken up."

Gandhi was capable of a token expression of regret regarding brital attack by British against old Lala Lajpat Rai resulting in his death; on the other hand, when Hindus were massacred by myslims, he did write to say he admired muslims and despised Hindus for the act. So his attitude about Bhagat Singh and his group wasn't moral, ethical or consistent, merely a vicious attempt to discredit and wipe out someone rising in minds and hearts of India. 

This work and in particular this chapter was an opportunity missed by Gordon, who doesn't even mention Bhagat Singh and his group, except the death of Jatin Das, and then avoids mentioning cause thereof; did he write this book as per British orders? 
................................................................................................


"Even before the end of 1929, Bose anticipated that he might soon have to leave the battlefield of political work for imprisonment. He and about eleven others were convicted under the sedition and unlawful procession charges of August 1929. The Indian judge said that it was unfortunate that such “highly cultured people” should come under the purview of the law, but that since they were creating “bitter feeling of hostility towards (the) government established by law in British India, they deserved the sentence of one year in prison. ... "

What "government established by law in British India"????? Law of sword, cannon and brutal massacres, certainly. 

" ... Gandhi and the Congress were moving to implement the Lahore independence resolution and chart out a means that would lead the country—sooner or later—to complete freedom. ... " 

Gordon is delusional. When India did get independence it had nothing to do with Gandhi and associates, as intimated by Clement Attlee to those who asked him on his visit to India; it had everything to do with effect that Subhash Chandra Bose and his INA had on India. The British had to flee, and fast. 
................................................................................................


"As Gandhi was preparing his forces for the Salt March and a nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement, ... "

Which, Gandhi told someone, was conducted so as to wipe out impact of Bhagat Singh on India. 
................................................................................................


"There was a serious communal riot in Dacca, the second city of Bengal, in early May. Muslims in Dacca town and the surrounding mofussil, set upon Hindu shops and homes. After a few days, the police brought order, but the Hindu People’s Association claimed that the police favoured the Muslims and had been very slow to react to the violence. The riots evinced another kind of quietly growing tension between the two major, and fairly evenly balanced, communities. If the political leaders could not learn to work together, then such riots would build upon the leaders’ failures."

Gordon doesn't give date. 
................................................................................................


"Subhas Bose continued his regimen within the Alipore Jail. An undated manuscript bookmarked “Alipore Central Jail” that may date from this prison term, contains the plan for a book, but only a few paragraphs entitled “The Meaning of Life” appear in the notebook. He wrote: 

"Life means the unfolding of the self. It therefore implies expansion and growth…life demands change…Life is dynamic. It is a play of energy. It is a manifestation of that Supreme Power—call it by what name you will—which pervades the universe—What is unfolded or achieved is not to be conserved for a selfish purpose—but is to be given up for the benefit of the world and for the service of humanity. By giving, we enrich ourselves and the more we give, the more do we thrive and profit…we must give our all and give with a reckless abandon.34"
................................................................................................


If Gordon quotes a speech by Subhash Chandra Bose, or even mentions his interaction with someone, he is just as likely to make a snide comment against Subhash Chandra Bose as not; and here he make another snide comment a page after the previous one, for no reason other than that Gordon isn't obvious as Asian even in Germany and he's writing about subjects of British colonial empire, from his point of view. From Gordon's perspective, mention of king of Jews as Oriental cannot be overlooked without a swipe. 

He failed to realise that readers of his book would mostly be those who had an interest in the subject, and they wouldn't be likely to to share this snide view - but even more, he fails to see that, as he didn't write this for charity, such an attitude makes him a traitor to his earnings. There's a short word for that, but it's in another, Oriental language, not of Indian origin. 

And here's another one, fast on heels of one about mentioning king of jews being Oriental -

"Although the goal of independence and the necessity for boycott and Swadeshi were mentioned to every audience, Bose tailored his remarks to fit the different audiences he encountered. ... "

If there are speakers who make speeches that aren't "tailored ... to fit the different audiences ... encountered", but instead are designed deliberately to fly high over heads of any audience, perhaps Gordon is familiar with them, but such speakers are unlikely to be his own compatriots from bush country, much less politicians; and definitely any freedom fighters who were attempting to awaken people wouldn't do that. 
................................................................................................


" ... He also addressed the women of the towns as he was touring the districts, telling them that “women had not only duties to their family, but they had also a greater duty to their country”, which looks “to the mothers to come forward and inspire the whole nation”.40 

"Subhas Bose’s district tours and mayoral work were interrupted on 8 December when all of Calcutta was aroused by the attack on the headquarters of the Bengal administration and murder of Mr Simpson. ... Subhas Bose gave his perspective, which many other nationalists in Bengal shared. He said, in part: 

"The fact stares us in the face that India today wants freedom very soon. The fact also stares us in the face that there are people in this country…who want freedom not merely by following the Congress program, but if need be they want freedom at any price and by any means.41"

"He then placed the other major share of blame on the repressive actions of the government in restricting meetings, processions, the press, etc., which did not allow the Congress to work in an open non-violent way and drove some nationalists underground and to acts of terror. Trying to visit Maldah in January, he found that he had been banned. When he pushed ahead with his effort to visit the area, he was arrested, tried, and sentenced to seven days’ imprisonment.

"To celebrate their “independence day” on 26 January, 1931, ... "

The quotation marks are another snide comment by someone who hid his own identity while investigating material for this work in Germany, since the person he interviewed expressed agreement with nazi views and more. Yes, British hadn't gone in 1931; but yes, Congress does view the date of their own declaration of India's independence as the date of importance regarding independence of India. 

" ... Bose was determined to lead a procession at the head of hundreds of Congress workers, from the Corporation to the nearby Maidan, though it had been banned by the police. A game of cat-and-mouse with the police ensued, with the police eager to arrest him before he could bring out the procession. After being beaten, Bose was arrested, kept incommunicado, and given no food nor medical treatment. Brought before the chief presidency magistrate of Calcutta the following afternoon, he was charged and convicted “of being member of an unlawful assembly, rioting and endangering public safety”.42 

"Sentenced to six months’ rigorous imprisonment, Bose was shut away in the Alipore Jail yet again. Meanwhile, Gandhi was moving towards a rapprochement with the government, resulting in the Gandhi-Irwin Pact announced on 5 March, 1931. ... "

Again here Gordon omits mention of nationwide tremendous pressure for Gandhi to negotiate for lives of Bhagat Singh and his group, which he didn't even make a token effort towards, since frankly he wished they'd vanish so he could get on moulding India and history to his single will,  and he signed on the dotted line as asked by Viceroy; he got, as reward, a round table conference in London, snide remarks from Winston Churchill and nothing for either India or even Congress. 

Having been reprieved by Gandhi, British had by then gone on to execute the revolutionaries on evening prior to set date, contrary to custom of morning execution; with intentions of not letting families have the bodies, they chopped them up and stole by back door - front had families and relatives anxious about what was happening inside - to banks of river and set them on fire, without religious processes of a proper Hindu or Sikh funeral. It was as inhuman a conduct as that by nazi butchers in extermination camps of Germany and Eastern Europe. That the relatives could recover the remains despite all this, wasn't credit to British. 
................................................................................................


Finally! 

"To Bose, Bengal still had some 800 political prisoners, including many held and not charged and never brought to trial. For Gandhi, they were not the same as his satyagrahis pledged to non-violence. On 23 March, days before the Congress session was to open in Karachi, when India awoke to learn that three political prisoners convicted in the Lahore Conspiracy Case including Bhagat Singh had been swiftly executed, ... "

Swiftly? Does Gordon imply that others are but heredd with slow strokes of knife while executioners st parking with bowed heads? 

Gordon lies. 

The execution was carried out in secrecy, at nightfall, a few hours prior to the set date, unlike usual practice of doing so at or before sunrise after dawn of the set date, deliberately with a view to cheat families of the dead, depriving them of proper funerals. 

" ... many condemned the government, ... "

Did anybody expect kudos for the downright cowardly conduct of British in chopping up the dead and trying to secretly burn them on river bank without proper funerals?

" ... while others blamed Gandhi for not making more effective representations to the government on behalf of the condemned."

He could have saved their lives, but never tried, with merely a " ... some people feel ... no? All right" signing away of clout he had, not because he couldn't have but because he wanted them dead, perhaps more so than British did, so he was seen by Indians as sole bargainer for paltry privileges meted out like one drop of rain a year in Sahara. 
................................................................................................


"Bose’s view can be glimpsed from an extract from his address to the All-India Naujawan Bharat Sabha on 27 March, ‘India may have to lose many more sons before she can hope to be free. These recent executions are to me sure indications that there has been no change of heart on the side of the Government and the time for an honourable settlement has not arrived as yet.’44"

He at least acknowledged them as fighters whose lives were sacrificed by them in independence struggle - as, indeed, they had, intentionally, to bring an awakening to India and the world. 

Bhagat Singh had intentionally planned the assembly bombing with no one hurt, and instead of escaping thereafter, stood ground and surrendered, just so they'd be heard. 

"Bose entered the Congress to the cheers of the young. Unlike his role in the past two Congress sessions, he did not oppose Gandhi on any of the three basic resolutions. Nehru proposed a resolution which Gandhi supported, praising the bravery of the victims, while dissociating the Congress from acts of political violence. What Gandhi mainly desired at this juncture was approval of the agreement he had worked out with the viceroy. This he gained by an overwhelming vote. 

"With his compromise efforts backed, Gandhi proposed the Fundamental Rights resolution. It included some twenty items, among them freedom of speech, press, association and no bars to any Indian on account of religion, caste, creed or sex. It backed the right to bear arms and stipulated religious neutrality on the part of the state. It then listed a number of measures which were aimed at helping the poorer classes: a living wage for industrial workers; limited hours and healthy conditions of work; no child labour; and protections for women workers. It also called for a progressive income tax, adult suffrage and free primary education for all. In line with Gandhi’s program it mentioned that there was to be no duty on salt and total prohibition. Usury was to be controlled. Then, hinting at socialism, the resolution specified that the state should control key industrial and mineral resources. This twenty-point program was passed by a large majority."

Didn't British nix all of that, every single one, and welch on all promises they - represented by the then Viceroy - had made before Gandhi had signed, as usual? 

"When the Working Committee was announced, Sen Gupta, who had spoken passionately in favor of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, was on it. Subhas Bose was not. Bose and Gandhi continued on friendly terms, but Bose was still not acceptable in the Congress inner circle. Even Dr B.C. Roy, who had replaced Sen Gupta on the Working Committee when Sen Gupta was imprisoned, was more satisfactory than Bose."

Notice the author's slant against Subhash Chandra Bose in whats supposed to be a biography of him and his brother, and attempt to make readers believe that it's pro Gandhi; it's nothing of the sort - it's merely the authors revenging his own insignificance on someone of a stature he is unable to view. 

On another level, a similar attempt is made by another author saying Andes are growing faster and will be taller than Everest in a few million years. 
................................................................................................


"Following the Karachi Congress, Bose went on a speaking tour of Sind and the Punjab. In Amritsar on 8 April, he substituted for Gandhi in addressing the Sikh League. Bose assured the Sikhs that all Congress leaders including Gandhi and himself would work for justice for small communities like the Sikhs. But then Gandhi’s stand-in went beyond what the Mahatma would have said to the assembled throng, praising the Sikh youth recently executed by the government: ‘Therefore, (I) appeal to the brave Sikhs to produce more patriots having the courage and (spirit of) sacrifice of Bhagat Singh.’45

"Bose’s call for hundreds of Bhagat Singhs did not go unnoticed. The Home Department in Delhi found it “thoroughly anti-Government and seditious” and wondered whether it was better to jail Bose or allow him freedom to go on quarreling with Sen Gupta and thereby weaken the Congress in Bengal. They decided to leave him free."

Seriously, was Gordon paid by joint kitty of British and Congress to write this book with a slighting of the national hero of India every few sentences? 

Has Amazon been duped onto selling a propaganda leaflet at exorbitant prices, seeing as it's an image of a priceless jewel portrayed strewn garbage on it? 

"Although the Statesman continued to lump all Congressmen and perpetrators of violence in the same camp, there were differences. For one, Bose was sympathetic to the revolutionaries; Gandhi saw them as being as much his enemies as the Government of India: both furthered violence and brutality; both severed the Indians and their rulers ever more from each other. Gandhi’s aim was to work for India’s eventual freedom and reconstruction through non-violent means which would bring the two sides together and convert the opponent. The Mahatma was convinced that these violent acts by young Indians were not bringing freedom closer and were making it more difficult to convert a ruler whose agents and administrators were being shot in the street or even in their own offices. Gandhi had chosen to make temporary peace, call off civil disobedience and go to London to talk. This certainly did not satisfy the revolutionaries who continued their campaigns of assassination and terror. Gandhi’s British visit scarcely pleased Bose, but he, for the time being, decided to be a good Congress soldier and work within Congress parameters."

That Gandhi was wrong about this, as well as about Hindus massacred by muslims, was proved by subsequent history. British were forced to flee only due to effect of Subhash Chandra Bose and his INA; s for muslims,  they massacred Hindus and Sikhs with impunity, until Hindus decided to not be Gandhian. By then, however, muslim jihadists - through the world, but centered and spreading chiefly from Pakistan - were used to assaulting everywhere around the globe: Israel, USSR, US, UK, France, Germany, Australia, Canada, and not only India. 

Only Burma has stopped them cold, so far. China has been a step ahead, banning their creed and holding untold numbers in "re-education" facilities, banning all but Chinese flags on mosques, and more.
................................................................................................


"It must be noted, however, that Gandhi’s criticisms of terrorist acts and Bose’s own, do read differently. Gandhi is absolutely opposed to terrorism for violence is evil and evil means cannot lead to beneficial ends. Bose, like his mentor Aurobindo Ghose, is against acts of terrorism because they do not work, they do not “achieve their objective…expeditiously”. If he had sufficient force to oppose the Raj on equal terms, would he not then use it?"

Gordon risks being reminded that, if resorting to non-violence, Israel wouldn't last the six day war, with Arab nations determined to drown Jews in Mediterranean as per their declaration and promise to their (invited) Palestinian refugees. For that matter, the jews and other civilians exterminated by nazis WERE nonviolent for most part, all but the few in Warsaw ghetto uprising  which was towards the end; and the victims weren't adult males alone, but of every age and both genders. 

What makes him think British were different except in degrees of inhuman conduct? 

And Gordon is wrong about Gandhi, too. His behaviour regarding anyone in his way to monopoly of power or status wasn't humane or decent or courteous but was short of every possible natural or friendly conduct, with chiefly manipulation and verbal violence as weapons. A father refusing to support a child cannot be accused of cutting its throat, but isn't a decent man all the same.

However, chief fault of Gordon here is a severe lack of perception in assertion that Gandhi believed in non-violence and wasn't merely using it as necessary political tool. That's false. 

His assertion that Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan be forced back to face their murderers with love, and meanwhile be evicted from the only shelter they had found onto streets in bitter winter cold of Delhi in January, just so he could enjoy a festival  wasn't nonviolent. 

Nor so was his ousting of Subhash Chandra Bose and later Patel, against all democracy or legitimacy, from congress president's position. Or his approval of execution of Bhagat Singh and his group, while refraining from denouncing British for brutal death of Lala Lajpat Rai and not even going on a strike as protest. Or his treatment of his first-born, stopping every endeavour of the young man to force him into following his father meekly lifelong. 

Inhuman, yes, manipulative, yes, single minded pursuit of power at all costs, yes, but non-violence, that was merely his tool, limited to physical but but not applicable to verbal sphere. 
................................................................................................


"Gandhi did not achieve success abroad in ways that were satisfactory to the Congress. ... "

It was amply satisfactory to British, of course. They'd duped India with a trip to London for a handful of Indians, and nothing else given away, although promises had been made before Gandhi signed. 

" ... On 5 December, he left Britain and on 28 December, landed in Bombay, where Subhas Bose was among the Congress leaders present to greet him. In a speech to the Commonwealth of India League immediately after returning, Gandhi again criticised the Bengal Ordinance and the punishment of a large population “because a few persons ran amuck”.50 On 29 December, he discussed the Bengal and national situation with Bose, who had been saying all fall that the Congress needed a plan of action if no results were forthcoming from Gandhi’s London visit.

"The Congress Working Committee decided that civil disobedience would have to be resumed if the Government of India did not make any positive conciliatory moves. A small news item in Liberty on 3 January indicated the direction in which the Government of India had decided to move: ‘Mr Subhas Chandra Bose who left for Calcutta this afternoon was arrested on the train at Kalyan, thirty miles from Bombay, under Regulation III of 1818. He was taken by the same train to an unknown destination.’ 51"

Notice the location of arrest, a smaller railway junction instead of Mumbai or Calcutta. Cowards much? 

"On 4 January, with the Congress moving to civil disobedience, the government arrested Gandhi, Patel, Prasad, Nehru, and many other Congressmen in Bombay, Calcutta and Delhi. Four further ordinances were promulgated to facilitate this repression and all Congress organisations were declared unlawful. Although civil disobedience was resumed in a few isolated areas such as the eastern parts of Midnapore in Bengal, the government effectively deprived the Congress of many of its leaders for some time to come. On 6 February, 1932, another small item appeared in Liberty concerning its managing director: 

"Sjt. Sarat Chandra Bose, Bar-at-Law and Alderman of the Calcutta Corporation, was arrested on Thursday night at Jharia, where he went on a professional call, under Regulation III of 1818, and taken by Bombay Mail to Seoni sub-jail, where Sjt. Subhas Chandra Bose has been kept detained under the same Regulation.52"

" ... the prisoner was never allowed to know precisely why he was being held."

Exactly like hundreds of others that Sukhdev had written to Gandhi about in his open letter before his execution. 

Fruits of Gandhi's refusal to recognise that other freedom fighters were just as valid as his own self?
................................................................................................


" ... did he intend to close his eyes to the brutalities of these regimes? Did he believe that the positive lesson of these regimes could be separated from the bestialities, and then transferred to India?"

He had certainly seen brutalities perpetrated by a supposedly democratic UK in India against Indians, and also might equally have been aware of brutalities in US as described by Upton Sinclair and others; in all probability, je did not believe that brutalities were indivisible from political systems other than capitalist democracy, as US commonly hold almost as a creed, but connected it with other factors, such as philosophy and religion, psychology and racial characteristics. He'd not be wrong if so. 
................................................................................................


"From Rome, Bose embarked on a second tour during the first half of 1934, which took him to Switzerland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, and then back to Italy, Hungary, Rumania, Turkey, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia. In his essay, “India Abroad”, written during his European stay, Bose had argued: ‘Everywhere there is a colossal ignorance about India—but at the same time there is a general feeling of sympathy for, and interest in, India.’21 Feeling that “Indian propaganda abroad was absolutely necessary for our national advancement”, his objectives—and those that he felt were necessary for Indian propaganda in general—were the following: 

"1. To counteract false propaganda about India. 

"2. To enlighten the world about the true conditions obtaining in India today. 

"3. To acquaint the world with the positive achievements of the Indian people in every sphere of human activity"

"To reach these goals, Bose wanted Indian representatives at every international congress, positive articles about India in every European language, prominent Indians travelling abroad and speaking about their country, the development of films and slides on India, the invitation of foreign scholars to India, and the creation of mixed societies of Indians and foreigners in every country to foster closer cultural and commercial relations.

"Bose realised that he did not have the resources of the British government. But he did his best to establish the kind of cultural and commercial associations which might grow, endure and contribute to long-term links. He also wanted active Indian student associations wherever possible and he was in constant touch with Indian students wherever he went. He saw students and their training in science, engineering, medicine and other subjects as the preparation not only for their individual futures, but for the future of India, and Bose talked to European industrialists, businessmen, and officials about internships for Indians with relevant advanced degrees.

"Bose also returned to Germany. In a lengthy memorandum to the German Foreign Office councillor, written on 5 April, 1934, Bose sharply criticised negative aspects of German-Indian relations since the National Socialists had come to power. He said that he did this in the hope of improving relations. Of particular concern were derogatory articles in the German press and hostile statements by German leaders about India, and Nazi race propaganda as it impinged on Indians in Germany. He wrote: 

"The most serious factor threatening friendly relations between Germany and India is the unfortunate effect produced by the present race propaganda in Germany.…the general attitude of the people towards Indians is not as friendly…as it formerly was…in Munchen…, Indian students have been even pelted with stones…the draft legislation embodied in the National Sozialistische Strafrecht published by the Ministry of Justice states that legislation against Jews, Negroes and coloured people is under consideration…. This draft…has…roused considerable anxiety and resentment among Indians.22"

"Bose insisted that relations between Germany and India would only improve if the negative statements were stopped and the racial legislation shelved. ... Of course, in 1934, Bose did not yet know how the Nazis would work out their program, particularly the Final Solution to the Jewish question. He cultivated a personal friendship with a highly intelligent Jewish woman, Kitty Kurti, and her husband in Berlin. Bose warned them to leave Germany in the mid-1930s as conditions for Jews darkened in Germany. Another Jewish friend, Helen Ashkanazy, president of several women’s groups, also had to leave Austria before the decade was over. Even with these Jewish friends and his understanding of Nazi racism, he was willing to work with the devil in order to free India."

"After a tour of the Balkans, Bose was back in Vienna by June 1934, engaged with a supportive circle of friends who noted that he had only one interest which consumed him: the liberation of India from British rule. He collected books on India in French and German which he could not read, and most of what he could read was about world politics as it related to India. He did investigate European politics and watched European politicians at work to see what this might teach him vis-à-vis the British. He looked into municipal experiments in European cities, so that he might get ideas about the improvement of Calcutta. ... "

"As Bose returned to Vienna in June 1934, he had secured a contract from a British publisher to write a book on Indian politics with a deadline later in the year. In Vienna he looked for a secretary, a trustworthy person who could help him with the preparation of the book. Through an Indian doctor, he was introduced to Emilie Schenkl, a young Viennese woman. She was born on 26 December, 1910, to an Austrian Catholic family. Her paternal grandfather was a shoemaker, and her father, a veterinarian. Her father was not eager for her to have a formal education, but late in World War I, he permitted her to attend primary school and then begin secondary school. Displeased that she was not learning grammar well, he sent her to a nunnery for four years to continue her education. She thought briefly of becoming a nun, but eventually dropped the idea. She attended two more schools for a year each and completed her education when she was twenty."

"Bose did try to come to terms with Gandhi’s hold on the masses, which none had been able to challenge or break. Bose wrote: 

"As we have already seen, a large and influential section of the intelligentsia was against him, but this opposition was gradually worn down through the enthusiastic support given by the masses. Consciously or unconsciously, the Mahatma fully exploited the mass psychology of the people, just as Lenin did the same thing in Russia, Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany. But in doing so, the Mahatma was using a weapon which was sure to recoil on his head. He was exploiting many of the weak traits in the character of his countrymen which had accounted for India’s downfall to a large extent. After all, what has brought about India’s downfall in the material and political sphere? It is her inordinate belief in fate and in the supernatural—her indifference to modern scientific development—her backwardness in the science of modern warfare, the peaceful contentment engendered by her latter-day philosophy and adherence to Ahimsa (Nonviolence) carried to the most absurd length. In 1920, when the Congress began to preach the political doctrine of non-co-operation, a large number of Congressmen who had accepted the Mahatma not merely as a political leader but also as a religious preceptor—began to preach the cult of the new Messiah.24"

"Bose further condemned numerous blunders of the Mahatma, especially Gandhi’s lack of planning for the second Round Table Conference. At the root of Gandhi’s errors, Bose declared, was confusion between the Mahatma’s two roles as political leader and world preacher. ... "

Gordon comments here - 

" ... Perhaps Bose never thought to consider that Gandhi’s very success may have resulted in part from his effective fusion of religion and politics, or that his own popularity in Bengal may have been related to a religious aura that surrounded him because of his sacrifices and his years of imprisonment. ... "

As to the latter part, Subhash Chandra Bose wasn't alone, there were hundreds jailed by British at any given time; few arise in Indian hearts to statures that Subhash Chandra Bose, Bhagat Singh and his group, and few others did. 

As to Gandhi’s success, Gordon is only correct at a preliminary level, but it's best answered by a story about a bear by (Thurber?), who stops drinking and tries to prove it by bending backwards too far, falling as a result- as in case of Gandhi, who argued that a tiger can eat only so many cows. As Koenraad Elst points out, the tiger might be satiated for the day but no tiger has ever turned vegetarian; and as anyone can see, the argument has no consolation for cows, and the experimenting theorist isn't losing anything in preaching nonviolence to cows. 

" ... what was to become manifest was that his outspoken criticism of colleagues was not to do him any good in the future."

Gordon's shortness of vision is breathtaking - he's measuring a Himalayan peak from a Mediterraenean beach or a Caribbean one, and finding it shorter than the palm tree he's relaxing under! 
................................................................................................


And here's evidence of the said short vision - 

"On the ideological side, Bose seemed to create confusion by running fascism and communism together. He considered himself part of the left or radical tendency of the nationalist movement, but the kind words for fascism were anathema to most of the other members of the Indian left. ... "

Most people of allied nations, UK, US, even France, at that time had only admiration for the efficient and shining Germany and Italy, and a horror of bolshevism since such a philosophy threatened private property and individual rights and opportunities; any citizen of US, however poor, would and does feel threatened by a thinking that demands sacrifice for greater good, and votes for less taxes, never mind health care or education. As for fascism, people always justified it with mention of trains running on time. Wealthy socialites of US of nineteen-thirties were most happy and impressed by the tall, blond, polite young men they invited to tea, who were soft-spoken in their pleading for Germany being right. 

And the fact that US or at least CIA helped far too many war criminals to escape, not only to destinations across South Atlantic but to US too, helping them settle, isn't a secret any more. 

As for leftists in India, few like Bose or Bhagat Singh and his group were or are independent thinkers - most tow a line, amounting to quite a circus when Hitler’s pact with Stalin was made known, and another when Hitler broke it to attack Russia. 

But independent of who else said or did what, Subhash Chandra Bose was always thinking about what would be needed for and best for independence of India and future of the nation. And if he envisioned a combination of all poor fed, clothed, housed and educated well, paid fairly, and all this combined with a spic-and-span shining nation with everything running on time, well, that was utopia. 

He did protest and denounce the negatives he saw, and publicly too. Unlike Gordon, who's refrained from mentioning why Bhagat Singh and his group shot a British policeman after death of Lala Lajpat Rai, and why Bhagat Singh deliberately made the plan to throw the bomb in the assembly with care taken to not hurt anybody. He mentions Simon Commission, but not the beating of an elderly man who died as a consequence. 
................................................................................................


"Among other matters, Nehru was concerned with Muslims’ objection to the song, “Bande Mataram” from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s novel Ananda Math, and widely used as a nationalist anthem. It was a Bengali, Hindu song which the Muslim League said the Congress was “… foisting … as the national anthem upon the country in callous disregard of the feelings of Muslims”.18 Following Bose’s advice, Nehru arranged to come early to the AICC session that was to be held in Calcutta and discuss the matter with Rabindranath Tagore. Subhas Bose, though nationalist and Bengali, was not dogmatic about the use of the song. Later a song of Tagore’s, which was clearly secular and had none of the overtones of “Bande mataram”, was transliterated into Hindi and used as the national anthem."

This argument has continued, pretending that it's about muslims being not allowed to worship Motherland; reality is that it translates as salute, not worship, and muslims do salute a million things, chiefly other men; the real objection, which they are unwilling to explain, is about the "Mother" bit, Abrahamic-III being more virulent than Abrahamic-II in branding female as evil originating from satan; but if the image and word had been, a la German concept, "fatherland" and father figure, there'd be far less opposition, while as it is, it's hysterical. 

And this is borne out by the finally fixed national anthem, incidentally chosen by Subhash Chandra Bose and sung first in Germany - it speaks of victory to "God of India's Destiny", and of whole of India (including also Sindh) singing in worship thereof; but it's a male noun in Sanskrit, understood throughout India as such. So there have been no objections. 
................................................................................................


"The victory of Subhas Bose in the Congress presidential race came as a surprise to Mahatma Gandhi and his closest colleagues. The leftists throughout India had backed Bose—attaining the high-watermark of their unity in the 20th century. Thus Bose, the much-better known and more charismatic candidate, won through in this round with his 1,580 votes as against his opponent’s 1,375, and was to be Congress president for 1939.

"The victory for a candidate opposing his own choice, however, awakened Gandhi from his somnolence and he issued a hostile and self-accusatory statement two days later. In part, the Mahatma said: 

"Shri Subhas Bose has achieved a decisive victory…I must confess that from the very beginning I was decidedly against his re-election…I do not subscribe to his facts or the arguments in his manifestos. I think that his references to his colleagues were unjustified and unworthy. Nevertheless, I am glad of his victory…After all Subhas Babu is not an enemy of his country. He has suffered for it. In his opinion his is the most forward and boldest policy and program…The minority may not obstruct on any account. They must abstain when they cannot cooperate.4 

"Here Gandhi gives hints of what is yet to come. He says the vote was a defeat for his principles and for the rightist team of Gandhians who had long run the Congress organisation. And it was a sign of strength for those Bose called the “left” and for a program of resolute opposition to the Raj. But even more than these suggestions in Gandhi’s words, it is a challenge to Bose to direct the Congress executive and run it according to his principles and program."

More than anything, that last bit -

"The minority may not obstruct on any account. They must abstain when they cannot cooperate."

- is the key to what manipulative wheel Subhash Chandra Bose was next racked over by Gandhi and his group.

"Gandhi and his men, angry with Bose’s description of them in The Indian Struggle as “tired old reactionaries” who are not prepared for the coming and necessary struggle, were preparing to teach Bose a lesson. On 22 February, 1939, all the Working Committee members—except the Boses—including Jawaharlal Nehru, resigned, leaving the Congress with a president marked for the helm, but without a crew to run the ship. 

"Bose wanted Gandhi’s approbation. He met with Gandhi on 15 February, and thought he would have Gandhi’s support; but having taunted the Gandhians in his book as compromisers, he was perhaps foolish to think they would continue to run the Congress organisation with him. ... "

But if Subhash Chandra Bose and his book were the problem, why did Gandhi nake him a president of congress in the first place, instead of ignoring him and sidelining both brothers? Was it just so he'd stomp on him next and show him who was boss? 

That makes one suspect that Bengali common accusations against Gandhi and congress, of deliberately wrecking and dividing Bengal, aren't without foundation. 

"Bose went into seclusion with relatives at Jealgora near Dhanbad in Bihar to try to shake off an inexplicable illness which some of his friends attributed to some magical mental effects—and Bose himself to the end maintained that the irregular course of the symptoms showed that there was something “mysterious” in it all. ... "

Is it out of the question that Gandhi's ill will was affecting the young man? Perhaps the perception of illiterate masses in calling him Mahatma had a lower level truth behind it, in yhat he could affect others with a vital power, while outwardly lack of physical aggression and carefully maintained verbal image of non threatening produced illusion of saintliness for those led by words. 

"Throughout these exchanges in March and April 1939, Bose wrote to Gandhi most respectfully, imploring him to compromise. Did Bose really believe that the Mahatma had no hand in the counterstrike of the old guard against the insurgent Bose and his supporters? ... "

"The letters to Nehru were a different matter. They were blunt; they were bitter, they were often rude and nasty. Bose claimed that he had been respectful to Nehru in the past, “…ever since I came out of internment in 1937, I have been treating you with the utmost regard and consideration, in private life and in public. I have looked upon you as politically an elder brother and leader and have often sought your advice”.14 But when the crunch came, when Bose decided to challenge the Gandhians at the end of 1938, he found that his socialist colleague, the one he called his “political elder brother”, was not with him. Nehru did not view the Congress in the same left-versus-right terms as Bose; he thought Gandhi was the vital heart of the movement; and felt that Bose’s “aspersion” against the old guard was wrong and unwarranted. And he had opposed Bose’s re-election, as he explained: 

"I was against your standing for election for two major reasons: it meant under the circumstances a break with Gandhiji and I did not want this to take place… ... I felt all along that you were far too keen on re-election.15"

Nehru accuses Bose of being too keen on being reelected, although when it came to his own being not elected, he informed Gandhi he'd leave congress, so it's an unfair accusation against someone younger whod worked ceaselessly and suffered far more from British brutality. 

What does come through undoubtedly though is that this letter is excellent incontrovertible evidence that neither congress nor its leaders had democracy after Gandhi arrived in India by invitation of Gokhale - it has always been an autocracy dictated by a Gandhi or a Nehru, and maintained a patently false, fraudulent claim to being a democratic structure. 
................................................................................................


"Just before the AICC was to convene in Calcutta on April 29, 1939, Bose and Nehru met, a meeting Nehru later said was quite amicable. Gandhi also met with Bose just before the AICC conclave, but nothing was resolved. When the AICC met, Bose described his inability to work out a compromise formula with Gandhi and laid a letter to this effect from Gandhi before the assembly. Then he tendered his own resignation, saying, in part: 

"Mahatmaji’s advice to me is that I should myself form a Working Committee leaving out the members who resigned from the previous Working Committee.… If I formed such a committee.…I would not be able to report to you that the Committee commanded his implicit confidence. 

"…my own conviction is that in view of the critical times that are ahead of us in India and abroad, we should have a composite Cabinet commanding the confidence of the largest number of Congress possible… 

"I have been pondering…what I could do to help the A.I.C.C. in solving the problem…I feel that my presence as President at this juncture may possibly be a sort of obstacle or handicap in its path.…After mature deliberation, therefore, and in an entirely helpful spirit I am placing my resignation in your hands.24"
................................................................................................


"Within a week of his resignation as Congress president, Subhas Bose announced in Calcutta on 3 May, 1939, the formation of a new grouping within the Congress to be called the “Forward Bloc”. He said that the object was to “rally all radical and anti-Imperialist progressive elements in the country on the basis of a minimum programme, representing the greatest common measure of agreement among radicals of all shades of opinion”.28 ... "

" ... In early July, Bose named the members of the Forward Bloc Working Committee, and by early August, the Forward Bloc had a weekly paper of the same name, for which Bose regularly wrote editorials."

Gordon resorts to snide comments about Bose, again. 
................................................................................................


"Through the series of controversies in which Subhas Bose had been involved from late 1938 through late 1939, one prominent figure, the giant of India’s cultural life, Rabindranath Tagore, supported him stoutly. As he explained, Tagore had had his doubts about Subhas, but now, with Subhas besieged, the Poet spoke eloquently for him and to him in an essay entitled, “Deshanayak” [The Leader of the Country]. He wrote, in part:

"As Bengal’s poet, I today acknowledge you as the honoured leader of the people of Bengal.…Suffering from the deadening effect of the prolonged punishment inflicted upon her young generation and disintegrated by internal faction, Bengal is passing through a period of dark despair…At such a juncture of nation-wide crisis, we require the service of a forceful personality, the invincible faith of a natural leader, who can defy the adverse fate that threatens our progress.…Today you are revealed in the pure light of the midday sun which does not admit of apprehensions…Your strength has been sorely taxed by imprisonment, banishment and disease, but rather than impairing these have helped to broaden your sympathies…You did not regard apparent defeat as final: therefore, you have turned your trials into your allies. More than anything else Bengal needs today to emulate the powerful force of your determination and self-reliant courage…Long ago…I sent out a call for the leader of Bengal who had yet to come. After a lapse of many years I am addressing…one who has come into the full light of recognition.37"

This is amazing insight. He'd showed that also in writing a salutary piece about Sri Aurobindo. 

"Privately as well, Tagore had made every effort to help Bose, asking Gandhi and Nehru in late 1938 and early 1939 to accept Bose as Congress president again without a squabble. In December 1939, Tagore asked Gandhi to have the ban on Subhas lifted and his cooperation cordially invited in the “supreme interest of national unity”.38 They declined his advice throughout. ... "

They also declined advice from Sri Aurobindo when, one time, he broke silence on politics after having gone to Pondicherry. Their cribbing response was, why is he advising now when he first go to jail with us? In short, Gandhi only tolerated those he could dominate; rest, he tried to break and made every effort no matter what. 

"At the end of 1939, their view of Bose differed sharply from that of Tagore. Writing in Harijan in early 1940, Gandhi said, ‘I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son…,’ but that he had suffered the “pain of wholly associating myself with the ban pronounced on him”.39 ... "

Seeing how he broke two out of four sons he had, and kept the rest in background but not letting them grow to carve a path for themselves, it's a horror that he says "I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son", and relief that this association ended soon enough that Subhash Chandra Bose could escape the Mahatma! He didn't deserve being broken the way sons of Gandhi were, certainly. Those who did deserve such a treatment were in fact coddled by Gandhi for perpetrating atrocities and massacres, because they never considered him their leader in any case. 
................................................................................................


Gordon titles the chapter dealing with Subhash Chandra Bose escaping British house arrest with spies set on him, and crossing over from Calcutta to Kabul via Peshawar and thence via Moscow to Berlin, "Axis Collaborator? Subhas Bose in Europe, 1941-43"!

Which idiot suggested the first part of title for this chapter, one wonders. 

A subject of a repressive regime, treated brutally by their throwing him in prison for years, repeatedly, exiled for several years, not any part of British government - and Gordon seriously thinks he could "collaborate" with Germans? To what, celebrate Hindu festivals? 

There was only a one way street, them helping India, if any transaction were in question. 

" ... Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in his diary on 11 November, 1941: 

"Today’s papers contained the Govt. announcement that Subhas was either in Berlin or Rome…One of the head warders asked us if this was true and added that it was like Vibhishan leaving his brother Ravana to join Ramachandra! The British Govt., with all its atyachar [atrocities] in India was like Ravana, he said. Probably this represents a fairly widespread public reaction.74"

Gordon ends this chapter, that by any decent author is a thrilling account of Subhash Chandra Bose escaping for not only life but for struggle for independence of India, with a tirade blaming Subhash Chandra Bose for imprisonment of Sarat Bose, and questions if the failure of the brothers was responsible for communal enmity! 

If only he'd read Ragnarok by Ignatius Donnelly, he could have piled on and blamed Subhash Chandra Bose for the Great Chicago Fire! Or even for Ragnarok. As it is, we're surprised he's retsrained enough to not blame him for WWII or any specific invasions by Hitler. 

So far. 
................................................................................................


"Most of the German Foreign Office group felt an intense dislike for Schenkl. For her part, Emilie Schenkl did not like Trott whom she accused of aristocratic snobbery. Whatever the personal sensitivities involved, there also was a strong class bias at work. The Foreign Office officials were highly educated and had aristocratic and upper-middle-class backgrounds. They looked down on Schenkl, a less educated lower-middle-class secretary from Vienna whom they saw living and eating much better than they were in the midst of the war. One woman agent, Dr Freda Kretschmer, assigned by the Foreign Office to watch Fraulein Schenkl and ensure that she kept clear of politics, developed a loathing for Bose’s “personal companion”, as she is called in many Foreign Office files, and claims that the relationship had a very harmful effect on Bose.8 Yet the relationship—which began in the 1930s—continued and deepened with the pregnancy of Emilie Schenkl in 1942. On 29 November, 1942, Fraulein Schenkl gave birth in Vienna to a daughter, whom they would name, Anita Bose. Bose acknowledged his family. ... "

Gordon makes yet another snide comment, about "woman he chose" alienating nazis whose help he needed. Did Gordon expect Subhash Chandra Bose to find a convenient German aristocrat wife, for the purpose of his work in Berlin? Is that normal in US or in West, expecting men to get fresh wives for every trip, however important? 

One recalls Nancy Reagan hanging around with US TV crews, disbelief in reality making her stay on, expecting to be invited for wedding breakfast after wedding of Diana. Would that be failure of US, not having a president married to someone who'd have been invited by the Queen?
................................................................................................


"Subhas Bose, however, had left another legacy to his Congress colleagues: the call for a mass struggle against the Raj. With the debacle of the Cripps Mission, and little British interest in conciliating nationalist India to the war effort, Gandhi was making his own way towards a mass movement against the Raj in wartime. As a Forward Bloc leader wrote at the time: ‘Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Working Committee are now following in the footsteps of Subhas Chandra Bose and the All-India Forward Bloc.’43 Gandhi did not want to admit that he was now taking up Bose’s line. ... "

" ... I have made up my mind that it would be a good thing if a million people were shot in a brave and non-violent rebellion against British rule… ... "

Gandhi was, as Koenraad Elst points out, generous with lives of others; this was all the more so when Hindus were massacred in millions. He demanded that refugees fleeing massacre be forced back across the border by government of India, not because India was too poor but because it was against his ideals to let Hindus escape massacre by muslims. 
................................................................................................


" ... At dawn of 8 February, 1943, Bose and Hasan climbed into German submarine U-180, manned by four officers and fifty-one sailors. It was a bigger sub of the 9D type, and had a special E motor to enable it to go faster. It departed the following day for its long journey through dangerous waters around the British Isles, and south through the Atlantic. Not only were the waters infested with enemy ships and some patrolled by enemy planes, but the U-boat sent the usual radio messages which were in all likelihood decoded by the British. Ronald Lewin, an expert on Allied intelligence in the war, wrote: 

"…his [Bose’s] trip was not so secret as was assumed. Special messages were transmitted to him by radio to keep him abreast of the nationalist situation. Intercepted and deciphered, these told the Allies not only about his presence aboard but also a great deal about the Free India Movement and its membership.57 

"Though it is very likely that the British knew of Bose’s trip from the Japanese diplomatic messages which were deciphered by the Americans and passed on to them, and from their own cracking of the German cipher, the British either could not or did not choose to intercept the submarine. Indeed, it is not clear whether or not they had the appropriate air and sea forces to do so. 

"The U-180 was not closely pursued or attacked and on one occasion, on 18 April, 1943, it sank the British merchant ship Corbis. Everything was done in close quarters and, according to Hasan, everything stank of diesel oil. Bose worked hard, preparing changes for a new edition of The Indian Struggle, and making detailed plans for East and Southeast Asia activities.58

"On 24 April, 1943, they made their connection with the Japanese submarine 1-29 in the Indian Ocean, east of Madagascar. The seas were rough and the transfer took some time. Bose now became a guest of the Imperial Japanese Navy. When he made his choice to go to Europe, Germany and Italy were at war with the British Empire and Japan was not. Had he been in Southeast Asia in early 1942 when the Japanese were on the offensive, he might have persuaded them to push on into India then. A year had passed during which the Japanese had not made moves towards India and were feeling the weight of American muscle against them. Just as Bose was getting set to journey to the East, the Germans suffered their greatest defeat at Stalingrad. The momentum of the war was shifting against the Axis powers. But Bose was now closer to the Indian troops and Indian community who could give him the manpower and material backing he had been seeking for a political-military venture into India from outside."
................................................................................................


"Finally, on 10 June, 1943, Bose had his first meeting with Tojo. The prime minister, a reserved man of a rather narrowly military and nationalistic outlook, was impressed, and became his firm supporter. Tojo assured Bose that he unreservedly backed Indian independence. Bose wanted a military push across the border from Burma into India. Tojo hedged. Tojo knew that the Allies had been sending their Chindit raiders into Burma since February and were moving against Japanese positions in the Arakan. In the Pacific, the Japanese were beginning to lose land battles and the Allied counter-offensive called “Cartwheel” was on the drawing board. But at a session of the Diet on 16 June that Bose attended, Tojo said, ‘We firmly resolve that Japan will do everything possible to help Indian independence.’5"

"The steps taken by Bose indicate the shape he wished for an independent India. One of his innovations in the INA, and eventually in the provisional government, had to do with the role of women. For two decades he had wanted to make Indian women full partners in the struggle for independence. Now Bose proposed a women’s regiment trained to fight alongside Indian men, also believing that seeing Indian women fighting at their side, the men would fight even more fiercely. He found some remarkable women who were willing to participate. In Singapore, a young Indian doctor Lakshmi Swaminathan (also written Swaminadhan), who had been active in the women’s section of the IIL, met him for a lengthy discussion on 12 July. She recounted years later: 

"He frankly told me that it was his ambition and dream to form a regiment of women who would be willing to take up arms and fight just as the men…he asked me straight, ‘Would you volunteer yourself for such a fighting unit?’ and I said, ‘Yes.’ Then he said, ‘Do you think that you can get a hundred other women from Malaya to do it?’ I said, ‘Hundred is no number, I think we should try and get at least five thousand women and if it is gone about in a proper manner, I think we will be able to do it.’12"

" ... Japanese agreed to vacate a training base for the women, who were trained there by male members of the Azad Hind Fauj. They eventually numbered about 1,000, of whom the less suited to fight were assigned to nursing and support duties. The most able became NCOs. They were all sent later to the Burma front. When Bose formed his provisional government a few months later, he appointed Lakshmi Swaminathan to be minister for women’s affairs."

"Capt. Lakshmi described the impact of this first interview: 

"When I came out of that meeting, I would say that I was completely awestruck because I could have never imagined such a man who had such a big vision and yet who in himself was very simple…His utter, absolute sincerity struck me most and I felt that this man would never take a wrong step and that one could trust him completely and have the utmost confidence in him.16"
................................................................................................


" ... great tragedy was unfolding in the summer and fall of 1943: the Bengal Famine. This greatest famine of 20th-century South Asia cost millions of Bengali lives."

Gordon here quotes British propaganda, lies. 

"Bengal had become a rice-importing area, after a long period as a rice exporter. The war exacerbated the problem of importing rice from outside: preparing for a possible invasion, the government began a boat-denial policy, later a rice-denial policy, thus interrupting the flow of foodstuff to the Bengal countryside. A severe cyclone hit some of the districts bordering the Bay of Bengal, further hindering the flow."

Fact is, much like the so called Irish potato famine, this too was caused by British stealing local harvest for themselves, leaving poor subjects to die. 

"Starting in late 1942, cultivators began holding back grain supplies and prices began to rise. The Government of Bengal intervened in the market process, first trying price controls and threats against hoarding, then allowing the market process free rein. The government was also determined to see that Calcutta, centre of the Raj in eastern India, did not experience a significant shortfall. Some traders were allowed to buy up what they could in the countryside to ensure that Calcutta did not starve. 

"The full force of the famine hit in mid-1943, after a Muslim League-dominated coalition took office in April 1943, with H.S. Suhrawardy named as minister for civil supplies. Criticism for the inept handling of the deteriorating situation has been laid at his door and at that of food speculators. ... "

The then British government of India had muzzled media - newspapers, radio, local and global - completely, and draconian so-called laws had thrown thousands in jail either no ceremony, no trials. The millions dying on streets were known to British government, and ultimately they were responsible, for stealing harvest and for refusing to allow aid ships filled with grains sent by FDR to reach India, stopping them at Australia. 

Gordon quotes fraudulent propaganda by British. 

" ... There was ineffectual handling of the grave situation at every level of government. Relief efforts were also inadequate and neighbouring provinces refused to rush to Bengal’s aid."

Is there a pretense here that any of it was not controlled completely by British? That's fraudulent too. 

"Subhas Bose, in Southeast Asia, made an offer of grain supplies: 

"There can be no doubt that these famine conditions have been largely due to the policy of ruthless exploitation of India’s food and other resources for Britain’s war purposes over a period of nearly four years. You are aware that, on behalf of our League, I made a free and unconditional offer of one hundred thousand tons of rice for our starving countrymen at home as a first instalment. Not only was this offer not accepted by the British authorities in India, but we were given only abuse in return.26"

"At the end of the year, Sarat Bose and the entire Bose family had to bear with renewed sorrow when his mother Prabhabati died at the age of sixty-six. As his mother was near the end, Sarat Bose requested permission to see her; he was refused. He was also denied leave to participate in the ceremonial rites. He wrote to a friend:

" ... The only request she ever made to the authorities was to permit me to come to her bedside…even that was turned down…28"

" ... Subhas Bose had been in exile at the time of the death of both parents. ... "

................................................................................................


"As monsoon broke in 1942, advancing Japanese forces had reached the Chindwin River in west-central Burma, near the Indian frontier. Here they halted as the depleted and demoralised British and Indian troops and Indian refugees from Burma dragged themselves across the mountains into Manipur and Assam. The British feared an imminent attack on India against weak defenses. ... "

" ... In December 1943, Tojo finally gave approval for the campaign. 

"Meanwhile, Bose returned to Singapore in late 1943, where he pressed for a prominent role for his forces in any move across the Indian frontier. As in Germany, Bose made every effort to build a unified Indian identity. He wanted his men and women to be Indians first: to work, eat, talk—using Hindustani, to be written in Roman script—and fight together. ... "

" ... Since the Japanese were overextended and starting to lose supplies, weapons, and air and shipping capacity heavily in other sectors of the war ... Bose tried other arrangements. The key operative in this procurement effort was Zora Singh, a native Punjabi who had been raised in Rangoon. He was put in charge of supplies for the army and the civilians who had moved with Bose to Burma in the beginning of 1944. Some provisions were sent from Singapore, but medicine supply was very short, and had to be obtained for gold (collected from the Indian community) on the black market. He tried to get this medicine to the frontline INA troops. Later on he traded liquor to the Japanese for engine oil. Although Mr Singh was resourceful at his job, the shortage of supplies remained a major hurdle for the INA."

"Bose had made a close connection to Gen. Mutaguchi, who had favored a plan by which the Japanese would drive deep into India, and had found a kindred spirit in Bose. ... Bose wanted the INA to have a vital function, including a sector of the front in which they would be the spearhead.

"When Shah Nawaz Khan—commanding the Nehru Regiment, one of the guerrilla regiments which constituted the First division of the INA ... was ordered to help in the assault on Kohima which was already faltering, and when they arrived, the Japanese were retreating. Near Kohima, in India, Shah Nawaz’s men raised the Indian tricolor. The INA had entered India, but only briefly."

" ... Indian troops fighting with the British had a long period of indoctrination in their imperial mission. They were kept from knowledge of the nationalist rationale of the INA by the British “policy of silence” which blacked out information about it in India. Bose knew that the British were engaged in anti-INA propaganda, and could do little about it."

Gordon is quoting British sources. Facts on ground were different. When the INA troops shouted across, the Indian troops facing were surprised, responding to the call for fighting Gordon a chance to free India. This was the effect Subhash Chandra Bose intended and expected. "

" ... Bose had worked assiduously to raise the morale of his men for the coming fray. The evidence of British intelligence reports, Japanese military reports, and memoirs of participants on the INA side demonstrate that before they were demoralised by British dominance in this campaign, the INA men fought courageously; but their patriotic fervour could scarcely make a dent on the military conduct of the campaign. For example, in an account prepared by the Intelligence Department of the Government of India, it is noted, “A measure of courage cannot be denied to the leaders of INA front-line units in Burma in 1945 when…they faced up to British equipment, tanks, guns and aircraft with rifles and bullock-carts and empty stomachs.”33"

Gordon is of course quoting British government of India, at best condescending, at their normal adept at lying, theft, and racist, abusive, brutal conduct. Admission of courage of INA by them, therefore, must translate as British surprise at INA giving a toughbattle. 

As for tide turning, it's not a secret that that was due to US being in the war, and slowly because US was hugely with British. It's only Russian troops that fought alone, with not even a western front until quite late. 

" ... Shah Nawaz recounts that about 70 percent of his men were stricken ill; medicines, already in short supply, ran out, and many of his men died in the jungle. The rate of such illness and death on the British side fell appreciably from their 1942 rates; not so on the Japanese side. A great majority of the Japanese and INA troops that had braved the Indo-Burma frontier died in the fighting for Imphal and Kohima, or during the retreat."

Shah Nawaz Khan had later turned for sake of favours from government and helped propagate a lie suitable to British and Nehru governments, and his writing about INA isn't likely to be untainted. Those who did not turn were hounded by both governments, well into '70s, Era of government of the daughters. 

"After the monsoon hit, the Japanese finally decided that they had to retreat from the Imphal plain and the neighborhood of Kohima. Bose resisted the order to retreat and said he wanted his men to stay and fight to the last. Shah Nawaz explained: 

"Netaji was supremely confident of our victory. He said, ‘Even if the Axis powers lay down their arms, we must continue our struggle. There is no end to our struggle until the last British quits the shores of our country.’ He was of the opinion that the British should not be allowed to advance or break through our front, even if all the I.N.A. soldiers were killed. What he wanted most was that the I.N.A. “shaheeds” should leave behind such a legend and tradition of heroism that future generations of Indians would be proud of them.35"
................................................................................................


"In the end, Bose accepted the order for retreat, but wanted his men to continue fighting the enemy as well as they could while so doing. For the better part of a year, during the second half of 1944 and the first half of 1945, the Japanese and the INA retreated down through Central Burma to southern Burma and then through Thailand back to Malaya and Singapore. ... "

"As Bose reflected on the retreat: 

"We started the operations too late. The monsoon was disadvantageous to us…In the Kaladan Sector, we routed the enemy and advanced. In Tiddim we advanced, in Palel and Kohima also we advanced. In the Haka Sector we held them. And all this in spite of the numerical superiority that the enemy had, plus equipment and rations…We have received our baptism of fire…36"

"In a post-war report of the Government of Japan on the alliance with the INA, the author compared the Indian response favourably with the treason of Burmese nationalist Aung San, who turned his forces against the Japanese in the spring of 1945: ‘When we compare this with the INA led by Bose which fought to the last even after the Imphal operations and regardless of the very adverse turn of events, how can we help loving the INA with all our heart?’37 ... "

"During his few weeks in Japan, Bose met with top Japanese military officials and the new prime minister, and went to see the dying Rash Behari Bose and the dismissed Prime Minister Tojo. He also visited a group of Indian teenagers, his cadets receiving Japanese military training. ... Bose returned via Shanghai to Burma near the end of 1944. When Bose returned to Rangoon, a War Council to direct INA operations was chosen, and recruiting efforts were redoubled, so that the INA reached about 50,000. Bose also broadcast on the radio nearly every day exhorting Indians in Southeast Asia and those who could hear him in India to support the campaign. Carrying out the agreement reached in Tokyo, a new Japanese ambassador was dispatched to Rangoon ... "
................................................................................................


This chapter, even more than others, is littered with obvious efforts by Gordon to throw as much verbal garbage heaped on Subhash Chandra Bose as he could source; since INA prisoners of war were treated by the British and subsequently by immediately following Indian governments with anything but honour, this wasn't difficult; a few were, in addition to British (who were smarting at one man, an Indian, achieving this tremendous feat), willing to comply. 

The real test is the number of INA and Japanese who were, forever after, willing to hold to the pact they made with Subhash Chandra Bose and the elaborate play covering his exit. 

" ... S.A. Ayer wrote: 

"…he was a democrat at heart and a dictator in effect…he was conscientious and fastidious in his democratic ways, and yet I know in my heart of hearts that he had his own way every time…He did high-powered thinking, planning and working out of the minutest details…occasionally sounding his “inner cabinet” on broad policy and details…he would take his own time to look at his plans and details from every possible angle…he would come to the Cabinet meeting or meeting of his Military High Command fully prepared to explain, patiently…the why and the wherefore of his main idea, listen attentively to the differing viewpoints of his colleagues, answer every one of the objections…41"

" ... Sahgal has argued that: 

"He made it clear…that it was for the people of Free India to decide freely the form of government they wanted to have. There was no question of imposing the will of say Subhas Chandra Bose himself or the groups of people who would come with him…from private conversations and discussions with him, one could gather that his idea was more for a presidential form of government than a parliamentary form of government. There again, his idea for a presidential form of government was not a dictatorship but an elected government.42"

"Sahgal and others close to Bose during the war have objected to the label of fascist or dictator. Instead Bose was the unquestioned leader of the movement for many Indians in Southeast Asia. He had been summoned to the region by the IIL. Sivaram, another critic and friend of A.M. Nair, has mentioned that Bose saw himself as a “man of destiny”.43 This, too, may have been true, but this linked into the desire of the Indian community and INA men who called for Bose to rush to East Asia and take charge in 1942. He was a controversial figure in India, but a man of political standing in the nationalist movement, and, furthermore, had escaped British control and was available. Bose would not refuse any call to leadership from a constituency of the people of India."

Gordon is lying in effect,  in saying "He was a controversial figure in India", which is only true of those unwilling to admit truth of Subhash Chandra Bose because they saw him as the man masses would see as greater, which must impede their own hold on power. As Gandhi reportedly said to Nehru after independence, if Subhash Chandra Bose returned, he'd take away the power from all of them - and this, because people were sure to prefer him. 

Hence the persecution of INA and Bose clan by the government of India well into eighties, combined with a determinationto wipe out memory of his life and existence, in all but name. It didn't succeed even then, as Gordon knew first hand. Hence this work to throw garbage, pretending to be a biography. Commissioned by dynasty?
................................................................................................


" ... Aung San, encouraged by the British, turned his Burma National Army against his former allies, the Japanese."

Subsequent history of the land, then, has its roots there, in that turncoat act. 

" ... Shah Nawaz Khan, Sahgal and Dhillon—these three were later tried together for treason—all say most of their men fought valiantly and that many died during the long retreat. Shah Nawaz and his men, overwhelmed by the odds, finally surrendered in May that year ... "

"During the retreat, Bose, with his bodyguards and military advisers, came under fire several times. He took extraordinary chances, exposing himself to enemy attack on several occasions. ... Shah Nawaz Khan wrote: ‘ He was absolutely fearless and did not seem to care for his life, or comfort. He seemed to lead a charmed life for I have personally seen him miss death by inches several times…’45 ... "

Gordon has paragraphs above littered with his usual garbage, such as questioning whether Subhash Chandra Bose wanted to die. Is there a limit to indecency a racist exhibits in dealing with a great person who isn't what West fraudulently terms "white" (presumably no bride of that race ever looked naked at her wedding in churchjust by wearing a white bridal attire, or was there one?) - but Gordon forgets Asian roots of his race, the very cause of antisemitism in West. 

"Bose relaxed by reading about the Irish struggle against British rule. Major Ihaho Takahashi, of the Hikari Kikan, reported what Bose said to an INA commander: 

"Looking at the hills, Bose said, ‘The book on Irish independence says that, at the beginning of the campaign…all the patriots were killed…But after some decades, people appeared who followed the line of those patriots and finally won independence. Now we face (such a) situation. And I am prepared to die in my last fight with my soldiers of the first division against the British-Indian army.’ He called divisional commander Kiani and said clearly, ‘I will die here.’47 

"Takahashi and Kiani argued with him. Then Takahashi telegraphed the Hikari Kikan headquarters in Rangoon and had them send Bose a telegram urging him to withdraw to Rangoon. Takahashi said if Bose was to offer his life, then he too would have to offer his. Finally, Bose agreed that he should not die uselessly in a local skirmish against vastly superior forces and deprive the movement of its leader. 

"In April, the Japanese in Rangoon told Bose that they were withdrawing and that he must too. Reluctantly, he agreed to withdraw with his forces to Bangkok, and then Malaya, as the British pressed hard on their heels."
................................................................................................


" ... For Jinnah, there was to be one Hindustan and one Pakistan. However, for Abul Hashim, general secretary of the League organisation in Bengal, it was not as simple: his version, presented in ‘Let Us Go to War,’ (1945) stated: 

"Free India was never one country. Free Indians were never one nation…Liberated India must necessarily be…a subcontinent having complete independence for every nation inhabiting it…Muslim India to a man will resist all attempts of the Congress to establish dictatorship in India…Pakistan means freedom for all, Muslims and Hindus alike. And the Muslims of India are determined to achieve it, if necessary through a bloodbath…51"

Funny, it doesn't occur to them that a retreat into past need not stop at a millennium prior but could very well be at a date five, ten, twenty millennia before their day. 

" ... The communists, following Stalin’s view on the nationality question, maintained that India was composed of many viable nations, including a future Pakistan."

And they continued being anti India not only long past partition, hounded out of Pakistan which they helped create and travelled to help set up, but till date, despite failure of their creed everywhere. 

"The Boses, though they were devoted to communal cooperation, were steadfastly against the division of India. So was the Hindu Mahasabha, one organisation that operated openly and firmly rejected “any truck with Pakistan”; as the case was put by the president of the Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha office on 6 October, 1944: “…No Hindu worth the name will support the vivisection of India…not a single patriotic Hindu of Bengal will ever flinch from fighting the move of vivisection to the last drop of his blood.”52 Sarat Bose was keen to find some solution to the communal problem. He lamented that Gandhi, Nehru, Azad and Patel had not agreed to coalition ministries in 1937. ... "

" ... Jinnah insisted that the League be accepted as the bargaining agent for all Indian Muslims, a stipulation to which Gandhi would not concede. ... "

Gordon mentions imprisonment of members of Bose clan - 

" ... Sisir was held incommunicado for some time and moved to the Lahore Fort for serious interrogation. After some months, word was sent to his family that he was in good health. Yet they remained anxious. Aurobindo and Dwijen Bose were also imprisoned during the war, as were almost all those active in the Bose-BV network."

Gordon refrains, of course, from informing his readers that they were imprisoned from time of discovery of escape of Subhash Chandra Bose, and tortured by British, without success. They stuck to the loyalty to Subhash Chandra Bose. 

"An argument continued about moving Sarat Bose back to Bengal, but the Home Department insisted that if he was returned to Bengal, he would be considered as the head of the secret network of agents and revolutionaries. So he had to remain in Coonoor. There was some reason for caution on their part, since Subhas Bose and the Japanese continued to send in parties of agents. Among them several contacted the BV network, including Sisir Bose, some were captured, and held as long as the war was on; some were executed; one, Americk Singh, escaped. ... "
................................................................................................


"As ... INA, retreated from north to south in Burma through the second half of 1944 and the first half of 1945, they still fought fiercely. But without air cover and supplies and with ammunition running low, even as determined a fighting force as the Japanese began to fall apart. For the INA, recently organised, insufficiently trained and equipped, it was even worse. ... "

"After another argument with his own officers and the Japanese, Bose was finally convinced that he should not allow himself to be killed or captured in Rangoon, the target toward which the British pressed, and therefore left on 24 April, 1945. He told those whom he left behind as well as those evacuating with him: 

"If I had my own way, I would have preferred to stay with you in adversity and share with you the sorrows of temporary defeat. But on the advice of my ministers and high-ranking officers, I have to leave Burma in order to continue the struggle for emancipation. Knowing my countrymen in East Asia and inside India, I can assure you that they can continue the fight under any circumstances and that all your suffering and sacrifices will not be in vain.55"

"Bose’s party for the retreat from Rangoon to Bangkok included members of Bose’s military and civilian staff, the Japanese ambassador, and some Japanese personnel from the Hikari Kikan. Then there was the question of the remaining women from the Rani of Jhansi regiment. Some had been sent home as early as the middle of 1944; some, including Captain Lakshmi Swaminathan, remained in Burma through the Allied victory. But several hundred who were to be sent back to Malaya and Singapore were stranded, and Bose would not leave without them. In the end, Bose and his party retreated with the Ranis. It was an arduous and dangerous trip as Allied fighters controlled the air and the Allied forces were pressing ahead rapidly behind them.

"Bose, his party, and the Ranis did not reach Bangkok until the second week of May, 1945. By then another stage had been reached in the great conflagration. Hitler had committed suicide and Germany had surrendered on 8 May. The home islands of Japan were under bomber attack. In a broadcast a few weeks later, Bose looked back and ahead:

" ... the collapse of Germany will be the signal for the outbreak of an acute conflict between the Soviets and the Anglo-Americans…In post-war Europe there is only one…power that has a plan which is worth a trial, and that power is the Soviet Union…"

Gordon here takes occasion to accuse Subhash Chandra Bose of saying nothing about victims of nazis, although he hasn't accused Allied nations of refusing to help when they could; he quotes a colleague about Subhash Chandra Bose being limited in his thinking to a single idea, independence of India, but does not mention that Jawaharlal Nehru had strongly opposed any suggestions about offering refuge in India to Jews of Europe. 

Fact also is that Subhash Chandra Bose wasn't in the know about extermination camps just because he was a political refugee, and a feted guest of the regime; but Allied governments knew far more than he could, and yet US turned back ships filled with Jews from port, because they didn't want more jews; and British did the same at Palestine despite the plan to create Israel, to appease local muslims. 

When knowledge of the camps exploded due to arrival of Allied soldiers, and subsequently Nuremberg trials, everyone was stunned, but until then, it was Allied governments - and therefore likes of Gandhi and Nehru - who knew more than Subhash Chandra Bose, who wasn't likely to have been informed by his hosts. Nevertheless it was he who had not only had Jewish friends in Germany and Europe, and advised them to leave, but also told off nazis, including Hitler, publicly and also face to face, of impropriety of their racism and of his displeasure thereof. 

He was the unique one with courage to tackle the beast in their dens when he needed them for help with independence of his country. If they were any less impressed with his sheer persona, he might have been another statistics. Had British had that honesty, that selfless courage, there might be no WWII, but instead a Czechoslovakia and an Austria, and rest of Europe too, never overrun by nazis. 

No Khatyn. 
................................................................................................


" ... For the Japanese the choice to surrender was finally made. 

"But Bose was the head of a separate “government”, however weak, and was ready to move in a new direction. On 16 August, Bose sent the following message to the Japanese: “Along with the trusted persons of my cabinet I would like to go to the Soviet Union. If it is necessary I shall enter the Soviet Union alone…I request the Japanese Government to allow any of my cabinet members to take charge.”58"

This book was published in early to mid seventies. Was it ignored in India? How likely is that? Or did people get so incensed by his derogatory treatment of Subhash Chandra Bose, that those who cared to read it in the first place, being necessarily precisely those who cared about Subhash Chandra Bose, threw it in garbage long before this paragraph above was read?

" ... One important Japanese source indicates that the Japanese agreed to help Bose reach Manchuria and make contact there with the advancing Soviet army."

"Bose took the remainder of the funds at his disposal and distributed them to his military and civilian personnel. He also tried to see that all the women of the Rani of Jhansi regiment had been safely sent to their homes. About a month before the final moment in Singapore, he had a tribute erected to the INA which read, 

"The future generations of Indians who will be born, not as slaves but as free men, because of your colossal sacrifice, will bless your names and proudly proclaim to the world that you, their forebears, fought and suffered reverses in the battles in Manipur, Assam and Burma, but through temporary failure you paved the way to ultimate success and glory.59"

"Bose was still in Malaya when he learned of the attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Japanese surrender offers of 10 August and final capitulation on 14 August. ... "

So the claim that India's independence date was set by Mountbatten on Japanese surrender is incorrect, and that surrender date in fact is what Jinnah chose, however unwittingly?

" ... He hurriedly made his plans. Some top military personnel were left behind in Singapore, as well as key personnel behind in Rangoon to care for Indian affairs when he left. 

"On 16 August, Bose flew to Bangkok (Thailand), then on to Saigon (Vietnam) on 17 August, where he gathered together several of those closest to him through the last two years of the war. Bose hoped to take these supporters with him as he took his step into the unknown. A few other top INA and Azad Hind government personnel were shortly to arrive.

"In Saigon, however, plans had to be changed, for Bose learned that no special plane was available for his party. He also came to know that Lt. Gen. Shidei, a Japanese expert on the Soviets, was to fly to Dairen, Manchuria, where he was to take command of the Kwantung Army and work out the surrender there. Bose was at first told that there was only one place available on this plane which was to leave the same day for Taipei and then Dairen. After further negotiations with the top officers of the Southern Army staff, one more place was secured. Bose had to accept the two seats on this plane or stay in Saigon. He decided to take them, insisting that the rest of his party be sent on as soon as possible. He selected INA Colonel Habibur Rahman to accompany him. He declared that he would become a Russian prisoner, saying, ‘They are the only ones who will resist the British. My fate is with them.’60"

"Others of Bose’s party were unhappy, but the Japanese decided who were to go. There was a problem about the luggage because the plane, a twin-engine heavy bomber of the 97-2 (Sally) type, was overloaded. They could not take all of Bose’s luggage. He discarded a good deal. Then two heavy suitcases possibly filled with gold and jewellery were brought to the plane, and, after Bose’s insistence, they were loaded on.

"On the plane, besides Bose, and Shidei, were also several Japanese military and air staff officers, among them Lt. Col. Tadeo Sakai, a staff officer of the Burma Army; Lt. Col. Shiro Nonogaki, an air staff officer; Major Taro Kono, an air staff officer, who was sitting behind the pilot and assisting him; and Major Ihaho Takahashi, a staff officer. The crew was in the front of the aircraft and the passengers were wedged in behind, some, like Bose, with cushions, because there were no proper seats on this aircraft. The plane finally took off between 5.00 and 5.30 p.m. on 17 August, 1945. Since they were so late in starting, the pilot decided to land for the night at Tourane, Vietnam, then start early the next morning. Tourane later became famous as the huge American base of Da Nang and is an air field in the People’s Republic of Vietnam.

"Bose already knew Shidei and was introduced to some of the other Japanese officers, all of whom had heard of him. Bose and the others spent the night at a hotel serving as an army hostel in Tourane. While they were resting, the pilot and Major Kono, who had noticed the difficulty in taking off at Saigon due to overloading, did their best to lighten the cargo. Major Kono later said that they took off about 600 kilos of machine guns, ammunition and excess luggage.61

"The take-off from Tourane at about 5 a.m. on 18 August, 1945, was normal and they flew at about 12,000 feet. It was quite cold in the plane, but the weather was favourable and they flew to Taipei (Taiwan; Japanese: Taihoku). Major Kono has testified that they received information during the flight that the Russians had occupied Port Arthur, so it was essential for them to hurry on and reach Dairen before the Russians reached there too. The flight took six to seven hours and the landing was smooth. They stopped for lunch and Rahman changed into warmer clothes during the break. Bose, he said, laughed off the need for more appropriate clothing, but he handed him a sweater anyway."

So far, it's history of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose after he left Singapore. 

Next is story as told by various witnesses. 
................................................................................................


" ... His wife, his daughter, many of his relations, almost all the INA officers, and all the personnel with whom he worked have accepted his death, some later than others. ... "

The first part is a lie. His wife never did accept it, and when contacted by the then minister of government of India, asking her to sign for bringing his ashes home, threw him out and refused to see him again, decades after 1945. 

As for many relatives accepting it, those Gordon thanks most for his work, did. Suresh Bose, another older brother of Subhash Chandra Bose, did not, as a member of Khosla commission, and wrote a dissenting report, but was maneuvered by other two members and the then government who treated him badly as a consequence and kept his dissenting report out, separated from main part. 

The third commission, headed by Justice Mukherjee, was the only one to visit Taipei. There never had been an airplane crash on 18th August 1945, there was no documentation of Death or of cremation of Subhash Chandra Bose, but all other entries and documentation were in perfect order. 

Other commissions and people who applied to enquire had been discouraged strongly and told by government of India that Taipei would not cooperate because India had no diplomatic relations with them, but that was a ruse. They did cooperate when anyone enquired. 

Gordon next justifies the lag in news coming out. 

He refrains from mentioning the only possibility that is correct, which is, Japan gave out the news after Subhash Chandra Bose was already safely across in Manchuria. 

"Sarat Bose, still in Coonoor, learned of his brother’s death on 25 August, 1945, and wrote: 

"Today’s Indian Express and Hindu brought the heart-rending news of Subhas’s death as the result of an aeroplane crash. Divine Mother, how many sacrifices have we to offer at your altar! Terrible Mother, your blows are too hard to bear! Your last blow was the heaviest and cruellest of all. What divine purpose you are serving thereby you alone know. Inscrutable are your ways! 

"Four or five nights back I dreamt that Subhas had come to see me. He was standing on the verandah of this bungalow and appeared to have become very tall in stature. I jumped up to see his face. Almost immediately thereafter, he disappeared.70"

That last bit about his appearing "very tall in stature" again is defying the death story. 

"In these immediate responses of Sarat Bose there seems not the slightest hesitation in believing that Subhas died from the burns suffered in the crash. Sarat may have had doubts—quite a few did—but at first it seems quite clear that he did not. In Bombay, 25 August, 1945, was observed as “Subhas Day” out of respect for his memory."

Sharat Chandra Bose was in incarceration, and wasn't indulging later in intuition when he questioned and disbelieved the story of air crash and death. 

Gordon attempting to make him sound like a lier in questioning the story reminds one of the insistence of authorities on signatures of family of SSR on the documents needed from them for his death certificate and their refusal to provide documentation in a language the family could understand, so that later they could claim that the family did sign to having no doubts. 

"The Government of India was pretty much convinced of Bose’s death in the crash by early September and began to move on Sarat Bose’s release. Finally, on 14 September, 1945, after nearly four years of imprisonment, Sarat Bose was released. He was given an ovation from friends, family and supporters when he arrived at Howrah Station on 17 September."

Gordon does not mention Gandhi communicating to Sharat Chandra Bose to not conduct last rites of Subhash Chandra Bose, which only implies Gandhi being convinced of the story of his death by an air crash being just that - a story. 
................................................................................................



" ... During the war, the Government of India had effectively carried out the “policy of silence” and blacked out Bose, his army, and the provisional government of Free India. Although Bose sent radio messages to India frequently, few were able to hear him. Now, with the end of the war, and the release of political prisoners, the open functioning of the Congress, and the freer flow of information, the tales of the war period were broadcast everywhere. ... "

No, people did hear his broadcasts, however few, and word spreads by word of mouth in India far more effectively, never mind government blackout on news. 

" ... The British officials and the Government of India now gave maximum publicity to Bose’s work and to the way in which they dealt with the INA prisoners, and particularly their decision to put some of them on public trial in New Delhi. Had Bose lived, he could not have arranged for better promotional efforts."

Gordon seems to imply British were resorting to honesty and frankness as suits a democracy with justice and law, which is false. 

British simply had no clue that their self projected false image hadn't succeeded, that Jallianwala Bagh wasn't forgotten nor was execution of Bhagat Singh and his group and how despicable the British Government had been in each case, and people hadn't forgotten Indian heroic freedom fighters either. 

British had used the huge, two and half million strong Indian army, daunting successful and known now for valour, and assumed loyalty of subjects to a racist master by people treated like less than animals. They were wrong in the assumption. 

" ... General Arisue, one of the directors of Japanese Intelligence, described Bose as the embodiment of a samurai. In particular, Arisue mentioned that his seemingly soft exterior covered a strong heart and powerful spirit, and extolled Bose’s insistence on keeping his promises. Another Japanese of those days, an expert in the history of Japanese culture, mentioned the warrior ethic to which Bose adhered: worldly gain was unimportant, physical courage, and devotion to the cause at hand were all-important. A few Japanese military men of the war period said that Bose more fully incarnated the samurai spirit than any of their own leaders. With all of his difficulties in dealing with the Japanese, Bose did impress them and thus truly was an Indian samurai.76"

That's all very well, except Gordon still attempts to discredit by beginning that paragraph with Japanese having been unwilling to work with him, and refrains from really mentioning his much and how many Japanese not only admired him but far more.

Relevant to the matter, however, is his image in India, tremendous just then due to his feat, and growing ever since, despite all efforts to the contrary including this work, supposedly independent of government of India or Britain. 

Slant of the work, out of place but deliberate, gives that away. 
................................................................................................


Actually, there seems to have been a flaw with the Kindle copy, corrected now! So the feeling that chapter titles were mismatched was correct. We shall give corrected titles below the ones that were until now, 01:15, May 13th 2022..
................................................................................................


"S.C. Bose may be dead but much that he did lives still." 

"—Government of India, confidential file, 19452" 

But the then authorities, in particular the investigating officials of intelligence, weren't, in fact, convinced of the air crash story. 

"Here was Islam, his own country, more than a Faith, more than a battle-cry…he seemed to own the land as much as anyone owned it. What did it matter if a few flabby Hindus had preceded him there, and a few chilly English succeeded? 

"—E.M. Forster, A Passage to India3"

Flabby? After a thousand years of victimization by invaders, looted, massacred, and mostly poor, Hindus looked flabby to Forster? 

Was he limited to the rich invited to viceroy’s garden parties, and never, in fact, saw India? Did he never hear of history that was recent, of what stopped British from an assurance of control of India? It wasn't mughals. 

It was Maratha empire, held together by Peshawas of Pune, whose existence didn't allow British to presume control over India. 

When Nana Phadnavis died - of natural causes - the British could finally, an English historian wrote, be reassured.
................................................................................................


"…one must understand the evil spirit of 1946, to understand why the partition was accepted in 1947. 

"—The Indian Annual Register5"

The said spirit wasn't new in 1946 or restricted to India. It had wreaked havoc and attempted to destroy India, as it had done to Persia and Egypt, and elsewhere, destroying ancient civilisations and wiping them out in a century. It attempted in India for well over a millennium, to destroy her civilisation, and was behind genocides in Europe during WWII, before taking another swipe at India in 1946. 

If Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose had been brought back by Jawaharlal Nehru, as he could have, India could have been protected. 

"Sarat Bose had other important matters with which to deal: namely, the Indian National Army; the Azad Hind movement in Southeast Asia; and the legacy of Subhas Bose. Now that the war was over, Bose met with INA and Azad Hind government personnel, and identified the movement with the Congress and mainstream Indian nationalism as an effort to secure India’s freedom. As the British were bringing some of the INA officers to trial, he joined the large Indian chorus that shouted that no retribution must be taken against these patriots."

Notice the anti India slant there - "chorus", "shouted", ... ??????

If anything, it was a ground swell that British hadn't foreseen, exploding with a dull roar until there was a tremendous explosion, which woke London to communications from India being facts, not imaginary fears. 

Had they foreseen it, they would have not brought INA prisoners to India for public trials. The hubris, the blindness to their own reality, imagining India to be not human, was what had them lose India. 

"Besides Sarat Bose, every Indian nationalist—indeed, every political actor, Indian or British—had to come to terms with the INA in the fall and winter of 1945-46. ... "

In terming it "come to terms", Gordon is speaking of British attitudes, and imposing it on India, as British then did; India saw them as patriots, heroes, India's own army set to free India, and the setback of defeat and capture didn't diminish their glory. It hadn't in case of Queen Laxmibai of Jhansi, and now it didn't for Netaji. 

" ... The INA movement made a powerful impression on the Indian public in the months after its capitulation. Among Indian nationalists, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru—both of whom had been extremely critical of Subhas Bose from 1939 to 1945—found it easier to deal with him in death than in life. When Gandhi first learned of Subhas Bose’s death, he wrote: ‘Subhas Bose has died well. He was undoubtedly a patriot though misguided.’7 Later Gandhi thought that Bose was still alive until he talked with Habibur Rahman and allowed Bose to rest in peace. ... "

Gordon is either wrong, which implies his research was faulty, or lying, which implies that this work was paid for to support the lie of death of Netaji. 

Fact is, after Gandhi had met Habibur Rahman, his remark was to the effect that the man was very loyal. In the context of questioning him about the air crash, that only makes sense as his having stuck to the story he was asked yo, but not exactly coached word by word, to tell.

But even long before he met Habibur Rahman, he'd sent a message to Sharat Chandra Bose to not conduct last times of his brother yet. Since this isn't about leaving a dead body unattended and ignored, it can only be about the brother being alive. 
................................................................................................


"As the British Raj moved to put some leading officers of the INA on trial for treason against the King-Emperor and other charges, Indian nationalists closed ranks to defend them. ... "

This was no different from congress appropriations of other philosophies and slogans of national heroes they pushed under without giving credit - mist recently, Bhagat Singh and his group, while slogan "Inquilab Zindabad" had been taken over by congress, as well as socialist program (but more in words than action, until later), while Gandhi did an all out effort by his Salt March, to wipe out the tremendous impression created by Bhagat Singh and his group with their revolutionary act and thinking. 

So congress defending INA was their only chance to pull limelight onto themselves, and wipe out memories of their mistreatment of Bose. Once they'd achieved that, they went right back to bsdmouthing Bose, ill treatment of INA, persecution and hounding of Bose clan, and far worse. 

" ... The Raj made it easier for all Indians to identify with the defendants by choosing to try together a Muslim, Capt. Shah Nawaz Khan; a Hindu, Capt. P.K. Sahgal; and a Sikh, Lt. G.S. Dhillon. ... "

Gordon is desperate to assign credit anywhere, everywhere other than where it belongs - the fact that India perceived truth of INA as valiant soldiers for freedom of India led by a hero of quality that belonged to legends. But the detractors of Netaji perceived this all right, and set out yo nalign Netaji, discredit ina and take credit to themselves, whether by defending them and later claiming it as charity, or as in case of British, calling it a mistake to have tried them, and having tried these of diverse communities together. 

" ... Nehru spoke about the INA in a speech demanding the release of Jayaprakash Narayan: 

"The I.N.A. trial has created a mass upheaval. Wherever I went, even in the remotest villages, there have been anxious enquiries about the I.N.A. men. There are profuse sympathies for these brave men, and all, irrespective of caste, colour and creed, have liberally contributed to their defence…The continuance of the trial is sheer madness undermining the position of the British in this country. The trial has taken us many steps forward on our path to freedom. Never before in Indian history had such unified sentiments been manifested…9"

All true. 

And yet, in 1946, when he had a communication about Subhash Chandra Bose being in Russia, he chose to promptly inform the then PM Clement Attlee, and forever later lie about his having died in the air crash - which never did take place, on that day in Taipei. 
................................................................................................


" ... What followed was a surprise to Viceroy Wavell, Commander-in-Chief Claude Auchinleck and the British military establishment. An example of British military thinking is the view of General O’Connor writing to Auchinleck during the trial: ‘Everyone knew the INA were traitors…Now they…say they were patriots…How can we expect to keep loyalty if we don’t condemn disloyalty?’10"

When they said "Everyone knew the INA were traitors", they were only counting their own race, not Indian people, who hadn't forgotten Jallianwala Bagh, brutal treatment of Lala Lajpat Rai resulting in the elderly beloved leader's death, or execution of Bhagat Singh and his group and horrible conduct of British in chopping up the dead and trying to secretly burn them on river bank without proper funerals; for that matter, they hadn't forgotten British killing the young Queen Laxmibai of Jhansi who didn't want to give up her kingdom, or her rights to adopt a son. And just because India had yo tolerate being treated with racist abuse, first mean India thought it was fair, just or proper. 

British were pretty idiotic if they really were surprised, but just as likely, that surprise was a lie, and the reality was they'd expected to get away by terrorizing India again via the trials and executions. 

"These military leaders had not counted on the fact that Subhas Bose was a renowned patriot who could not be labeled a mere “Japanese tool”. Furthermore, although there were many opportunists in the INA, there were also quite a few devoted patriots and they had a formidable lawyer: Bhulabhai Desai. He was considerably to the right of the Boses in the Congress spectrum, but he mounted a keen defense backed by legal and political precedents and parallels from British, American, French, Latin American and Asian traditions. ... "

Beginning right with George Washington would have been hitting the nail on head. 

" ... The kernel of Desai’s defense was the following: ‘Modern international law has now recognised the right of subject races which are not for the time being or at the moment independent, to be so organised, and if they are organised and fight an organised war through an organised army…’11 Desai pressed his case that the Government of Azad Hind was a recognised belligerent opposing Britain and the British Raj and that the former’s army was operating under the Indian National Army Act. He claimed that the British had turned over the Indian prisoners in Malaya and Singapore to the Japanese and that these Indians could then take an oath to a new Indian government which superseded their oath to the King-Emperor. He differentiated Indian subjects of the King from British subjects and said that Bose’s government claimed and received the loyalty of Indians resident in Southeast Asia. Among the precedents for insurgents becoming a recognised belligerent power, Desai cited the American colonies in North America and included a recitation of the Declaration of Independence in his final speech along with a host of legal citations."

"The rallies and the impact of the INA on the Indian army, navy, and air force were one factor influencing the British to quit India. ... "

Gordon lies again! - "one factor"???? There was none other. Clement Attlee said as much, in response to a query while on a visit to India, specifically about why British left India. 

As another source points out, South Africa with its nonviolence succeeded only in 1994. 

" ... General Francis Tuker, GOC of the Eastern Command covering the region up to Delhi, has noted that, ‘During 1946 there were serious cases of mutiny in the Royal Indian Navy, less serious in the Royal Air Force and Royal Indian Air Force and minor troubles in the Indian Army.’16 The most serious of these was the Royal Indian Navy mutiny in Bombay, February 1946, which was shortly put down by determined repression and with calming words by Sardar Patel and Nehru."

Lies again - about "shortly put down" and about the"soothing words". Fact is British authorities desperately needed someone to make the naval men stop and surrender, and Nehru and Sardar Patel were the only options available under the circumstances. Indians believed them, but they didn't play fair, asking the Indians to surrender and promising further. 

As per Clement Attlee, this mutiny was the chief reason British were terrified enough to decide to leave. 
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"Sarat Bose had several areas of difference with Nehru, including one on the issue of China. In an interview in Blitz in September 1945, Sarat Bose called Chiang Kai-shek, “the Arch-Fascist tyrant of China”, and continued, ‘I accuse Chiang Kai-Shek…of indulging in numerous bloodbaths in China, with the sanctification of foreign powers and the financial help of foreign capitalists.’17 Bose then went on to praise Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese Communists. Nehru wrote to Sardar Patel, saying Bose’s opposition to Chiang Kai-Shek was harmful: 

"…Chiang Kai-shek…happens to be the head of the Chinese State and so far as India is concerned his attitude has always been very friendly. For my part I have kept up friendly relations not only with Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Government but with many of his critics in China. I do not want this controversy with Sarat, but to remain silent became impossible for me.18"

And yet, the moment tables turned in China, Jawaharlal Nehru did too - not only he dropped Chiang Kai-shek like a proverbial hot potato, but did the same to Tibet and Dalai Lama too, and moreover, adopted the policy of appeasement of China at cost of interests of India, spouting ethics!

"In his statement to the press on 29 September, 1945, Nehru suggested that Sarat Bose was not very well informed after his years in prison, that he did not speak for the Congress, and that it was no business of the Congress to criticise the heads of friendly states. He reiterated his thanks for the warm hand which Chiang had extended to Congress nationalists during the war. Yet, although Sarat Bose may have been intemperate, he had a more accurate view of what was to come in China than did Nehru. When the Chinese Communists came to power in 1949, Sarat Bose immediately sent off a congratulatory telegram to Mao Tse-tung. Mao thanked Sarat Bose for his greetings to the People’s Republic. 

"While Sarat Bose was full of praise for the Chinese Communists who, he said, were “true nationalists”, he did not have the same positive view of Indian communists—on which point he was in full accord with Nehru. In fact, he saw Indian communists in the CPI and M.N. Roy’s Radical Democratic Party as enemies of Indian nationalism for their collaboration with the Raj during the Second World War. In a speech to students in Patna on 1 February, 1946, Sarat Bose said:

"The Communist Party and the Radical Party are all branches of British organisations. When the Congress went to jail, the Communist Party found the field open, entered it and raised the false slogan of “People’s War” to mislead their countrymen…these parties which thrive on British patronage can never serve the interests of the Indian people which are diametrically opposed to British interests.19"
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Here's proof of partisan attitude of the author, and perhaps of the fact that this work wasn't independent, but written according to instructions. 

"The real problem to be faced in the fall of 1946 was the spreading communal violence. From Calcutta in August, the focus of the dreadful carnage moved to Noakhali District in East Bengal. What appears to have been a carefully planned attack by a Muslim force on the small Hindu minority was infact, systematically carried out. In the rural areas where one community often greatly outnumbered the other, when there was violence, it became a pogrom. The Hindus were nearly defenseless. Leaders of Hindu resistance were killed, some were forcibly converted to Islam, including some Hindu women whose marriages and lives were broken."

What he's not mentioning, apart from numbers - 150,000 massacred - is that the murdered were not only male, but Hindus of all ages including babies, and in that the last bit he's refraining from mentioning mass rapes of Hindu women. 

Also, he refrains carefully from mentioning the dates or the time, saying only "fall of 1946", which is as racist in the context and as fraudulent as it gets. 

Fall is at best terminology of Nordic latitudes, more of USA than of England. Indian seasons - six, not four - have a fall, but its in February, roughly, not in accordance with Nordic calendar. Since this book can only have overwhelmingly, predominantly Indian readership, this terminology is deliberately racist, imposing seasons non-existent in India on India, and attempting to wipe out Indian seasons from India's mind. 

Far more racist is the attempt to wipe out Hindu culture, in not mentioning that the massacre was perpetrated quite deliberately during Hindu sacred month-long festival days observed majorly in Bengal during first ten days, but hugely throughout India, for most of the month. 

This assault by muslims, in such atrocities bring perpetrated during this time, has continued with Pakistan usually taking this opportunity to assault, and China too did the same in 1962. 

In global terns, it's comparable to say, Chingiz Khan - or Attila the Hun - attacking everywhere from Rome to California on or day before Xmas. 

This genocide, this pogrom perpetrated against Hindus by muslims had been in abeyance only most of the time during British rule, but in fact was a resumption of the over eleven centuries long continuous, unprovoked assaults against Hindus by islamic invaders. 

Even in early twentieth century there was the massacre of well over a thousand Hindus in Kerala by muslims disappointed with failure of Khilafat, kept out of media by British, and commented by Gandhi only to the effect that he trusted Hindus to not react. But subsequent massacre of Hindus in NWFP by muslims had Gandhi express admiration for muslims and clear statement that he despised Hindus for this. 

At Noakhali too, he later came to do a hunger strike - to calm down Hindus, but staying well away from the area where massacre of Hindus had been perpetrated. 
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" ... Amidst the rising violence, it was difficult for a tolerant voice like that of Sarat Bose to make itself heard; that of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, however, became louder. "

The latter probably had far more truth, but notice how hordon muzzles his voice by not mentioning his words. 

Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, after independence, was a victim of a deliberately perpetrated murder, but unrecognised as such; he was imprisoned for stepping across border into Kashmir, despite Kashmir then being part of India, and had within a month been reduced to a state of being at door of death, despite having been in perfectly good health when he had stepped across the "border". Some sources allege that thus incarceration resulting in his death, after whatever atrocities were perpetrated, was with accord of the then PM, Jawaharlal Nehru. 

"In late November and early December, 1946, Sarat Bose made a tour of Noakhali and Tippera to see the results of the devastation and to talk to survivors. ... "

"Sarat Bose continued the effort to have a political orientation that overarched communal identifications. Sarat Bose was unhappy that “peaceful and sober elements among the Muslims failed to control other Muslims who were attacking Hindus”.33 But this did not lead him into stereotyping all Muslims. He said, ‘I shall admit that the disturbances which began from 16 August have made a large number of Hindus think in communal terms. But I believe it is only a passing phase.’34 ... "

Well, considering it's lasted most of seven decades, calling it passing was inaccurate at best, and proven wrong - by muslims of Bengal - more accurately. Northwest achieved their ethnic cleansing much earlier, by perpetrating atrocities and massacres at time of partition enforcing an almost complete exodus. 

" ... Although he did not think “in communal terms”, he was too sanguine about many of his fellow Hindus. He was also too ingenuous in thinking that preaching socialism and freedom to the masses of Bengalis would turn back the rushing tide of communalism."

Funny how Gordon selects Sharat Chandra Bose for the sarcasm and quotes his comments for the purpose, despite Gandhi’s being the obviously atrocious comments and conduct in the context of every time atrocities were perpetrated against Hindus. Gordon blinds it out, and keeps his references to Gandhi limited to what can be contrasted with Bose, or quoted for its worth as comments against Bose - whichever Bose brother it be. The only time Gordon deviates from his bashing of a Bose in what's supposedly a biography of the Bose brothers, is when he can bash up other Hindus thereby. 
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Gordon lies again.

"The political deadlock, the frightening communal riots, the growing ineffectiveness of the police, fears about the future economic and defence interests of Britain and the Commonwealth, brought the Attlee government to agree to the transfer of power. ... "

No, it had been discussed between British authorities in India and back in London all through 1945-46, beginning with local authorities in India becoming aware of India's reaction to INA trials and to INA itself, the effect of Subhash Chandra Bose and his feats on India. 
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"The Mahasabha now wanted the division of Bengal into a Hindu-majority West Bengal and a Muslim-majority East Bengal. That solution would leave the control of at least one part of Bengal to Bengal Hindus, either in a federated India or if part of Bengal was detached to make a Bengal wing of Pakistan. Through the early months of 1947, the Hindu Mahasabha carried on a strong, vocal campaign for a Bengali Hindu homeland, matching Jinnah’s cry of “Islam in danger!” with one of “sacred Hindustan and Hindus in danger!” Mookerjee soon won the majority of the Bengal Congress and Bengal Hindu representatives in the central and provincial legislative assemblies to his side. While continually condemning the wickedness of the idea of Pakistan, the Mahasabha and Congress allies were using a parallel argument, calling for the partition of Bengal (and the Punjab) whether there was an overall partition of India or not. In so doing, they were virtually admitting the two-nation theory of Jinnah. If Pakistan had to be conceded, it seems the thinking was, then the arrangement must be such that the largest number of non-Muslims be given the opportunity to remain in India."

Gordon indicts Hindus for not contradicting Jinnah at any cost; as Jinnah had demonstrated, cost was to be lives of Hindus and not just in thousands but hundreds of thousands, possibly total annihilation, either way. 

In the event, it was over eleven million Hindus, as quoted by Koenraad Elst. It was also a complete ethnic cleansing of Hindus wiped out from Northewest, and a sustained program in East Bengal of repression, atrocities, massacres and forced exodus. 
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"Mountbatten arrived in New Delhi on 22 March, 1947, to assume his duties as the last viceroy and governor-general of India. He was related to the royal family, not only of Britain, but to all the former ruling dynasties of pre-World War I Europe, ... "

As would be any other great-grandson of Queen Victoria. He was part of what she termed the royal mob. She'd been called grandma of Europe, her son Edward VII, uncle of Europe. 

Mountbatten didn't want this assignment, because he saw it as disruption of his career, which he hoped would avenge his father Louis Battenberg, which been forced to resign at onset of WWI due to bring German. 

So Mountbatten wrapped it up in a hurry, albeit taking care of British policy of giving everything possible to Pakistan and keeping India from getting more than absolutely minimal possible. 

He used Gandhi, apart from his family, for the purpose of influencing Jawaharlal Nehru, who'd been made PM of India by Gandhi asking the elected PM Sardar Patel aside. 

Sardar Patel could maneuver around and effect good of India, in spite of them, sometimes. 
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"Mountbatten arrived in New Delhi on 22 March, 1947, to assume his duties as the last viceroy and governor-general of India. He was related to the royal family, not only of Britain, but to all the former ruling dynasties of pre-World War I Europe, ... "

As would be any other great-grandson of Queen Victoria. He was part of what she termed the royal mob. She'd been called grandma of Europe, her son Edward VII, uncle of Europe. 

Mountbatten didn't want this assignment, because he saw it as disruption of his career, which he hoped would avenge his father Louis Battenberg, which been forced to resign at onset of WWI due to bring German. 

So Mountbatten wrapped it up in a hurry, albeit taking care of British policy of giving everything possible to Pakistan and keeping India from getting more than absolutely minimal possible. 

He used Gandhi, apart from his family, for the purpose of influencing Jawaharlal Nehru, who'd been made PM of India by Gandhi asking the elected PM Sardar Patel aside. 

Sardar Patel could maneuver around and effect good of India, in spite of them, sometimes. 

" ... Gradually, he developed a special rapport with Nehru that helped Mountbatten in working out the eventual partition plan. ... "

It's unclear who fed material to Gordon but his presentation is filled with inaccuracies. 

The two men might have met before; they not only knew one another in Southeast Asia where Mountbatten was in charge of military, but more - Nehru, invited to lay a wreath by local Indians at INA memorial, was dissuaded by Mountbatten, who preferred to destroy it instead. 

" ... Mountbatten excluded Sarat Bose because he had some residual bitterness against the Boses for the sins of the INA. The viceroy said, ‘I hated Subhas; he brought together the dregs of Indians in his army.’42"

This is deliberate lie, over and above abuse. INA did give a tough fight to British and did plant flag of independent India in Imphal, despite superior forces of allies what with US troops and air force in addition to the 2,500,000 strong Indian army consisting of volunteers of India.

If British had not been racist and arrogant in not only abusive behaviour towards Indians but perpetrated atrocities such as Jallianwala Bagh and much, much more, INA might never have existed. Or Ghadar party for that matter. 
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"Early in September 1948, the Boses suffered another personal blow when Satish Bose, the oldest of Sarat’s brothers, died. Later that year, Sarat Bose decided to take his wife and several of his children with him on a journey to Europe, which he had not visited since his student days in 1914. He also had another purpose. When the family reached Prague, Sisir Bose said to his sisters Roma and Chitra, ‘Father is calling you.’ Sarat Bose said to them, ‘We are going to meet someone in Vienna.’ Roma asked, ‘Rangakakababu?’ (Subhas Bose) ‘No,’ Sarat Bose replied, ‘not him, but his wife and daughter. They were married late in 1941. I have come to see them.’9

"On 8 February, 1943, just before he left Germany for Southeast Asia, Subhas Bose had written a letter to Sarat Bose, written in Bengali, which he handed to Emilie Schenkl. In it he introduced her as his wife and Anita, as his daughter. If anything were to happen to him, Subhas wrote, Sarat was to take care of them. After the war, Emilie Schenkl had resumed her work with the post office in Vienna and raised her daughter. She had written to Sarat Bose a few times and sent him photocopies of Subhas’s 1943 letter, but he did not receive the first letters. Finally he did receive one and wrote to her in 1948 that he was coming to see her.

"The Bose family thus met Emilie Schenkl at the city terminal. Roma found her “…very fair…[with] pink cheeks and sharp features. She was very good looking but short”. Sarat and Biva went straight up to her and she said to Sarat Bose, ‘I have been waiting for this day.’ She gave the original of Subhas Bose’s letter to Sarat Bose, thinking, ‘It is he [i.e., Subhas] only advanced in years.’ Then Emilie Schenkl and Sarat Bose broke down and he embraced her. She said to him, ‘Call me Mimi,’ and he said to her, ‘Call me Mej-da.’ She stayed with them at their hotel late into the night, talking.

"The next morning she returned with Anita. They all concurred that there was a striking family resemblance. Seven-year-old Anita spoke little English, but she loved to spend time with her relations. Sarat Bose spent ten days in Vienna and tried to persuade Emilie Schenkl to come back to Calcutta; however, she refused. But she and Anita were taken into the family circle. They were now Boses.10

"While in Europe, the Sarat Bose party also visited Italy, Czechoslovakia, France, the United Kingdom and Ireland. Sisir Bose has further described the trip: 

"…the European sojourn…fulfilled a desire that he had nursed for a long time to see something of the historical places of Europe and its culture…Wherever he went he sought out Indian students…He was particularly interested in meeting former members of the Free India Centre and the Indian Legion…11 

"In London, he searched for the Hampstead house in which Sarat Bose had lived as a student, but he discovered that it had since been destroyed. The Bose party then visited Dublin, strengthening the ties that Subhas Bose had forged in the 1930s on his visit. While the rest of the party returned to India, Sisir Bose remained in England for his studies."
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Gordon writes off every possibility of Subhash Chandra Bose having not died in the air crash that in fact never did happen, discussing it instead as mythology generated by a Bengal deprived of power it once had. He's the delusional one, in this, but the delusion is helped by racism. 

"A final question, dealt with partially above, is this: Why Subhas Bose? Why is he the hero who is desired, resurrected, not allowed to rest in peace? ... "

And there's more racism! Why assume that souls "rest in peace", or that that's the highest possible alternative? This assumption is Abrahamic and very opposite of any Hindu thinking about departed. 
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The conclusion, much like the last chapter of Gone With The Wind, seems to have been written first, after Gordon finished interviews and reading. Rest of the book is diluted form thereof, with much abuses and snide comments against the younger Bose and much lies holding up some others such as British or Gandhi. The conclusion could be read first and the rest avoided, and it too offers really nothing not known. 
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Here, Gordon gives his version of Justice Mukherjee Commission. 

As before, Anuj Dhar's work is a better source. 

Much of this chapter is spent abusing Dhar, and lying as Gordon does throughout the book. 

"Dhar, a journalist, has written a lengthy, confusing account of the search for the truth about Bose’s end. He summarily rejects all the evidence for the crash and has an enemies’ list of those who are convinced by the evidence: it includes include Jawaharlal Nehru, the Gandhi-Nehru family, the Congress party, Sisir, Krishna, and Sugata Bose, Netaji’s daughter Anita Pfaff, the Shah Nawaz Khan and Khosla Commissions who concluded there was a crash, S.A. Ayer, Pranab Mukherjee, the “Ananda Bajar Patrika” newspaper. ... "

Inclusion of daughter of Subhash Chandra Bose there is Gordon going too far. Notice he refrains from commenting on Pranab Mukherjee having offered blank cheque to wife of Netaji for signing a petition to bring his ashes home, and her having thrown him out, declaring she'd never wish to see him or another representative of such a mission ever again? 

Also, notice that if government of India ever did believe that Netaji did die in the air crash, there was no reason for the sovereign nation's government to not bring ashes of the national figure back to India and raise a monument. 

The only reason they didn't, is because they knew that e then could turn up, perhaps in a televised interview in Russia, or in Chowringhee, and be recognised by India, making government of India look the knives and fools that they were. 

" ... Many, especially in Bengal, but elsewhere in India as well, have simply placed him high in the pantheon of nationalist heroes to be remembered and revered for his contributions to the freedom India gained from the British Empire."

Clement Attlee did frankly say, in response to a query about it when on a visit to India, that British were forced to leave due to the effect that Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose and his INA had on India in 1945-46, especially the mutinies of navy, Air Force and army. 

General Bakhshi has published a work quoting related documents from British archives, proving truth thereof. 

So Gordon's "high in the pantheon ...  for his contributions to the freedom India" is typical Congress obfuscation falsifying history. Clement Attlee, when specifically asked, responded about what was contribution of Gandhi in British leaving India; his answer was, "M-i-n-i-m-a-l". 
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Gordon has refrained from mentioning Gandhi sending message to Sharat Chandra Bose to not conduct last rites yet for his brother,  Subhash Chandra Bose. 

Amongst many other such inconvenient materials that would go against his belittling of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, this is one more.
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Contents 
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Preface 
Prologue: In Search of an Indian Hero 

1. ​The Boses of Kodalia, Cuttack and Calcutta 

2. ​Subhas Bose: Good Boy and Mischief-Maker 

3. ​‘My Country Is My Own’: Into Politics, 1921-22 

4. ​Swarajists in Calcutta and Mandalay, 1923-27 

5. ​‘Rushing Along Like a Storm’: On to the National Stage, 1927-28 

6.​‘What Is Wrong with Bengal?’ 1929-32 

7.​ Ambassador of India in Bondage, 1932-36 

8. ​Deshanayak [Leader of the Country], 1936–39 

9. ​‘We Must Sail in Different Boats’: Gandhi vs. Bose, 1939-41 

10. ​Axis Collaborator? Subhas Bose in Europe, 1941-43 

11.​ An Indian Samurai: Subhas Bose in Asia, 1943-45 

12. ​‘Extremists Have the Upper Hand’: To Partition, 1945-47 

13.​ Divided Bengal and Independent India: Hard Realities and Soft Myths 

Conclusions 

Postscript 

Notes 

Bibliography
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REVIEW 
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Preface 
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"This edition is an abridged version of the 25-year-old original, a book that is rich and full of documentation based on more than 100 interviews and research conducted across fourteen countries. ... Those wishing to read the fully detailed life of the Boses and see the full notes and sources, should refer to the original edition."

" ... I would like to thank the family of Subhas and Sarat Chandra Bose for all the help they have given me for over many long years. Foremost are the late Sisir K. Bose and Krishna Bose who have assisted me in uncountable ways and shown me continuing kindness and hospitality over the years. I also must thank their children, Sugata, Sarmila, and Sumantra, who have gone out of the way innumerable times for me, and eventually became dear friends. Several of them have now written their own versions of the Boses’ lives, but they have never told me how to write mine. The late Charu C. Chowdhuri sat for many hours with Krishna Bose and me, trying to help me understand the early letters and views of Sarat Bose. The late Emilie Schenkl and her daughter Anita (Bose) Pfaff have shown much kindness on my visits to Vienna and Mrs Schenkl spent long hours answering my questions."

Since, as explicitly written by Anuj Dhar, the two sections of the bose clan mentioned here have had very strong disagreement regarding the air crash of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in Taihoku on August 18, 1945, as maintained by his aide and by Japanese authorities, one has to wonder whose views this author subscribed to - wife of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose being adamant about him living on through sixties and seventies, or the former, a part of Bose family that he mentions. 
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May 08, 2022 - May 08, 2022.
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Prologue: In Search of an Indian Hero 
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"Netaji passed my way (just the other day). 
"—Major Satya Gupta, Bengal Volunteers, 1964 [to the author]

"Subhas Bose had died in a plane crash in Taiwan in August 1945. Or had he? During the following months I saw pictures of a sadhu (holy man) on Calcutta lampposts and billboards throughout the city. His head was shaved and he stood beside the dead body of Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister. The sadhu wore glasses (as did Bose), he was a little older, a little plumper, but he did resemble Bose, or “Netaji” as he was commonly called. Beneath the picture was written in Bengali: ‘Who is this sadhu?’ Many ordinary Hindus in the middle and lower classes of the metropolis and the outlying districts believed that it was Bose. They believed that he was only biding his time, waiting for a time of crisis when he would return, take the helm of the ship of state, and guide it through the troubled seas of independence."

The man he refers to was a Cambodian Buddhist monk. But the portrayal of atmosphere in Calcutta, therefore most of Bengal, of hope and expectations, even longing, is brought through. 

Next he describes Shaulmari case.

" ... Gupta and his associates insisted that Bose was there now, alive and well, although the sadhu denied being Bose. A few years later, I learned from a senior and respected Bengali Congressman, leader of the Congress Party in the Rajya Sabha, that he had traveled to the ashram in the hope of finding Bose whom he had known well. ‘I could tell right away,’ he said, ‘it was not Bose.’1"

His identity is known through other authors on dubject - it was another, younger associate of Netaji, unable to disclose his own identity due to personal reasons. 

"When I returned during the Emergency in 1976 to continue my research on Indian nationalism, I heard fewer tales of Bose as a sadhu, but I learned at the Netaji birth-anniversary gathering from the then chief minister of West Bengal, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, that, ‘Bose is undying and will live forever.’ Furthermore, he said, Bose was against fissiparous tendencies and taught obedience to authority, authority such as that wielded by the present central government of Ray’s ally, Mrs Gandhi. Then the governor, A. Dias, told the assembled throng, ‘Netaji highlighted the salient points of the twenty-point program.’ It was to be concluded that Bose, long dead, was a founder and backer of Mrs Gandhi’s program."

Ray And Dias were both lying, deliberately. Had they met him, were obeying his instructions? Possibly, but he couldn't have told them to back emergency or twenty-one point program! That's out and out lie. Big whopper. 

"On this, and later visits, I heard from politicians of every persuasion that Bose was wise, prescient, and their ally, if not when he was alive, then in the present when they needed support. Communists, Congressmen, independents, left, right, center: Bose would always be available for their needs. They had conveniently forgotten how many of them had vilified Bose when he was alive. Indeed, a dead hero is often a more convenient prop than a live one."

Gordon speaks of decision to write a dual biography, of meeting Bose clan members, and others in Bengal, South East Asia, Germany and Japan who had been associates of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. 

"For this project, I made my first trip to Germany to find some of those who had worked with Bose during the World War II and to consult the German Foreign Office records. In Stuttgart, I was greatly helped by Captain Wilhelm Lutz who told me among other things that Hitler’s only fault was that he had lost. My Jewish identity had never entered directly into the research process before, but at Captain Lutz’s home his wife asked me, ‘Is Gordon a Scottish name?’ Since I wanted further frankness in my talks with Lutz, I simply replied, ‘Yes.’ I did not go on to say that it was a name assigned to my Jewish grandfather when he got off the boat from Russia in New York in the late 19th century. A few days later, as Lutz and I enjoyed a beer before I left for Munich, I asked about the slaughter of the Jews. He used the old metaphor of having to break some eggs to make an omelette. I decided that I would just listen.

"In the summer of 1979, I went to Japan to pick up the thread of Bose’s foreign connections. It happened that Anita (Bose) Pfaff was in Tokyo at the same time and a luncheon was held for us by an Indo-Japanese friendship society whose members were mainly retired military officers. The warmth of the feelings they had for Bose, some thirty-four years after they had last dealt with him, and the respect they accorded him struck me. This led me to contrast the way he had related to the Germans and the Japanese. I came to the conclusion that he had little rapport with the Germans and the Nazi drive behind German aggression, whereas in the minds of some of his Japanese contacts, he was “an Indian samurai”, and in tune with fundamental beliefs of theirs."

" ... Students of Indian culture remember that the Buddha and Rama and probably Krishna all began as warriors and were later accepted as avatars (incarnations). According to popular Hindu belief, the tenth and final avatar of the god Vishnu—called Kalki, a messiah figure—will come on his white horse to save the world from destruction. In pictures sold for a few paise on the streets, Bose is shown on a white horse in an emperor’s uniform. ... "

None of the Gods he mentioned "began" as warriors, their childhood is known in each case. Buddha never was a warrior. Born to be one if needs be, was all. 
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May 08, 2022 - May 08, 2022.
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1.​The Boses of Kodalia, Cuttack and Calcutta 
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Gordon begins by being offensive, to India, which he's done in prologue quite well and more than once; did he have to do so already in first paragraph of this beginning too?

" ... In India it is common for the parents of a prominent leader—if they appear at all—to be slotted into familiar stereotypes: noble father and pious mother. ... "

Did he take a challenge with a publisher - or a klansman? - that he'd be more offensive than, say, Winston Churchill, George Eliot and Sheldon Pollock, and write about a hero of India with so abominable a tone that nobody West could accuse him of having "gone native" just because he didn't do this work as a charity project? 

Would he have dared to do so, if, say, the hero wasn't Hindu, but likely to be of people who'd declare a few hundred fatwas for every time Gordon gave offence? 

Or is solidarity of Abrahamic-I with Abrahamic-II, Abrahamic-III, even Abrahamic-IV, is beyond being broken despite all persecution including holocaust, but non-abrahmic must be given offence no matter what?
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Gordon travelled to India several times, spoke with several people including Bose clan members. Did he not realise India was different from US?

" ... While the parental household first shaped and supported Subhas, in adulthood, he needed the home of his brother Sarat Bose and Sarat’s wife, Bivabati, since Subhas was not a householder himself. ... "

Had he never heard of joint family? Yes, a man with or without means could set up a household for himself and live alone if he so wishes; but he has the option of being part of the family of his parents, or another brother, unless nobody wants him. And most often, people don't set up separate household just by being married either, nor are they expected to, in India. Gordon gives offense by raising questions due to his off-hand comments here. 
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" ... Janaki Nath Bose spent most of his adult life in Cuttack and became a leader of the native community, but he never broke his connections to Kodalia and Calcutta, and continued to identify as a Bengali. By the 1890s, he had become the most prominent Bengali resident and president of the Bengali Settlers’ Association. He was very successful as a lawyer, and proud of his access to the top strata of British officials. Janaki Nath was one of the curious, but familiar mixtures of Indian and European culture. Though he was Anglicized—he often wore European clothes, read the Statesman (then a leading newspaper of the British in India), had a dining table (unlike most Indians), and was devoted to English literature and British liberalism—he was also a Hindu, a Bengali, and a proud Indian. He was called “Janaki Nath Sahib”. Almost six feet tall, solidly built, with a mustache and square jaw, he was an imposing, grave-looking man who rarely smiled. More than for his words, he was remembered for his deeds. Fitting the traditional Indian model of a man of high standing, Janaki Nath was generous with the money he earned and secretly paid the expenses of a number of poor students. An avocation, a private passion, was the reading of English literature. He read John Milton, William Cowper, Matthew Arnold, Rudyard Kipling and loved Shakespeare, particularly Hamlet. Janaki Nath was very concerned about education and sent his sons first to an English-medium school where Bengali was not taught. He wanted his sons to speak perfect English for he believed this important in gaining access to English society; proper intonation in speaking was as vital as grammatical correctness. 

"In agreement with the great majority of the Western-educated middle class Bengalis of the late 19th century, Janaki Nath believed that British rule was benevolent. He felt a sense of gratitude to the British for their gifts to India: law and order, reforms such as the creation of legislative councils with Indian members; and, of course, their language, literature, and science. He was rewarded by the Raj for his loyalty, obtaining, first, an appointment to the Bengal Legislative Council in 1912, and finally the title of Rai Bahadur. Janaki Nath served in the Bengal Legislative Council for only three brief months, January to March 1912. While in that position, he supported the government in discussions of the reform of the local agrarian code, typifying the outlook of loyalist and moderate Indian political spokesmen of the late-19th century and early-20th century, a self-selected elite which had risen to the top by birth, education, and wealth and was accepted by the Raj as the leaders of the native population."

" ... The belief that the fairer were superior had an ancient lineage in India dating at least to the Aryan invasions and was reinforced by the British conquest."

Aryans being a race is a lie invented by British, as is Aryan invasion theory; the first part of that statement above by Gordon is even more of a lie, since nobody was more respected as Arya than Rama, and he's known for his beauty as well,  but specifically described as "Shyamavarna", dusky hued, even blue-tinged. Thus is not limited to males. Mahabharata war was to avenge humiliation of the extraordinary beauty of wife of Pandava brothers, and she's described as Shyama, the dark one. 

Above all, nobody ascribes any other qualities in India to a lighter skin than just that, lighter hue of skin; certainly  no qualities of mind, heart or soul are inferred thereby, or even beauty. 
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" ... In India, male children are considered more important than female children since most of India is organized in a patrilineal tradition and the eldest son performs the shraddha or funeral rites for his parents. ... "

It'd be fair if Gordon put it in context, of the then societies of West and up till now. The very few societies which do in fact give more importance to female principle are none in West, certainly not US and definitely not church of any variety or even an Abrahamic except Abrahamic-IV; in US, as described well enough by citizens thereof, a woman has control of her finances only if she's an heiress, a widow not unseated by sons, and capable of handling male predators; few are in any position to earn equally. England was changed slightly by Queen Elizabeth I, and has only now come to legislate about primogeniture of royal heritage including daughters despite being followed by sons, in order of birth. Suffrage was fought for in West, including UK. US still hasn't legislated equal pay for women. Divorce settlement most often leaves first families of men poor, and in eighties it was recognised that new poor were women and children. 

As for India, Gordon has just finished a paragraph about Bengal worship of Mother Goddess, which in fact isn't limited to Bengal but common to all Hindus. 
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"With the entry of two sons into Presidency College in 1905, the locus of the Bose family shifted from Cuttack to Calcutta, the capital of British India and the second city of the British Empire. Calcutta, chosen by the agents of the East India Company as a site for a factory or trading post at the end of the 17th century, served from 1773 to 1912 as capital of British India and was long a leading port (along with Bombay) as well as the commercial, industrial, financial, political and cultural center of eastern India. During the pre-independence period much of the industrial and commercial activity was run by Europeans, though from the late 19th century, Indian businessmen, largely non-Bengali, increasingly entered the field. The Calcutta metropolitan area was a huge magnet attracting those with capital to invest, as well as poor laborers from all over eastern India and beyond. Gradually, much of the manual labor and factory work came to be done by non-Bengalis from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, while educated Bengalis took the clerical and lower administrative positions inside and outside the government. The professional groups were largely Bengali and the native culture thrived."

" ... The Calcutta of those days was growing and well-to-do Indians were buying property and settling in the southern part of the city. Sir P.C. Mitter, a member of the Bengal Legislative Council, arranged for a plot of land at 38/2 Elgin Road, on which a substantial three-storey house was completed in 1909. This became, in time, the main Calcutta base of the family. Two decades later Sarat Bose built his own house just across the road. The Boses were kulins and by now a top family in Cuttack, but they were parvenus to the Bengali elite of Calcutta. It was the accomplishments, first of Janaki Nath and then of his sons, that made the Boses a leading family of Calcutta. First their The Calcutta of those days was growing and well-to-do Indians were buying property and settling in the southern part of the city. Sir P.C. Mitter, a member of the Bengal Legislative Council, arranged for a plot of land at 38/2 Elgin Road, on which a substantial three-storey house was completed in 1909. This became, in time, the main Calcutta base of the family. Two decades later Sarat Bose built his own house just across the road. The Boses were kulins and by now a top family in Cuttack, but they were parvenus to the Bengali elite of Calcutta. It was the accomplishments, first of Janaki Nath and then of his sons, that made the Boses a leading family of Calcutta. First their educational life, then their professional, social, and political life, with some exceptions among the sons, was in Calcutta. They were shaped in the city, and in adulthood they contributed to its vital activities. life, then their professional, social, and political life, with some exceptions among the sons, was in Calcutta. They were shaped in the city, and in adulthood they contributed to its vital activities."

" ... In 1912 Sarat left for London and spent the better part of the next two years there. Sarat regretted having to leave his first-born so soon, but the opportunity to study and be called to the London Bar was too glorious to postpone or turn down. Indian students began to seek higher education in England from the 1860s, as the impediments of family, caste and religious proscriptions faded. In 1907, there were about 700 Indian students in England, of whom 380 were in London; and of these 320 were sitting for the bar. By 1920, when Subhas Bose and Satish Bose were both studying in the United Kingdom, after the World War I lapse, there were about 1,450 Indian students enrolled across various universities in the UK."

"Indians began to sit for the bar in England after the establishment of the High Courts in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras in 1862. In order to practise on the original side of the High Court, it was necessary to be called to the bar in England, and this achievement gave an Indian lawyer greater scope and prestige. Sarat achieved this goal, staying in England almost two years, from 1912 to 1914."Gordon writes about Sharat Chandra Bose coping with the different country, culture,  cuisine, and more, together with exams, and returning after seeing a little of continent on his way home. 

" ... Sarat had been shaped into a true believer in English liberties. The justice and fairness of the British system of law, liberty and politics as it existed in theory and needed to work in practice, not only in Great Britain, but in India under British rule, was a theme of his later life. In the Bengal Legislative Council and Assembly, in the Calcutta Corporation, in politics, and in private correspondence, Sarat argued that the British must live up to their ideals and that full legal rights of citizens (such as that of habeas corpus) must not be abridged. He shared the idea of one of his favorite authors of this period, Walter Bagehot, whose The English Constitution had been published at the height of the Victorian period: that the British system of law and individual liberty was something very special among the creations of the people of the world. It was to be understood, treasured and utilized for the benefit of all the citizens of the British Empire, regardless of color or nationality."

" ... The year he went abroad, 1912, also happened to be the year in which his father served in the Bengal Legislative Council; and at about this time too, he began reading the writings of George Bernard Shaw and H.G. Wells. The perspective of the Fabian Left seemed as congenial to Sarat as the outlook of the Gladstonian Liberals was to his father."

" ... Sarat enrolled at the Calcutta High Court Bar and joined the chambers of Sir Nripendra Nath Sircar, a distinguished barrister, who eventually became his mentor and friend. This connection helped him to rise without the great struggle that some other young lawyers had. He worked very hard at perfecting his legal skills and followed his father in renown for his mastery of cross-examination. Though he had often complained while in England of his inability to concentrate, as an adult, his great powers of concentration, discipline, intelligence and remarkable memory were conspicuous assets in building his practice and reputation. One of his juniors later wrote of him that “… even work to him was an expression of life itself and not merely the means of earning subsistence”10He was never a slave to financial success and did not turn away poor litigants. He worked in both the civil and criminal fields and soon—by the 1920s—was in great demand. From the unsure young man sitting for the bar in London, he became known as “Bose-Sahib”, one of the proud and able leaders among the Indians at the Calcutta High Court Bar. ... "

"At home with his family, he lived in a more Indian world. With many of his siblings living at 38/2 Elgin Road and the birth of many children, more space was required. For a time a house next door at 38/1 Elgin Road was rented. When the house at 38/2 was in full use there were perhaps thirty or more Boses and eighteen servants, including three cooks, several drivers and other servants and maid-servants. At lunch they sat on the floor and had Bengali food. At dinner they had Western food and sat at a dining table. Sarat taught many, including his children, to eat in the Western way, i.e., sitting at the table and using silverware. 

"The years following Sarat’s return to India saw the birth of his and Biva’s other seven children: Amiyanath, born in 1915; Meera, 1917; Sisir Kumar, 1920; Gita, 1922; Roma, 1928; Chitra, 1930; and Subrata, 1932. Biva also became close to one of Sarat’s younger siblings of whom he had been especially fond and with whom he formed a special tie from an early age. This was Subhas."
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May 08, 2022 - May 08, 2022.
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2. ​Subhas Bose: Good Boy and Mischief-Maker 
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"When Subhas sat down at about the age of forty to write an account of his life so far, he decided to call it An Indian Pilgrim, so connecting his own life course with the ancient Indian traditions of searching or questing for truth and fulfilment. The pilgrim was a person who embraced a special mission—to lead, to teach, to raise, to show the way. Many years earlier, at eighteen, Subhas had written to his closest friend from Darjeeling: 

"If one wants to lead an extremely individualistic life, there is nothing more satisfying than the life of a wandering pilgrim. I feel like crossing the mountains to Sikkim and Nepal. There is a road to Tibet also… But, in the current age the life of a wandering pilgrim is not for the youth of Bengal. He has very onerous duties to shoulder.2"
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Gordon os sloppy about details. 

" ... Investigators of birth order agree that what is important is how one experiences one’s place in the family. In his own words, Subhas, the sixth son and ninth child, felt insignificant for a lengthy period in childhood. His experience in his first school, the Protestant European School run by the Baptist Mission in Cuttack, also contributed to his early feelings that he was not special. To the children in this school, the family of Janaki Nath Bose could not be of the highest status because such ranks were reserved for Europeans. For six years he attended the school headed by Reverend Young and staffed by teachers who were Anglo-Indians (as Europeans in India were known in those days). ... "

That last bit is completely incorrect. 

Europeans, Americans, Australians and Canadians, Irish, British and Scots, were known - none were called "Anglo-Indians" in India. 

That nomenclature, Anglo-Indians" was and is applied, exclusively, to mixed race persons, with a British - usually male - somewhere in ancestry, who had usually cohabitation, rarely married, an Indian. The progeny and descendents were, in British caste system as applied in India, below other Europeans who in turn were below British, but above rest. British caste system held its ladder, exactly as in UK, above Europeans. 

Sometimes, rarely, if and when a female from UK married an Indian,  however, the progeny wasn't considered Anglo-Indian, but usually fit into social structure of the father, or boundaries thereof. This depended on both sides, the bride and her new family, as usually it does everywhere. In rare cases, this progeny had a choice of being of their mother's race. 
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"As he himself wrote in his autobiography, however, he lived in two worlds. At home Bengali was spoken; his mother only spoke Bengali and she was in charge of the household. Under her influence, Subhas was initiated into the religion, literature, myths and folklore of Indian society. He heard stories from the Indian epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, as well as Bengali songs, mainly religious. His father was more influenced by the currents of religious reformation, mainly the Brahmo Samaj teachings of Keshub Sen, while his mother was devoted to Durga and Kali in the more traditional fashion. Sarat followed his mother more exactly. Although Subhas learned from his mother, he began searching for himself."

" ... In his own household, Subhas wrote, politics was a taboo. To his new mentor at the Ravenshaw School, however, the forces of cultural revivalism and nationalism that were beginning to percolate through intellectual circles in India were a vital part of life for the teenagers under his wing. He taught them even more about the religious traditions of India—the Vedas, epics, and Upanishads—than they had learned at home. Subhas donned Bengali dress and felt less torn between two worlds. He continued his European education throughout his life, but began to make his own synthesis of the cultures of the West and India."

"Along with his school chums in Cuttack, a young man, perhaps a year older than Subhas, now became his closest friend and confidant from 1912 to 1919: this was Hemanta Kumar Sarkar. Up to this time, Subhas’s group was in the Cuttack area, but Hemanta was a member of a Calcutta group headed by a medical student, Suresh Banerjee, who would later become active in the national movement. Its ideal was ‘…spiritual uplift and national service along constructive lines.’7 At this time, Subhas was just finishing at the Ravenshaw School in 1912 and taking the matriculation examination under the umbrella of Calcutta University. Of all the students taking the exam, Subhas finished second, a remarkable result for a young man caught up in spiritual distractions that “had inflamed (his) soul”.’8 Subhas showed on this occasion, as at later examinations, that he was a superb student, who usually studied more than he allowed others to know."

"Janaki Nath Bose’s sons moved to Calcutta in the decade starting in 1905, the very years in which the Swadeshi movement grew and then sputtered to a halt (1905-1908), and the time in which revolutionary terrorism began in Bengal. ... "
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"During the last quarter of the 19th century, other voices began to be raised, more critical of the British Raj and of the Moderate leaders. These voices, among them those of B.G. Tilak in Maharashtra and Aurobindo Ghose, called for a rapid end to British rule, and suggested directly or indirectly that unconstitutional means, non-violent and perhaps even violent, might have to be used to achieve this goal. Tilak was imprisoned in the 1890s for allegedly encouraging violent acts against British officials. 

"Tilak became a national leader of the minority Extremist group within the Congress, and one of his supporters was young Aurobindo Ghose, who became one of the ablest Swadeshi publicists, a secret plotter of revolutionary violence, and the political hero of Subhas Bose’s teenage years. Sent to Britain as a boy, where he attended St. Paul’s School and then Cambridge, on returning to India in the 1890s, Ghose joined the service of the Gaekwars of Baroda and began to make connections with potential revolutionaries in Bengal. At the same time, he began his poitical writing, while studying Indian philosophy and religion and started to practise yoga.

"Meanwhile, the political and administrative decision by the Government of India under Lord Curzon to realign provincial boundaries in eastern India and to divide the Bengali-speaking region into two new provinces was the spark that set off the powder keg of anti-government sentiment in Bengal. .... A boycott of British goods showed some effectiveness for a few months; and protest meetings and plans for Indian educational, cultural, economic and political activities to circumvent the Raj spread to some rural areas of Bengal and other parts of India. Aurobindo Ghose picked this moment to return to Calcutta and threw himself into the political maelstrom for the next five years. He worked in the national education movement, joined the Congress in an effort to wrest control from the Moderates, wrote elegant and passionate political articles in the English-language, Indian-owned press, and, secretly helped to plot acts of violence against British officials. Aurobindo’s most coherent political statement was a series of articles entitled “The Doctrine of Passive Resistance”. He argued that the immediate need was for political independence, a condition that had to precede the reconstruction of battered and exploited India. In part, he wrote: 

"We recognise no political object except the divinity in our Motherland, no present object of political endeavour except liberty, and no method of action as political good or evil except as it truly helps or hinders our progress towards national emancipation…. The present circumstances in India seem to point to passive resistance as our most natural and suitable weapon.10"

"Aurobindo mentioned three kinds of resistance to oppression: armed revolt, aggressive resistance short of armed revolt, and defensive resistance, whether passive or active. Though publicly he argued for passive resistance, privately he planned and encouraged acts of violence which would lead in the long term to armed revolt at a time when Indians were fully prepared. In the present he wanted total boycott of British institutions and the withdrawal of Indian cooperation with the British Raj.

"Aurobindo saw the awakening of India as part of a divine plan and said that God was calling him to help liberate his country. Aurobindo acted upon the political stage of Bengal until 1910, when he said that God had sent him a new message to retreat from active politics and work for the spiritual upliftment of India and of mankind. So he journeyed to Pondicherry in French India and established a religious community, or ashram, from which he did not emerge during the remaining forty years of his life."

"Writing in his autobiography, Subhas commented on these events: 

"In my undergraduate days Aurobindo Ghose was easily the most popular leader in Bengal, despite his voluntary exile and absence since 1909… He had sacrificed a lucrative career in order to devote himself to politics. On the Congress platform he had stood up as a champion of left-wing thought and a fearless advocate of independence… Last but not least, a mixture of spirituality and politics had given him a halo of mysticism and made his personality more fascinating to those who were religiously inclined…. I was impressed by his deeper philosophy… He worked out a reconciliation between Spirit and Matter, between God and Creation, on the metaphysical side and supplemented it with a synthesis of the methods of attaining the truth—a synthesis of Yoga, as he called it… All that was needed in my eyes to make Aurobindo an ideal guru for mankind was his return to active life.11"

Ironically, it turned the other way, instead. Wonder if he realised it in Ayodhya. 

"Even before Aurobindo’s influence, Subhas had begun meditating and experimenting with different forms of yoga in Cuttack. It was clear he wanted an Indian religious philosophy that would shape, channel and support action in the world. He found this in the teachings of Vivekananda and Aurobindo. ... "
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"In the long vacation period of 1914, Hemanta and Subhas disappeared for several months into the religious heartland of northern India in search of spiritual truth and a guru. ... "

"Subhas later described their tour: 

"…The desire to find a guru grew stronger and stronger within me and, in the summer vacation of 1914, I quietly left on a pilgrimage… Of course, I did not inform anybody at home… This tour which lasted nearly two months brought us in touch not only with a number of holy men, but also with some of the patent shortcomings ... "

Wonder why, having already some acquaintance with and idea about two - three, counting Ramakrishna - of the greatest spiritual figures, of not only the region and the era but the entire time on earth, he then chose to go north to Himalayas seeking a guru, instead of focusing on the ones he knew of, and from close at hand too, and speaks of! 

"Eventually, in 1914, Subhas returned to Presidency College to resume his studies and his Calcutta life. With his brother Sarat Bose now his resident guardian, Subhas threw himself into a range of college and non-college activities. He became secretary of the debating union, secretary of a famine relief committee for East Bengal, a member of the staff of the newly started Presidency College Magazine, and, the following year, the representative of the third-year Arts’ students on the Students’ Consultative Committee. In the course of recruiting prospective debaters, he met a classmate—Dilip Kumar Roy, son of the famous poet, playwright, and song-writer, Dwijendralal Roy—who became one of his favorite and lifelong friends. Dilip made Subhas laugh with the great heartiness of which he was capable, increased his appreciation of music and literature and helped him to plumb his spiritual capacities and test his faith in the course of life he chose."

"The study of philosophy fitted with his religious concerns and his questioning mood was heightened during trips to the Himalayas. Darjeeling was the mountain spot that drew the Boses—a hill station, now renowned for its tea, favored by officials and wealthy babus in the hot season. It was 7,000 feet above sea level in an area ceded to the British by the Raja of Sikkim in 1835, later becoming the summer capital of Bengal and the premier mountain resort of eastern India. 

"Subhas first accompanied his father to Darjeeling in 1907 and in 1915 came again to the town of Kurseong, twenty miles from Darjeeling on the main rail line. Although the Boses visited Darjeeling frequently, Kurseong became their special place in the mountains and Sarat Bose finally bought a house there in 1923 with a commanding view of the hills and plains below. Subhas, Sarat, and other family members returned again and again for respite from what Subhas described as the “ceaseless and frantic activity and movement, which you see in Calcutta”. From here, Subhas wrote to Hemanta in October 1915: 

"Since coming here I have been well from all points of view… The mountains are most wonderful; I think these slopes are the most fitting abode of the heroic Aryans. One should not live in the degenerate plains …There is no better way of reviving our Aryan blood than to consume meat and scale mountains…. The Hindu race no longer has that pristine freshness—that youthful vigour and those unmatched human qualities. If we want to get them back we must begin from the land of our birth—the sacred Himalayas. …16"
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" ... Mr E.F. Oaten, Professor of History at Presidency College, now lit the short fuse of student nationalist sensitivities. In an address to students at the Eden Hindu Hostel in late 1915, Mr Oaten said, ‘As the Greeks had hellenised the barbarian people with whom they came in contact, so the mission of the English is to civilise the Indians.’19

"The students felt highly insulted at these remarks, and several furious arguments between Prof. Oaten and the students ensued, leading to a fracas on 15 February, in which Subhas was said to have participated. The professor was allegedly beaten with shoes—an act which was highly insulting from an Indian point of view. College authorities conducted an investigation into the matter, and arrived at a decision to order Subhas’s expulsion from the college, along with his colleague, Ananga Dam. The two were rusticated from the university. ... "

"More than two decades later in his autobiography he reviewed these events ... "

"My educational career was at an end, and my future was dark and uncertain. But I was not sorry—there was not a trace of regret in my mind for what I had done. I had rather a feeling of supreme satisfaction, of joy that I had done the right thing, that I had stood up for our honour and self-respect and had sacrificed myself for a noble cause… 

"Little did I then realise the inner significance of the tragic events of 1916…. I had stood up with courage and composure in a crisis and fulfilled my duty …. I had a foretaste of leadership—though in a very restricted sphere—and of the martyrdom that it involves. In short, I had acquired character and could face the future with equanimity.21"

"All the family connections were utilized to influence Sir Ashutosh Mookerjee, vice-chancellor of Calcutta University, a barrister colleague of Sarat Bose’s and an acquaintance of Janaki Nath Bose’s, to allow Subhas to attend another college. It took some time before this pressure worked. ... "

"In the waning days of the First World War, the Government of India started a university unit of the Indian Defence Force. ... "

"Subhas was one of the most zealous recruits, and described in an article for the college magazine, and then later in his autobiography, how a rabble of students was transformed into a well-trained and smartly turned-out company by its British officers. They spent four months at a summer camp which Subhas enjoyed immensely: 

"What ordinary soldiers would take months to learn we would master in so many weeks. After three weeks’ musketry training there was a shooting competition between our men and our instructors, and the latter were beaten hollow…on parade we were quite smart… This training gave me something which I needed or which I lacked. The feeling of strength and of self-confidence grew still further.26"

"He decided to shift his studies to experimental psychology for his M.A., since he believed that while philosophy developed the critical faculties, it did not lead to the solving of fundamental problems. However, a few months later, after consulting with Sarat, Janaki Nath Bose offered Subhas, his prize-winning son, the option of going to England to continue his studies and to sit for the ICS (Indian Civil Service) examination, allowing him twenty-four hours to make up his mind. To Sarat and Janaki Nath, the ICS might have seemed an eminently suitable career for a brilliant young Indian student. But for Subhas, trying to chart out his own mission of life and more fiercely nationalistic and anti-British than his elders, the choice created inner turmoil. He wrote to Hemanta, expressing his confusion and decision: 

"It is my considered view that there is no hope of my passing the Civil Service examination… My primary desire is to obtain a university degree in England; otherwise I cannot make headway in the educational line… Under the circumstances, should I miss this opportunity? On the other hand, a great danger will arise if I manage to pass the Civil Service examination. That will mean giving up my goal in life. Father had been to Calcutta. He made the offer yesterday… And I have agreed to sail for England.27"
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"In London, Subhas stayed with his brother Satish (who was then sitting for the bar) in Belsize Park, not too far from where Sarat had lived. His attention, however, was on obtaining admission to some Cambridge college, though it was past the deadline. With the help of other Indian students including Dilip Roy, and the approval of the censor of Fitzwilliam Hall, Mr Reddaway, he was admitted and began to study and attend classes. 

"He plunged into preparations for the Mental and Moral Sciences Tripos (his Cambridge course) and for the Civil Service examination. For the latter he had to prepare in nine subjects: English Composition, Sanskrit, Philosophy, English Law, Political Science, Modern European History, English History, Economics and Geography (including cartography). ... He attended evening lectures on Sanskrit and English Law and noted about his new studies: 

"…the study of Political Science, Economics, English History, and Modern European History proved to be beneficial. This was specially the case with Modern European History. Before I studied this subject, I did not have a clear idea of the politics of Continental Europe. We Indians are taught to regard Europe as a magnified edition of Great Britain. Consequently we have a tendency to look at the Continent through the eyes of England. This is, of course, a gross mistake, but not having been to the Continent, I did not realise it till I studied Modern European History and some of its original sources like Bismarck’s Autobiography, Mettemich’s Memoirs, Cavour’s Letters, etc. These original sources, more than anything else I studied at Cambridge, helped to rouse my political sense and to foster my understanding of the inner currents of international politics.28"

"An arena in which Subhas became a spokesman for other Indian students was in the effort to join the University Officers’ Training Corps. Subhas had found personal enjoyment and social benefits in his earlier military training at Calcutta University and when a similar training was opened at Cambridge, Subhas and others attempted to join. They were refused. Subhas had felt from his teenage years that India was deficient in military skills and organization. This was an arena in which Western training would be of long-term value to the Indian nation. He did not give up easily, but the ban was not removed. 

"He had gone to London to see Lord Lytton in connection with this matter as a representative of the Indian Majlis at Cambridge. Subhas also joined the Union Society. He recalled later that Hugh Dalton, Oswald Mosley, John Simon and others enlivened that forum and he heard pro-Irish speeches there at the time of the Irish troubles and civil war. The Indian Majlis also chose him as one of their representatives to speak before the Committee on Indian Students set up by the India Office to examine the facilities, education and life of young Indians in the United Kingdom. Subhas, in his testimony, argued that many Indians came to Britain because this was the only way they believed they could effectively compete for the ICS. He wanted simultaneous examinations to be held in India.

"By the time Subhas testified on May 26, 1921, however, he had been studying hard for almost two years, had already taken the ICS exam, was about to receive his Cambridge degree, and had more than spent his father’s Rs. 10,000. Subhas took the open competitive examination for appointments in the Indian Civil Service in August 1920 which was to fill six places in the Service. ... Of all the candidates, he finished fourth and tied with another Indian for highest marks in English Composition. Subhas also did well in history, psychology and logic, moral and metaphysical philosophy and political economy and economic history. Since he was preparing for the Tripos in mental and moral sciences and had concentrated in philosophy as an undergraduate in India, his impressive showing in these areas could have been expected. However, the study of history and economics was much less familiar and he did well to score decent marks in these areas too."

" ... The final exam was to be held in 1921 and this included many more Indian subjects with questions on the Indian Penal Code, Evidence Act, Indian history, Indian language and one optional Indian subject plus the riding test. And Subhas could ride. He knew he could join the ICS if he wanted to."

" ... In a letter to Sarat Bose written in late September 1920 from Leigh-on-Sea, Subhas opened up about his dilemma: 

"I have been getting heaps of congratulations on my standing fourth in the competitive exam. But I cannot say that I am delighted at the prospects of entering the ranks of the ICS …A nice fat income with a good pension in after-life—I shall surely get …The Civil Service can bring one all kinds of worldly comfort but are not these acquisitions made at the expense of one’s soul? 

"… Life loses half its interest if there is no struggle—if there are no risks to be taken. The uncertainties of life are not appalling to one who has not, at heart, worldly ambitions. Moreover it is not possible to serve one’s country in the best and fullest manner if one is chained on to the civil service. In short, national and spiritual aspirations are not compatible with obedience to Civil Service conditions.31"

" ... In the same letter to Sarat, he wrote:

"Though I am sure that the Civil Service has no glamour for you, father is sure to be hostile to the idea of my not joining the Civil Service. He would like to see me settled down in life as soon as possible. Moreover if I have to qualify for another career it will add considerably to the financial burden which is already on your shoulders… But I may say without hesitation that if I were given the option—I would be the last man to join the Indian Civil Service. … I am not going to marry—hence considerations of worldly prudence will not defer me from taking a particular line of action if I believe that to be intrinsically right.32"

"Subhas returned to Cambridge and to his studies for the Mental and Moral Sciences Tripos. His peers in Calcutta, particularly Hemanta and the Suresh Banerjee group, were with him in opposition to the ICS—it was seen to be incompatible with a higher, nobler and freer service to the nation. For these young men, the mystique of the Raj, the loyalty to the British Government in India and the British Empire—was gone. Government measures in the early 1900s, the Swadeshi agitation, and the post-war massacre at Jallianwala Bagh in April 1919 had destroyed the legitimacy of the Raj forever, while for many younger Indians, the cultural revivalism of the late-19th and early-20th century was still resonant.

"In April 1921, the month he made his final decision on the ICS, Subhas wrote at length to Sarat, revealing how important it was for him—before all other commitments—to be true to himself. 

"Since the 15th of August last, one thought has taken possession of me—viz. how to effect a reconciliation between my duty to father (and mother) and my duty to myself. I could see from the very outset that father would be against my proposal—in fact, my idea would seem to him preposterous. It was not without a shudder therefore—shudder at the thought of causing him pain—that I asked you to communicate my intention to father. In fact, I did not then have the heart to write to him direct…. 

"You know very well that in the past I had occasion to cause great pain not only to father and mother but to many others including yourself. I have never excused myself for that and I shall never do so. Nevertheless, conditioned as I was by temperament and circumstances, there was no escape for me out of an intellectual and moral revolt. My only desire then was to secure that amount of freedom which was necessary for developing a character after my own ideals and for shaping my destiny after my own inclination.33"

" ... He focused his thoughts by writing to Chittaranjan (C.R.) Das, the leader of the Indian nationalist movement in Bengal, about his preparation and achievements and his hopes to do whatever work Das had for him, particularly in national education, in propagating nationalist ideas and in helping to organise the movement among ordinary people. Das wrote back encouraging Subhas to return to Calcutta. Subhas was now ready for more immediate political work in the movement which, under the new hand of Gandhi on the national level and Das in Bengal, was rapidly growing."
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"While still in England, Dilip recalled, ‘We often talked far into the night with a glow of heart that only youth can command. Sitting before the crackling fire, we fell to discussing the portents of the Labour Party in England and Communism in Russia.’36 Dilip argued that these new forces embodying the will of the proletariat would come to India’s rescue. But Subhas responded, ‘No. Dilip, Sri Aurobindo was perfectly right when he said in the Swadeshi days that no outsider would help India. If we ourselves can’t win our freedom none will come to our rescue.’37" 

"Dilip wrote that Subhas went on to advocate revolutionary organization by Indians to combat the Raj. Claiming that the Bengal revolutionaries in the post-Swadeshi period had not failed, Subhas cited an Irish parallel: 

"You might just as well say that the Sinn Fein movement is a failure also since it hasn’t delivered the goods yet. … A revolutionary movement for national liberation is not like a chance detonation which makes the age-long prison-walls topple once and for all. It is a slow laborious work of building up brick by brick a citadel of strength without which you can’t possibly challenge the powers that be. The Bengal revolutionary movement at the dawn of this century was the first real movement, real in the sense that it gave our supine prostrate people the first hint about the reality of their own, unaided strength. It was the first movement that created a nucleus of national consciousness…38"

" ... He also saw the need for a mass base, as is clear from a passage in a letter of this time to his friend, Charu Ganguly: 

"Swami Vivekananda used to say that India’s progress will be achieved only by the peasant, the washerman, the cobbler and the sweeper. These words are very true. The Western world has demonstrated what the “power of the people” can accomplish. The brightest example of this is—the first socialist republic in the world, that is, Russia. If India will ever rise again—that will come through that power of the people.39"
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"As he was ending his stay in England, he wrote to Mrs Dharmavir, whose family had welcomed him and other students during his stay: 

"Looking back upon my stay in England. I may say that I was never happy during my residence there. Our political relations with England are such that happiness is impossible. … I do not think I shall be happy merely by returning to India. The same reminder will be haunting me even in India. But while I am there, I shall have the assurance and the consolation of trying to do my little bit for the creation of a new India. That consolation I could not find when I was in England.40 

"And in another letter, he wrote: 

"When you come to India—you will find many things you like and many things you do not like. But I can assure you one thing on behalf of the people of India—that whatever their virtues or failings may be, they possess a heart …one can more easily make friends with the Oriental people than with the Occidental. 

"You will find in India a people highly unconventional in many ways—a people for whom civilisation does not consist in the accumulation of factories, sky-scrapers and beautiful clothes—but for whom civilisation consists in the elevation of the human spirit and in the increasing approximation of the human spirit to the Divine. You will find there a people who respect most—not the politician or the millionaire or the business man—but the penniless ascetic whose only wealth is God.41"

"From the last moments of his stay in England, Dilip Roy recalled how Subhas used to recite “in his warm, bass voice” a stanza of Kipling that he revised to fit the cause of Indian nationalism: 

There is but one task for all— 
"One life for each to give. 
"What stands if freedom fall? 
"Who dies if India live?42"
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May 08, 2022 - May 09, 2022.
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3. ​‘My Country Is My Own’: Into Politics, 1921-22 
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Gordon, after a succinct introduction of Gandhi, goes to arrival of bose in Mumbai and hurrying to meet him. 

" ... Bose described the opening moments in an account he would write years later: 

"I reached Bombay…and obtained an interview with Mahatma Gandhi. My object…was…a clear conception of his plan of action.…There were three points which needed elucidation…how were the different activities…going to culminate in the last stage of the campaign…how could mere non-payment of taxes or civil disobedience force the Government to retire from the field…how could the Mahatma promise “Swaraj” [self-rule] within one year…. His reply to the first question satisfied me…his reply to the second question was disappointing and his reply to the third was no better…my reason told me clearly…that there was a deplorable lack of clarity in the plan which the Mahatma had formulated and that he himself did not have a clear idea of the successive stages of the campaign which would bring India to her cherished goal of freedom.2"
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Gordon mentions in context of disenchantment of Subhash Chandra Bose with Gandhi - 

" ... The young Bengali had been nourished by Congress extremists like Aurobindo Ghose ... "

Gordon seems to imply that they had met, but hasn't stated that clearly. 
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" ... Das was more flexible and pragmatic than Gandhi and understood the idealism of the revolutionaries."

" ... Das unfurled the flag of Bengal patriotism and decried the gap between the Westernized Bengalis and the masses, proposing that the educated, political elites must reach out to their poorest countrymen through the medium of their common culture. First, he called for the revival and utilisation of Bengali culture as the common denominator of the public he addressed. Second, he wanted greater participation by the lower classes in politics. Third, he knew he must have the support of both the Hindu and Muslim communities. 

"Das understood the long-term trends in the relationship between these two major communities in Bengal and India. In Bengal proper, the Muslims constituted about 51 percent of the population in 1901; the Hindus, a lower 46 percent. By 1931 the Muslims had grown to 54 percent of the Bengal population of approximately 50,000,000, and the Hindus had declined to 43 percent. The high-caste Hindus of Bengal had long played prominent roles in the British Raj, in the professions, and in the cultural life of Bengal. Men from the higher castes had flooded into Calcutta, as had the sons of Haranath Bose during its 19th-century expansion, and constituted a high percentage of Calcutta’s population. These men of the higher Hindu castes constituted roughly 30 percent of Calcutta’s Hindu population, but only five percent of Bengal’s population, while in Bengal as a whole, the Muslims with a slightly higher birthrate, were slowly strengthening their numerical majority."

" ... The Muslims in Bengal were mostly lower-class cultivators in the eastern districts of Bengal proper and were tenants on Hindu lands; they were much slower to gain Western education in Bengal and even those few interested in regional and national politics often stayed clear of the Congress. In contrast, the dominant Indian minority functioning in collaboration with the British rulers was Hindu. Many of those in the small Muslim elite, moreover, were Urdu-speaking Muslims, who did not identify with the masses of Bengali-speaking Muslims in Bengal, and considered Bengali to be the language of idolatry and cowardice, and the Bengali-speaking Muslims as closer to Hindus than to the world of Islam. ... "

This - and worse - bias later, in an overtly racist Pakistan, was the genesis of East Bengal war for independence, preceded by massacre of 3 million East Bengal civilians by Pakistan military, apart from their keeping half a million local women chained and naked for use of Pakistan military males. 

" ... first partition of Bengal, from 1905 to 1912, creating a Muslim-majority East Bengal and a Hindu-majority West Bengal. The legislative councils reforms of 1909 creating separate Muslim and General (or Hindu) electorates further widened the cleavage between the Muslim and Hindu communities. The founding of the Muslim League at a meeting of upper-class Muslims in Dacca during 1906, supporters of the Raj, whose aim was the protection of the rights of Muslims, gave further prominence to the Muslim position."

Gordon refrains from mentioning that formation of this party was at insistence of British government; a British officer invited some muslims to his home and argued with them about it, and they only agreed after seeing that he'd get so other guys to do so anyway. 
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" ... post-war steps taken by the Government of India and its superiors in London to extend self-government to India. The latter initiative resulted in the Montagu-Chelmsford Report released on July 8, 1918, laying out a plan for dyarchy, accompanied by the repressive Rowlatt Bills intended to quash the small, but dangerous revolutionary movement, whose cadres were being called “anarchists” and “terrorists” by Raj officials. Dyarchy provided for expanded legislative councils with some departments to be headed by Indian ministers. 

"Gandhi declared a national satyagraha the day after the Rowlatt Bills became Acts, leading to widespread discontent and agitation and to Gandhi’s arrest. And then, on April 13, 1919, there occurred one of the blackest actions of British imperialism in India. Ignoring a ban on demonstrations, many Indians gathered in an enclosed park, Jallianwala Bagh, in Amritsar. ... "

Gordon doesn't explain that it was the place locals went out for air, just as English might in an enclosed garden in neighborhood in London. The crowd consisted of old and young, children and babies and mothers, and nit political speakers, much less anything more dangerous. 

" ... With scarcely a warning, General Reginald Dyer ordered his troops to fire at the assembled throng, who could not easily exit from the enclosed park. ... "

Dyer had barred the single gate, entrance and exit, with a tank, and soldiers with automatic weapons - rifles - stationed fanned around it, were ordered to fire as long as anybody lived. 

" ... Several hundreds were killed, many more wounded. In the aftermath, Gen. Dyer was given the mildest reprimand, the government’s Hunter Commission whitewashed the affair and the House of Lords congratulated Dyer for helping to enforce law and order. This event and the responses to it turned many politically conscious Indians against the Raj and prepared the ground for Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement beginning in 1920."
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" ... From the beginning of what Jawaharlal Nehru called Gandhi’s “super presidency” of the Congress, Gandhi insisted that the working committee should be a homogeneous body, with unanimity of view. The AICC and the annual sessions were envisioned as forums for diverse opinions, but the executive was to act as one. Gandhi was able to listen to others, but accompanying his strong desire to persuade others of the correctness of his views, was an authoritarian streak."

" ... At the end of 1920, the Congress adopted Gandhi’s program for non-cooperation with its boycott of foreign goods, and of the Raj’ s judicial and educational systems, as well as his constructive program for India. Meanwhile, Gandhi’s genius for collecting funds from Gujarati and Marwari businessmen from Bombay, Ahmedabad, and Calcutta was to underpin many of his activities for decades to come."

" ... The societal goal for India was swaraj, which could mean self-rule, but for Gandhi meant self-control of every unit in society from village to nation—so that the ideal nation was a great collection of disciplined, self-controlling village units in which work was shared by all. In so far as possible, each of these units was to be self-sufficient, producing its own goods and services for its inhabitants. Not favoring a revolutionary overturning of society, he proposed trusteeship: those who already had wealth and property were conceived as trustees of it for the good of the whole society or community. This idea appealed to Gandhi’s wealthy backers more than the concept of an abrupt break with the past and a redistribution of property. ... "

" ... The nationalist movement had been concentrated for decades in the three coastal Presidencies, but now a man from Gujarat had come to the fore, with support in the Hindi heartland of North India and in South India as well. This shift meant a loss of predominance within the movement for Maharashtra and Bengal particularly. And leaders from these two areas did not quietly step aside to pave the way for Gandhi. In the period from 1918 to the end of 1920, the moderates—or the newly rechristened Liberals—left the Congress to Gandhi and Das. From 1920 to 1925 there were always men more devoted to Gandhi and his ideas who wanted control of the provincial Congress committees, but Das was generally recognised by Gandhi as well as the Government of Bengal as the Congress leader in Bengal. At the same time, he achieved national stature as well within the Congress and was chosen as its president in 1921 and 1922."

" ... M.R. Jayakar, described him thus: 

"To begin with there was C.R. Das, with his large ideas, welling emotion, burning patriotism and indifference to wealth…He hated British rule, as most of us did, but his ideas about its Indian substitute were sound and practical.…though he was not such a friend of the British as Gandhi was…His conceptions of Indian Home Rule were critical and inclusive of a democratic broadening out of popular freedom and liberty.…he looked forward to the creation of an era of blended culture, in which Hindu and Moslem, Brahman and non-Brahman, Aryan and Dravidian, each brought into the common output his quota to enrich the growth of a national culture and refinement.7 

"More than his views and talents, however, it was Das’s renunciation of his substantial legal practice, and of his elegant and sensual lifestyle, in favor of a more severe Gandhian style which seemed to have an impact on wavering potential nationalists."
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"Subhas Bose’s return to Calcutta to join the Non-Cooperation Movement also meant a return to home and family. Upon his return, it was determined that the family house at 38/2 Elgin Road was insufficient and a house next door, 38/1 Elgin Road, was rented for Sarat and Bivabati Bose, their five children and Subhas. Janaki Nath and Prabhabati Bose were still based in Cuttack and came to Calcutta several times a year. At other times, Sarat Bose remained parent-in-charge, head of the family in Calcutta."

" ... In this household, Subhas Bose was the embodiment of a more native type—he was called Subhas-Babu, never Bose-Sahib like his brother. In habits, Subhas Bose seemed to prefer Bengali food, literature and dress more than his elder brother. He exchanged his British three-piece suit and bow tie for white, Indian-made native garb, occasionally topped by a Gandhi cap, returning to European clothes only when he traveled to Europe."

"Das assigned Bose to work as the principal of the Bengal National College, as a captain or organiser in the National Volunteer Corps and as a contributor to the nationalist Bengali weekly, Banglar Katha, that Das had started. ... Bose family house in Bhowanipore became an adda (center), an informal meeting place for those involved in the nationalist cause. Sunday gatherings were held and Dilip Roy, Subhas’s close friend, often sang at them."

" ... Upendra Nath Banerjee, gave the following description of Subhas as the principal of the National College: 

"Once I went to the National College to find out whether Subhas was there, I saw my friend Kiron Sankar Roy sitting in a room downstairs reading the newspapers. I asked him, ‘Where is Subhas?’ Laughingly Kiran Babu said, ‘Subhas, he is in the classroom teaching the benches.’ I went upstairs and found the classroom empty, Subhas sitting on a chair engaged in writing. Well, the students might be absent, but he must be present in the classroom—that was his duty and he must do it.9"

"On November 17, the Prince of Wales arrived in Bombay for a long-planned visit and the non-cooperators shut down Calcutta. This one-day shut-down of the city, a hartal, was by every account almost completely successful, and Subhas Bose was one of the key organisers. Around India some 25,000 Congress workers were arrested, but Das wanted Subhas on the outside, not in a prison cell. Upendra Nath Banerjee has portrayed the Subhas of those days: 

"Never in my life did I see such a tireless worker. He had, what in English is called “Bulldog tenacity.” …hardship was no problem for him; he was ready to go without food, rest, sleep to finish the job. So he was also not ready to tolerate the laxity of others working with him and any sign of it in others made him mad…. When everybody was ready to go to jail, Subhas was not permitted by Deshbandhu to go to jail. Subhas felt so “piqued” that he burst into tears. Seeing this Deshbandhu laughingly named him “our crying captain”.11"

"A few years later—while imprisoned in Mandalay—Subhas had occasion to describe his first incarceration along with C.R. Das: 

"I had the privilege to be in the same jail with him for eight months in 1921-22. For a couple of months, we were in the Presidency Jail occupying two adjacent cells, and the remaining six months we were in one big hall along with several other friends in the Alipore Central Jail. During those few months I used to look after his personal comforts…during the eight months I spent with him in jail I came to know him really well. There is a saying in English, “familiarity breeds contempt”, but of the Deshabandhu, at least, I can safely say that having known him most intimately my love and admiration for him increased a hundred-fold.…14"
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" ... Das was eager that some results be accomplished by the end of 1921, for, after all, Gandhi had promised “Swaraj in one year”. But it was Gandhi who rejected a government proposal for a roundtable meeting which, at the least, would have marked a step forward for the Congress as a recognized spokesman for the Indian people in the eyes of the rulers. Das was angry with Gandhi—as he said to Gandhi and his countrymen in a statement some time later: 

"I myself led people to prison. I started the movement in Bengal. I sent my son first to jail. My son was followed by my wife, and then I went to prison, because I knew there was electricity there. I knew that the spirit of resistance that manifested itself was mighty and the proudest Government did bend to it. You bungled it, and mismanaged it. Now you turn round and ask people to spin and do the work of the Charka alone. The proudest Government did bend to you. The terms came to me and I forwarded them to the Headquarters, because at that time I was in jail. If I had not been in jail, I would have forced the country to accept them. After they had been accepted, you would have seen a different state of things.15"

" ... At the annual Congress session in Ahmedabad in late December of that year, Gandhi read out Das’s presidential address and acted to defeat a complete independence resolution put forward by Hazrat Mohani.

"By the end of 1921, Gandhi, for his part, was angry at the Bengalis because Bengal was far short in its production of khadi. Although several Gandhian-type ashrams had been established by his more fervent followers in Bengal, the support of the Gandhian constructive program in Bengal was not so enthusiastic as in some other provinces. Even the Statesman, antipathetic to Gandhi and Das, was moved to comment on Gandhi’s suggestion that, ‘If, then, there are not enough volunteers in Bengal, I should think she should be swept into the Bay of Bengal and make room for better men and women.’16 The leader writer for the Statesman said: 

"There are distressing signs that Mr. Gandhi is losing his temper.…Intellectual Bengal has rejected the charka and has virtually given Mr. Gandhi to understand that what counts is mind. Hence all that interferes with the freedom of the intellect is mischievous and reactionary. Mr. Gandhi flatters himself that “Bengal will not lag behind when once she is fully awakened”. He has yet to realize that Bengal is lagging behind, as he puts it, simply because she is too wide awake.17

"Gandhi did respond powerfully to the Chauri Chaura incident of 5 February, 1922. According to a government report: 

"On the 5th February 1922 at Chauri Chaura in the Gorakhpur district of the United Provinces, a mob of 2,000 villagers led by volunteers attacked a police station, killing and burning the entire police staff, consisting of two Sub-Inspectors, eighteen constables and one chowkidar. This gave Gandhi the requisite excuse and, on the ground that India was clearly not yet sufficiently non-violent to indulge in civil disobedience, he called a meeting of the Working Committee of the Congress at Bardoli…18" 

"When the Working Committee met, it passed resolutions suspending the planned civil disobedience and stopping all Congress activities “designed to court arrest and imprisonment”. All picketing was ended, peasants were instructed not to withhold rent payments from landlords, who were informed that the Congress “in no way intended to attack their legal rights”.19"
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" ... As Subhas Bose later reported, Das did appreciate the progress of the movement under Gandhi, but often spoke about: 

"…the virtues and failings of Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership. According to him, the Mahatma opens a campaign in a brilliant fashion; he works it up with unerring skill; he moves from success to success till he reaches the zenith of his campaign—but after that he loses his nerve and begins to falter.20"

"Fundamental criticism of the movement and its aims was left to political opponents, officials or to unattached intellectuals like the foremost Indian writer of modern times, Rabindranath Tagore. Many of the criticisms enunciated during non-cooperation were simply ignored by Gandhi and the Congress. But Tagore’s was a voice too well-known and respected to be disregarded. In October 1921 Tagore published his first major essay on Gandhi and non-cooperation, “The Call of Truth”, which argued that truth was of both the head and the heart; while Gandhi stressed inner truth and love, he was fostering blind, unquestioning obedience to his message of charkha by one and all. Tagore wanted Indian economists and leaders to fully investigate whether this made any economic sense. Tagore had his doubts and he resented that all were told to simply “spin and weave”.21"

"Where Subhas Bose stood in this controversy is not clear, but neither he nor his mentor C.R. Das were known as enthusiastic spinners. They were political men, and when Gandhi offered what seemed to them an effective program pointing to independence, or at least dominion status, they would work concertedly with him. When Gandhi seemed to offer little in the way of platform or leadership, they would look for other avenues. ... "

"C.R. Das supported a strike by tea coolies in eastern Bengal and Assam in early 1921 that also attracted the support of Gandhi’s friend and co-worker, C.F. Andrews. ... The Congress wanted and needed the support of the wealthier strata in society and was not willing to challenge economic vested interests."

" ... Recriminations flew this way and that and many of the survivors were unwilling to ply the charkha; when they could much rather engage in some more direct form of political activity."
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May 09, 2022 - May 09, 2022.
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4. ​Swarajists in Calcutta and Mandalay, 1923-27 
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" ... according to the report of a contemporary: 

"…Subhas pleaded for sincere work and patient suffering. He stressed on all important topics—spread of mass education, Swadeshi, unity amongst different communities, removal of untouchability, prevention of early marriages, abolition of dowry, social service, discipline, upholding truth and justice everywhere…2 

"Subhas was soon called to action by news of serious flooding in Bengal on 28 September 1922. He was sent to tour the area, and, under the Bengal Relief Committee, to distribute aid, assembling and directing a force of 1,000 workers over the course of six weeks. Janaki Nath Bose visited Subhas en route to the family’s Durga Puja, but Subhas would not leave his work, saying, ‘No father, no, you all go to worship Durga at home and I go to worship my real mother Durga with the helpless.’3"
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" ... During the next several years, those who joined Das to work at non-cooperation from within the legislative councils were called the Pro-Changers, while the more orthodox Gandhians were known as the No-Changers. Congress meetings, henceforward, became a battleground for their unceasing arguments."

" ... Das drew upon his knowledge of British history and of the struggles of the British people for freedom. He also stipulated that any swaraj worth its name must involve freedom for the masses of ordinary Indian workers and peasants as well as for a well-fed bourgeoisie. He later formulated this as “Swaraj for the 98 percent”, and he called for close cooperation between Hindus and Muslims in India and amongst all Asiatic peoples."

" ... Gandhians prevailed by 1,748 votes to 890. Once the results were in, Das resigned as president and Motilal Nehru resigned as general secretary of the Congress, although they retained their membership. The next day, 1 January, 1923, they formed the Swarajya Party with Das as president. ... "

"Over the next several years, C.R. Das and his party were able to mount an effective challenge to the Raj in the legislative councils and to the Gandhians in the Congress, in large part because of Das’s skills as a leader. He was a peer of Gandhi in age, professional achievement, experience, and intelligence, and they shared other talents: they were both shrewd judges of men, astute recruiters of lieutenants and excellent fund-raisers. 

"It cost no effort to recruit Subhas Bose, but others, often with distinguished professional records, came along, and had to be persuaded that their talents and energies would be of use. Das, an East Bengal man himself, brought in more men from East Bengal, and in time assembled a cadre of followers, assigning appropriate roles and responsibilities to each, and managing the conflicts between young and ambitious men. 

"Das began to give more responsibility to Subhas Bose, who from late 1922 through October 1924, was closely associated with weekly and daily papers giving the Swarajist point of view. He worked with Das and Upendra Banerjee on Banglar Katha, a Bengali weekly, and then with Satya Ranjan Bakshi and others on Forward, an ambitious, first-rate English-language daily begun in 1923. Sarat Bose, who was being gradually drawn into politics by Das and Subhas in this period, served on the Board of Directors of Forward."

This explains, more than anything else, Gandhi’s ousting of Subhash Chandra Bose as second term president of congress, elected by popular mandate over Gandhi’s known objections and preferences for someone else - for anyone other than Subhash Chandra Bose. 
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" ... Subhas Bose was also associated with the more radical, critical, and independent voice of Atma Sakti, and is described as its Managing Director in 1923-24 by a 1925 Home Department report on “Revolutionary Press Propaganda in Bengal”. He was possibly the author of a leader for Banglar Katha of 7 February, 1923, that voiced what may be called the class-conciliation nationalist position close to that of Atma Sakti: 

"The swaraj which the Congress had so long knowingly or unknowingly wished to have, is the swaraj of the rich and the middle classes. We do not always properly realise the fact that the masses of the country are still lying outside the Congress arena. We often assume that the interests of the middle classes and those of the masses are identical, which they are actually not…But without co-operation swaraj can never be attained. The masses too want freedom, and with the removal of their social and economical disadvantages. We must first of all try to bring about a reconciliation between the interests of the masses and those of the rich and the middle classes, if we seriously desire to emancipate ourselves from the grip of the bureaucracy.4"

Bhagat Singh must have been influenced by this - his political development is a mirror image of this thinking.

"The success of the Bolsheviks in Russia in 1917 greatly impressed young Asians in the 1920s. ... Books and articles appeared in the press and before a decade was out, important Indian leaders including Jawaharlal and Motilal Nehru and Rabindranath Tagore had traveled to the Soviet Union and written positive accounts of what they had seen. The Bose brothers and others read Bertrand Russell’s Roads to Freedom (first published in 1918), a sympathetic account of socialism, anarchism and syndicalism. Thus by the early 1920s, Subhas and Sarat Bose had most certainly begun their socialist education." 

" ... a typical Atma Sakti editorial of the 1923-24 period, in which the writer described the full meaning of swaraj: 

"The majority of the people of this country are composed of peasants and labourers, but so long the question of their hopes and fears has been avoided in all our so-called national agitations. But the tables have now been turned and there is no room in swaraj for those who want to make a cat’s paw of others and live in luxury on other’s money. In most cases those who raise crops, by tilling the soil in Bengal have no proprietory rights over the land. Those who enjoy profits, varying from 200 to 300 per cent,…never think that that which they spend on luxury is really stolen money.…It is high time to make it clear to them that swaraj and theft cannot go hand in hand…6" 

"Many of the most sharply worded articles in Atma Sakti were written by Subhas Bose’s youthful companion, Hemanta Sarkar. As Sarkar grew ever more critical of the bourgeois Swarajya Party, he and Subhas parted ways. ... "

" ... Atma Sakti also seemed to propose armed rebellion as an alternative if non-cooperation failed to bring the Raj to its knees, as seen in this excerpt from the 10 February, 1923 issue: 

"Call it swaraj or what you will, there are only two ways for a subject nation to be free from the bondage of slavery. The one is true non-cooperation and the other an armed rebellion. There is besides these, no other course.…What the nation now wants is full self-government and independence free from association with foreigners…No sane man will ever brand it as an act of bare impiety if we have to resort to brute force to combat brute force, with a view to secure freedom for our mother-land.7"

"Although this article was published before Subhas Bose assumed the operation of the paper, it is a view which he shared. 

"During World War I, when Subhas Bose was a college student, numerous groups had organized for revolutionary violence. By 1916, the Raj had gained control over this movement and jailed many of the revolutionaries, but freed them at the end of the war. Many of them joined the Congress and the Non-cooperation movement after secretly meeting with Das in 1920, and Das was pleased to utilise their skills. 

"The connection of Subhas Bose and later Sarat Bose with the revolutionaries is not a simple matter. Subhas Bose knew and sympathised with them and wanted them to continue to work with him in the Congress and support the Swarajya Party. Even though he may have believed that eventually the British would have to be driven from India by force of arms, he did not think the time was ripe. Some of the revolutionaries, moreover, were now Congressmen and did not think of returning to a life of hiding, secrecy and violence. Others were beginning to turn to socialism, though the major conversions took place in the later 1920s and the 1930s. But some others began again to prepare for revolutionary actions.

Shaulmari sadhu who appeared later was one of these young men. 

"These revolutionaries had behind them their own history of violent actions from 1908 to 1916, and were spurred on, as well, by the example of Irish nationalism, with its Sinn Fein Movement, Easter Rebellion, and struggle against the Blacks-and-Tans from 1919 to 1921. Dan Breen’s My Fight for Irish Freedom (1924) describing his guerilla activity became, according to one revolutionary, “one of our bibles”.8 The violent actions of Irish nationalists, it seemed to these Indian onlookers, had been successful, culminating in the establishment of the Irish free state.

"Subhas Bose was not ready at this time to join these revolutionaries—although the Government of Bengal had begun to suspect that he was, and kept him under close observation, investigating whether he or Das had made any positive response to communications from the Comintern. Rather, after release from prison in mid-1922, Subhas Bose took on greater responsibility within the Bengal Congress organisation, becoming in 1923 secretary of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee and speaking at political meetings and youth conferences throughout Bengal. He started attending All-India Congress Committee meetings in other parts of India, emerging as a young nationalist politician on his way up. He was, perforce, intimately involved with the on-going factional struggle in the Congress between the Swarajists and the Gandhian No-Changers."
................................................................................................


"Das had long thought that Muslim support was crucial. The Muslims were a majority of the population in Bengal, and about 20 per cent of India’s population, and the nationalists could not ignore such a substantial segment of the Indian community. Disturbed by communal riots in Bengal and other places in India, and seeing the practical necessity for Muslim backing if the Swarajists were to succeed in blocking governmental actions, Das forged the Bengal Pact in 1923 with Muslim leaders in Bengal. He agreed that Muslims—who lagged in government employment—would get 60 per cent of all new appointments in political arenas where the Swarajists were elected to power, a provision that would continue until they had positions commensurate with their share of the population. He promised an even greater share of appointments in the Calcutta Corporation if the Swarajists were successful there. Many Hindus in Bengal opposed the pact when it came before the Bengal Provincial Congress—only 13 percent of whose membership, as of 1924, was Muslim. But Das’s influence was sufficient for the pact to secure passage. Many politically active Muslims viewed his efforts on their behalf as a sign of Das’s good faith, and so lent him their support.

"Just as Das sought Muslim support, he also wanted the continued help of those men, and before long women too, who were involved in revolutionary organisations but were still willing to work non-violently in the Congress. He supported a resolution about Gopinath Saha, a revolutionary who had murdered a Mr Day while trying to assassinate Sir Charles Tegart, Calcutta police commissioner and the revolutionary movement’s Enemy Number One. Passed at the Bengal Provincial Conference at Serajgunge in 1924, the resolution read: 

"This conference, whilst denouncing (or dissociating itself from) violence and adhering to the principle of non-violence, appreciates Gopinath Saha’s ideal of self-sacrifice, misguided though that is in respect of the country’s best interest, and expresses its respect for his great self-sacrifice.9" 

"Saha had been captured, tried and executed, and entered the revolutionary movement’s pantheon of martyrs. Though Das was committed to open and non-violent activity, he would not condemn violent actions out-of-hand as a Gandhian would.

"A few months later, in June 1924, the Saha Resolution was brought by Bengal Congressmen before the All India Congress Committee [AICC] meeting at Ahmedabad, where it lost by only seventy to seventy-eight. Gandhi was shocked that so many Congressmen could vote for it, and in an article entitled “Defeated and Humbled”, which he published in Young India after the meeting, Gandhi called the amendment a breach of the Congress creed or the policy of non-violence. Again, a Bengal point of view did not prevail in the National Congress, and it showed the difference in values and political perspective between the majority in the Bengal Congress and the dominant Gandhian standpoint. Since the Boses adhered to the Das-Bengal view throughout their lives, it is necessary to emphasise the gap that remained even when Gandhi and Das came closer together, at least according to Gandhi, in the following year.

"Gandhi failed to expel the Swarajists from all executive positions in the Congress and the majority and minority factions, Pro-Changers and No-Changers, continued their hostile truce. For their part, the Swarajists spent 1923 and part of 1924 working energetically in election campaigns, first for the Bengal Legislative Council, then for the Calcutta Corporation. For the most part, the Council operated in an air of unreality trying to ignore the tumultuous happenings outside as the Non-cooperation movement swept past their door. Although the Moderates and Loyalists saw Gandhi as the harbinger of anarchy and revolution, they were willing to argue against the harsh measures instituted by the government and also to try to work in their small sphere for India’s gradual advancement. But for all the talents and concern of the 1920-23 councillors, they had no real party organisation or program for their country. Once they had to face more formidable and organised opposition for their seats, many of them fell by the wayside"
................................................................................................


"In early 1924, the Calcutta Municipal Act of 1923 was implemented and elections were held for councillors and aldermen. The councillors then chose the mayor and the mayor selected the chief executive officer to be responsible for the day-to-day running of the Corporation. Das was elected mayor and Sarat Bose an alderman. Das then chose Subhas Bose for the executive position. Having secured approval from the Government of Bengal, Bose took up office on 14 April, 1924. In line with nationalist reservations about benefiting from the fruits of office, he took only half the monthly salary of Rs. 3,000 and contributed the rest to charity."

"Das now had gained the Triple Crown—he was leader of the Swarajists in the Bengal Legislative Council, president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee, and mayor of Calcutta, as well as leader of the all-India Swarajya Party. With this multiplicity of roles to fulfill, he was delighted to turn over the day-to-day operations of the Corporation to Subhas Bose. 

"Subhas moved to nationalise some practices of the Corporation, to fulfill the spirit of the Bengal Pact and to start on Das’s long list of goals for improving municipal life. The Corporation began to provide cotton uniforms for its different categories of employees made only of khadi, and encouraged Indian production of other items required by the Corporation. He also organized the Corporation Workers Cooperative Stores to give them advantages in purchasing goods; made beneficial changes in their tiffin room; suggested that the Corporation Provident Fund be established; and played a part in the organization of the Corporation Employees Association.

"For the citizens of Calcutta, Bose worked on a proposal for ward health associations and suggested changes to the city’s engineers on improving the water supply. He appointed as Education Officer, his long-time friend and compatriot in England, Khitish Chattopadhyay, an anthropologist by training. Chattopadhyay surveyed the level of literacy of the city’s population to find rates of only 53 percent literacy for males and 27 percent for females in Calcutta—results that encouraged him to arrange for the rapid expansion of free primary education with the eventual goal of free and compulsory education for all Calcutta’s children."
................................................................................................


" ... Then suddenly, on 25 October, 1924, everything changed. As he would remember the moment a few years later: In the early hours of the morning of 25 October, 1924, I was roused from my sleep as I was wanted by some police officers. The Deputy-Commissioner of Police, Calcutta, on meeting me said: ‘Mr. Bose, I have a very unpleasant duty to perform. I have a warrant for your arrest under Regulation III of 1818.’ He then produced another warrant authorising him to search my house for arms, explosives, ammunition, etc. Since no arms, etc. were forthcoming, he had to content himself with taking a pile of papers and correspondence.13"

"No specific charges were ever made public and Bose—along with seventeen others in this particular round-up—was jailed for an indefinite term. No charges were filed, no hearing occurred, no right of habeas corpus was granted; there was neither judge nor jury. This was the Raj’s special method of dealing with those suspected of revolutionary involvement. Within one brisk October day, taken from his home, family and the highest seat of executive power in the second city of the British Empire, Bose became simply another political detainee in the New Alipore Central Jail."

"Das, obviously upset, said: 

"All that I can say is that Mr. Subhas Chandra Bose is no more a revolutionary than I am. Why have they not arrested me? I should like to know, why? If love of country is a crime, I am a criminal. If Mr. Subhas Chandra Bose is a criminal, I am a criminal.14"

"But was Bose the brain behind the revolutionary conspiracy, and a young man whose own father lamented his revolutionary associations? From interviews with former revolutionaries and close Bose associates, as well as from published memoirs and Hemendranath Das Gupta’s excellent contemporary biography of Bose, it appears that Bose met with active revolutionaries and knew in a general way what they planned to do, but was not himself directly involved in planning or directing their actions. ..."

"According to a “Brief Note on the Alliance of Congress with Terrorism in Bengal”, prepared in the Home Department, the recent victories of C.R. Das had been won with the support of terrorists, provoking the government to act: 

"Government attacked this conspiracy by arresting ring leaders under Regulation III. Most of them were members of both the terrorist party, known as Jugantar Party and of the Swarajya Party…in 1923 it was noticed that the headquarters of both parties in Calcutta were at one and the same place…In 1924 the terrorist members of the Swarajya Party supported the candidature of Mr. Subhas Chandra Bose as Chief Executive Officer of the Corporation and it was noteworthy that after his appointment to that post many jobs in the Corporation were given to terrorists…twenty-eight ex-detenus or political ex-convicts were office-bearers of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee and twenty-one revolutionaries or sympathisers were elected to the All India Congress Committee.15"

"While imprisoned, Subhas Bose was moved from the Regulation III category to the Bengal Criminal Law Amendment Act category, recently enacted over Swarajist opposition, which permitted his detention for up to five years until the expiration of the act. No charges were ever made public, no trial was held. Even Sarat Bose’s legal acumen could find no workable lever to spring his brother free."
................................................................................................


"For the first six weeks of imprisonment Subhas Bose was held in a Calcutta jail, where he was allowed to continue his Corporation work. Files flowed to his prison cell; officers of the Calcutta municipal government including Europeans came to see him at his cell-cum-office. But in the first week of December 1924, he was transferred with other detenus to Berhampore Jail, more than a hundred miles from Calcutta. Saraswati Puja was soon to be celebrated and a fellow prisoner asked Bose what the prisoners should do if they were not allowed to celebrate it properly. Bose did not like protests against the jail officials for trivial matters, but for the sake of a proper puja, he said they might have to carry through a hunger strike. 

"Soon Bose and seven other detenus were packed up for another journey, this time a long one by van, and then boat and rail, to Mandalay, in Burma, which was to be his “home” for the foreseeable future. He had no idea how long he would be there and even the authorities had not settled on a precise term.

"In Mandalay, Bose and his seven companions joined some other political prisoners as well as ordinary convicts in a jail built of wooden palisades, exposed to all the elements. In time Subhas came to learn that rain-storms as well as dust-storms could howl through the palisades as he experienced the round of the year in Mandalay. But dust or rain, hot season or cool season, he never felt well or comfortable during almost two years there. Part of this had to do with the construction of the prison, as Subhas sketched it: 

"From the outside and especially at night, the inmates of these buildings appeared almost like animals prowling about behind the bars. Within these structures we were at the mercy of the elements. There was nothing to protect us from the biting cold of winter or the intense heat of summer or the tropical rains in Mandalay…we had to make the best of a bad situation.17"

" ... Sarat was his main link for all practical matters, finances, requests for reading matter and such. Sarat was also his primary legal adviser for questions on his detention and some of the strictures he was subject to, and in a number of law suits with Calcutta newspapers whom he believed had libelled him. Although Sarat did not go to court in these cases, he chose Subhas’s legal representatives and served as link to and from his younger brother. Sarat paid all of Subhas’s bills and picked up many of his charitable and social service contributions for the duration. Sarat was also a connection to the affairs of the Calcutta Corporation, Forward, and Indian politics, in all of which Sarat was becoming increasingly involved. He was also the first family member to venture out to Mandalay and visit Subhas in his wooden prison in April 1925."
................................................................................................


" ... Bose quickly began to learn about the Burmese and Burma. He wrote in the Indian Struggle: 

"From one of the state prisoners…we took our first lessons in the Burmese language. I was not there long before I developed a strong liking for the Burmese people. There is something in them which one cannot help liking. They are exceedingly warm-hearted, frank and jovial in their temperament. They are of course quick-tempered…What struck me greatly was the innate artistic sense which every Burman has.20"

in his letter to Dilip Roy during his first year there, he said: 

"Burma is in many respects a wonderful country and my study of Burmese life and civilisation is furnishing me with many new ideas. Their various short-comings notwithstanding, I consider the Burmese—like the Chinese—to be considerably advanced from a social point of view…They have developed a perfect social democracy—women…are more powerful here than in any European country…You probably know that the percentage of literate people in Burma, both among males and females, is more than in any other part of India. This is due to the indigenous and wonderfully cheap system of primary education through the agency of the priests. In Burma, even today, every boy is supposed to don the yellow robe for a few months, if not for a few years, and to study at the feet of the priests. This system has not only an educative and moral value but has a levelling effect as well—since rich and poor are thus brought together.21"

This was due to Buddhism being an offshoot of ancient culture of India, where gurukul ashram system did exactly that; twelve centuries of barbarian islamic regimes forbidding any teaching other than theirs had destroyed chiefly educational institutions in most of India, but the invaders had stopped at Bengal, not venturing past into Burma. 

"Deprived of the opportunity to do his nationalist work, Bose was sure—as a believer in a divine power behind the manifest workings of the universe—that God had some important purpose for having him imprisoned and causing him this suffering. The dream faculty and the philosophic side of the personality came to the fore. He wrote to Dilip: 

"As long as that idealism is present, I believe a man can brave suffering with equanimity—and even joy. Of course one who is philosophically inclined can turn his suffering to a higher purpose, enriching himself thereby. But then is it not true that we are all philosophers in embryo and it only requires a touch of suffering to awaken the philosophic impulse?22"

"Bose chose to worship the divine in the form of the Mother Goddess, especially as Durga or Kali. ... "

" ... Of meditation, he wrote that “…just as regular exercise improves the physique, similarly regular meditation cultivates the good faculties and destroys the evil ones”.23 He suggested: 

"It is possible for one, through his own efforts, to develop love and devotion and thus reduce selfishness. By gradually enlarging one’s love, man can leave all narrowness behind and eventually lose himself in the Infinite. So, one should think of and meditate on objects of love, devotion and reverence. Man becomes exactly the image of what he contemplates…The way to conquer fear is to worship Power. The images of Durga, Kali, etc. are the expressions of Power. Man can attain power by invoking any of its forms in his mind praying to Her for strength and offering all his weaknesses and faults at Her feet. Infinite strength lies dormant inside us, we must bring it to life.24"
................................................................................................


"When Subhas Bose was arrested in 1924, the Catholic Herald, a small Calcutta paper, printed an article claiming that Subhas was the brains behind the revolutionary conspiracy and also fabricated a letter from Janaki Nath Bose to Subhas saying how unhappy he was with Subhas’s revolutionary connections. Two other much more important papers, the Englishman and the Statesman, printed articles based on the report in the Catholic Herald. Under Sarat’s direction, Subhas sued all three papers for libel. Throughout his imprisonment, the suits went on to their conclusions although the Government of Bengal refused to let him testify in any of them. Subhas was victorious in his suits against the Catholic Herald and the Englishman and awarded Rs. 4000 damages against the former and Rs. 2000 against the latter as well as costs. ... "

Author quotes excerpt from a letter where elder brother Sharat Chandra Bose informs Subhash Chandra Bose about editor of the gormer running away, and the damages therefore being difficult to recover. 

"The suit against the Statesman, however, was lost in late 1926. The attorneys for the newspapers sought help from the India Office and the Governments of India and Bengal to produce some evidence for Bose-the-revolutionary. The governments refused to assist and it was believed that there was no documentary evidence of any kind against Subhas, but simply some verbal statements by one or more police informers. ... "

" ... With the imprisonment of Subhas and the passing from the scene of one important Swarajist after another, Sarat gradually assumed more responsibilities and spent more of his time on this public work. His extensive legal practice continued and he came to reserve part of the day for legal work and the evenings particularly for politics. ... "
................................................................................................


"Subhas tried to stay in touch with the affairs of the Corporation, sending from Mandalay a stream of suggestions and plans, including: for the extension of drainage; the municipalisation of the gas company; a cold storage plant in the municipal market; for extending compulsory primary education to all children; for improving Calcutta’s roads; and for combating smallpox."

"His deteriorating health forced Das to leave for Darjeeling late in the spring where he was visited by Mahatma Gandhi and Sarat Bose, among others. Before leaving Calcutta, Das had put his own large home in trust for the nation and divested himself of many of his worldly possessions. But even these steps had not prepared his followers or political India for his sudden death on 16 June, 1925. His body was brought to Calcutta by train, and about half a million mourners led by Gandhi accompanied Das to the cremation site. ... "

"Abruptly, Bengal was deprived of its foremost nationalist, Calcutta of its mayor, the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee of its president, and the All-India Swarajist Party of its president. Das had held together a fragile coalition of forces and in the months and years following his death, these different, but overlapping, coalitions disintegrated. His death was a grave blow, for he had earned widespread trust and a significant following shaped by his political acumen. 

"Communal relations were worsening through India in the mid-1920s, and more than one Muslim leader bitterly regretted the passing of Das for he had earned their trust more than any other Hindu Congress leader. ... "

Gordon has skipped the massacre of over 1500 Hindus in Kerala by muslims after Khilafat failed abroad, and Gandhi advising Hindus to digest and forgive this massacre. 
................................................................................................


" ... Sarat Bose, for one, helped to build up the Deshbandhu Fund, to continue his work in the Calcutta Corporation and in the running of Forward. Eventually, he would also continue Das’s work in the Bengal Legislative Council with considerable skill. He at least could find some outlets for his grief in work. But for Subhas Bose, still a detenu in Mandalay, the news was even more devastating, for he could only think about it day after day and night after night, uncertain whether he would ever be released to continue the work of his beloved leader, friend and guru."

" ... He also wrote to others to review what Das had meant to the country and to him, as he did in a long letter to the famous Bengali novelist, Sarat Chandra Chatterjee: 

"Many people think that we followed him blindly. But he used to fight most of all with his principal lieutenants. As for myself I can say that I fought with him on innumerable questions. But I knew that however much 1 might fight, my devotion and loyalty would remain unshaken and that I would never be deprived of his love. He also believed that come what may in the shape of trials and tribulations, he would have me at his feet.30"

"Bose wrote an even longer letter about Das and his legacies to Hemendranath Das Gupta ... "

"Everyone will wonder to think how a man can at once be a big lawyer, a great lover of men, a devout Vaishnava, a shrewd politician and a conquering hero. I have tried to get a solution of this problem through anthropological studies…The present-day Bengalee race is an admixture of Aryan, Dravidian and Mongolian blood…Due to this admixture of blood the genius of the Bengalee is so versatile and Bengal’s life so colourful. The religiosity and idealism of the Aryans, love of art and devotionalism of the Dravidians, intellectuality and realism of the Mongolians have all very happily blended together in the Bengalee character.31"

Bose mentioned the most important lessons that he said he had learned from Das: 

"Both his virtues and failings were peculiar to the race he belonged to. The greatest pride in his life was that he was a Bengalee…That Bengal has a certain distinction, which has expressed itself in her landscape, her literature, her folk-songs and her character I do not think that any one before the Deshbandhu had expressed with such emphasis…I for myself can say that it was from him and his writings that I have learnt about this uniqueness of Bengal.32"

"At the same time that he had great pride in the Bengalis, Das taught that “culture is both one and many”, and India’s culture too was both one and many. Bengal shared in the unity and also expressed the diversity. And Das saw beyond the boundaries of India to the culture of Man. A conquered people, however, must first see to the development of its culture, and then it can participate fully in humanity’s growth. Bose incorporated these many teachings of Das into his own extensive reading while imprisoned, shaping his view of Indian history, the culture and role of the Bengalis, and the long-term crisis created for India and the Bengalis by the conquest and rule by the British. 

"In his lengthy eulogy for Das, Bose also pointed to Das’s intimate connection with many young people in Bengal. This characteristic, too, Bose learned from his master and even though Das had called Subhas a “young old man” because of a certain gravity in his manner, Subhas continued to identify with the young and their hopes and dreams even as he grew older.

"He decried those whom he referred to as “only good boys”—those who adhered to a narrow academic course and career and also those who were unadventurous and retreated from life’s challenges—preferring the model of the robust, socially concerned, adventurous young men—giving as examples, P.R. De, who had walked alone through the hills from Calcutta to Rangoon on foot, Lord Robert Clive, Sir Francis Drake, Shivaji and Tennyson’s Ulysses. ... Though he himself was involved in daily yoga and meditation, such activity was not to become more important than one’s responsibilities to the revival and freedom of one’s country."
................................................................................................


" ... The Bengali political prisoners in Mandalay learned that there was a financial contribution made by the government for religiously-incurred expenses. So in the fall of 1925 they approached the officials seeking financial assistance for all the expenses involved in properly celebrating Durga Puja, the moment in the year when Bose and his Bengali prisonmates felt united with the Bengali people from whom they had been arbitrarily separated. 

"It was, therefore, both a religious-cultural and political issue when they confronted British officials over payment for their prison Durga Puja. An official denial of funds for the Puja and a request for a refund from the prisoners of monies advanced to them precipitated the hunger strike which began on 18 February,1926, word of which was soon trumpeted in bulletins printed in Forward. Not only were the officials chagrined that information about the strikers had slipped out, but also unpublished, evidential parts of an Indian Jail Committee of 1919-21 report suddenly appeared in the hands of the Swarajists, revealing that optimistic health reports on prisoners had been fabricated."

It's not anywhere close to extermination camps in Germany, but it's on the way - the manner of arrests without legal recourse, no habeus corpus, no trials, no evidence of guilt except informers' word, state of jail that had no protection from weather for inmates, all this on top of two centuries of loot and racism - and finally, stealing funds for Durga Pouja! 

No wonder Subhash Chandra Bose did not see German people and state as strange or different! 

British in India as experienced by him, and by most others except Gandhi and Nehru, were only different from Germans in East Europe, or to Jews, in matter of degrees. 

And as to deaths, British not only ran away when massacres were perpetrated, abdication governance, but also stole harvest and let millions starve to death but refused to allow aid ships from FDR, filled with grain, to proceed to India, stopping them in Australia. 

" ... Although he had tried to keep news of his medical problems from his parents, word of his physical condition made the front pages of the nationalist press. Sarat, with other nationalists, began to ask the strikers to give up their fasting, saying they had made their point and made it well. Finally, on 4 March—about two weeks into their fast—the government made concessions and the inmates gave up the hunger strike. Subhas wrote to a Calcutta friend explaining the gains they had made: 

"…our hunger strike was not altogether meaningless or fruitless. Government have been forced to concede our demands relating to religious matters and henceforward a Bengal State Prisoner will get an annual allowance of thirty rupees on account of Puja expenses…our principal gain is that the government have now accepted the principle which they refused to do so long…34"

Here's the genesis of the much greater, much longer, hunger strike that was far more in its scope of addressing situations and treatment of Indians in jail, by Bhagat Singh and his group, who were tortured during their incarceration including during hunger strike, the torture resulting in death of one of theirs. 
................................................................................................


"After the death of C.R. Das, a leading Swarajist and barrister from Chittagong, Jatindra Mohan Sen Gupta, was chosen to wear the Triple Crown (mayor of Calcutta, leader of the Swarajists in the legislative council and president of the Bengal Provincial Congress). Sen Gupta was from Das’s native East Bengal and had been educated at Presidency College, Cambridge University, and Gray’s Inn, London. He joined the Calcutta High Court Bar, taught law, and plunged into the Non-cooperation movement in 1921. By 1923 he had been elected to the Bengal Legislative Council (BLC) and been selected as secretary of the Bengal Swarajya Party, the Congress group in the BLC, and of the Congress Municipal Association. He had also helped organise strikes by oil workers and railwaymen as president of the Burma Oil Labour Union (Chittagong) and of the Assam-Bengal Railway Union. Sarat Bose wrote to Subhas: 

"There has been great excitement lately over filling up the positions held by Deshbandhu. It has been eventually decided (on the advice of Mahatma Gandhi) that J.M. Sen Gupta is to occupy all the three positions. Personally I think it is a great mistake to put any other man into all the places filled by Deshbandhu. But the Mahatma’s decision was accepted.35"

Was this the same person who, later as a sadhu in Shaulmari, was suspected to be Netaji, but denied it, and in fact wasn't? 

Gandhi’s sweeping aside opinions of others was probably not new, but got entrenched herein, with elders who had courage of their convictions dying or being rendered ineffective one way or other, and younger leaders being pushed by him more easily, either under or out. 

"Amongst the activities in which Sarat Bose became most energetic were the running of Forward and the operations of the Calcutta Corporation. He took pride in the English-language daily founded by Das and shortly was writing to Subhas that it was the best nationalist paper in India. With Sarat at the helm as managing director, Forward took over the running of the Bengali paper, Atma Sakti, so the Swarajists had both English and Bengali papers in the field. In the Calcutta Corporation, Sarat participated in several committees, becoming the deputy chairman of the Finance, Estates and General Purposes Committee, and the secretary of the Committee on Chittaranjan Hospital. 

"In most of his work Sarat Bose was quite composed and business-like. An exception was a debate in the Corporation in August 1926, when Sarat criticised a European member, and charged that the Europeans had surrendered their conscience to an arbitrary executive and that they were not people’s representatives at all. He berated them for their support of the Bengal Ordinance and Regulation III of 1818, finally calling them “tailors of Tooley Street”.36"

"With these remarks in view—and they angered the Europeans and the Indian loyalists greatly—it is no wonder that the Statesman wrote in assessing the quality of the Corporation, ‘Among the Hindus, Alderman S.C. Bose is, by general consent, the best speaker, but racial bitterness mars his otherwise undoubted gift.’38"

That's pretty much akin to a news anchor of yore holding a TV program to let a gang rape and murder instigator and perpetrator go free so he has a chance to change, and like-minded channels calling the bereaved victim's mother bitter for insisting on justice. 

"His quotations from Burke and Mazzini were characteristic of one who had studied the speeches of great Western orators and nationalists and had a photographic memory. Burke’s views on the relationship between a legislator and his constituency were familiar to one trained for the bar who had studied the British parliamentary system. 

"The comment in the Statesman that Sarat Bose’s gifts were marred by “racial bitterness” raises an important point. British commentators often deemed as “racism” all hostility by Indians against their European rulers. But Indian nationalists were not racists who thought that the British should be removed because they were white or European; rather, they believed they should have rulers who were chosen by the native inhabitants of India. The Boses, like all Indians, were sensitive to color, but did not harbor racial antagonism to all Europeans. Sarat Bose had many European friends who were his colleagues at the bar. As peers before the bar, as friends in the bar library, they were accepted. But as rulers from a small group of islands thousands of miles away, simply because of their conquest of India in the 18th century, they were the enemy."

Author makes several mistakes there. 

Sensitive to colour, no; to racist attitude and behaviour,  who wouldn't be! 

The last part is incorrect as well. It wasn't that British were disliked because they were "rulers from a small group of islands thousands of miles away, simply because of their conquest of India in the 18th century",  it's because they were looting and perpetrating atrocities, were fraudulent and had no intention of making India home, but only of bleeding it to death - as later Hitler’s intentions and plans regarding East Europe, including Russia West of Urals, were. 
................................................................................................


" ... 1926 Calcutta riots featured attacks on Hindu temples, Muslim mosques and Sikh gurudwaras, and Bengali Hindus and Muslims were involved. If the riots did not sound the death knell of Das’s Bengal Pact between Hindus and Muslims, they certainly hastened its demise.

"The riots began when Hindu drummers in a procession past a mosque provoked a Muslim attack on the marchers. In the beginning, the rioters were Muslims and up-country Hindus, but as attacks on temples and mosques took place, more Bengalis became involved. Troops were called out and when this phase was over, the official figures reported forty-four killed and 600 injured. After a pause of two-and-a-half weeks, riots broke out again, from 22-27 April, and in that aftermath fifty-six were killed and 365 were injured, according to the Home Department. A third phase took place from 11-25 July, for which the official figures were twenty-eight killed and 226 injured. Other incidents took place outside Calcutta, most significantly for future developments, in Dacca, in September 1926. Since the British had disarmed the Indians after the rebellion of 1857, guns were scarce; most of the deaths and injuries were from stabbing or mauling."

It was wrath of an ex-invading regime let loose on a once subjected people for not being terrified enough to convert completely and retain rheir own culture, thinking, philosophy and more, unlike Egypt and Persia which had been wiped out culturally by islamic invaders in short duration. 

And that reaction remains, bit hidden behind abuses hurled at majority instead; so calling oneself Hindu without shame is labelled fascist, and celebration of Hindu festivals is labelled provoking, to justify murderous attacks perpetrated against Hindus. 

But now, attacks by jihadists aren't limited to being perpetrated against Hindus in India and Jews of Israel; Paris and London, New York and Australia, they've been everywhere. Old women of France have been beheaded for being in church on Sunday morning, and young Australians have died for being out on weekends mornings. 

"Writing to Sarat from Mandalay, Subhas Bose said that he was firmly against separate electorates. The question of joint or separate electorates had long been tense. Many Muslims who had once supported the Congress position of joint electorates now insisted on separate electorates, and began to demand a much larger percentage of reserved seats for Muslims in the Bengal Legislative Council. ... "

That's the inevitable fallout of reservations nased on population Percy's opposed to honest merit considerations. In other words, dangers inherent in leftist philosophy versus worth of democracy based on merit. 
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"In 1926, Sarat Bose decided to run for the Legislative Council, choosing to stand for the Calcutta University seat. Then the question arose as to whether Subhas would run for the Council from prison. At first he decided that it involved too many difficulties and was not sure he wanted to become a member even if he could be elected through the electioneering efforts of others. After many persuasive letters, Sarat won Subhas over to what they called an old Irish strategy employed against the British: ‘Vote him in to get him out.’"

" ... Since Subhas could not send out his manifesto, Sarat wrote it for him and sent his second youngest brother, Sailesh, to Mandalay to get Subhas’s signature on the nomination papers. Mrs C. R. Das proclaimed her support and a strong campaign was waged for the absent candidate. Sarat Bose portrayed himself as a Congressman and said that the larger issue behind the campaign was the freedom of the country. ‘Freedom first, Freedom second, Freedom always,’ Sarat wrote, quoting the words of a former Vice-Chancellor, ... "

"The voting took place on November 17, 1926, and both brothers were handily elected, and became members of the new Council. Subhas, however, was not released from prison. He wrote, “…the Government of India was less responsive to public opinion than the Government in Ireland.…”42 Amidst the congratulations he received, Subhas had to note in reply that he was in poor health and his illness involving steadily declining weight, creating the circumstances for his next confrontation with the Government of Bengal.:

" ... He never felt physically well in Burma and from these early weeks, he repeatedly asked for a transfer to a healthier place. In December 1926, the prison officials were concerned enough to send him to Rangoon for a more thorough examination. He had persistent fever and his weight had gone down from about 161 pounds in early 1925 to a low 138 pounds. In February 1927, Subhas was brought to the Rangoon Central Jail while officials and doctors tried to decide what to do. His brother Sunil, a physician, learning that one of the other prisoners in Mandalay had tuberculosis and finding that Subhas had some of the symptoms of the disease and suggested that Subhas be allowed to go to Switzerland for treatment. The government doctors did not agree with this diagnosis, but considered the suggestion about sending him abroad. Meanwhile, following an altercation with the chief jailor and superintendent of the Rangoon Central Jail, Subhas was transferred to the Insein Jail just outside Rangoon, late in March.

"Meanwhile, the Government of Bengal, in consultation with the Government of India laid down the terms for the release of Subhas Bose: he was to go directly from jail to a boat bound for Europe and not come back before the expiration of the Bengal Ordinance in 1930. As the viceroy explained to the secretary of state on 9 April, 1927: 

"With regard to stipulation that he should go to Switzerland we fully recognise your special interest and responsibility in this matter.…Our reasons for thinking that Subhas Bose might be permitted to go to Switzerland apart from the fact that on medical grounds there is a good case are first that the Bengal revolutionary movement is essentially localised and though it may be susceptible of some stimulation from outside, real driving force lies within the movement itself and in Bengal. Consequently any of these conspirators when outside India is less dangerous in regard to this conspiracy than he would be in India. Second that in Bengal Subhas Bose is a national hero, while outside India, even if he associated himself with groups of Indians engaged in anti-British activities, it is believed that his capacity for harm would be much less than in India.…44"

"While the Governments of Bengal and India and the India Office were considering the matter, Subhas was writing to Sarat of his fear that the Bengal Criminal Law Amendment Act would not run out in 1930 but be made permanent, “and I shall have to thank myself alone for exiling myself from India…”45 Subhas went on to explain to Sarat what his brother already knew and what even intelligence officers confirmed: he was not a communist revolutionary. He wrote: 

"If I had the remotest intention of becoming a Bolshevik agent, I would have jumped at the offer made and taken the first available boat to Europe. If I succeeded in recouping my health, I could then have joined the gay band who trot about from Paris to Leningrad talking of world revolution and emitting blood and thunder in their utterances. But I have no such ambition or desire.46"

"He wrote to Sarat (as he also explained to the government in rejecting the offer): 

"There is one aspect of the Hon’ble Member’s proposal which struck me as particularly callous. Government know that I have been away from home for nearly two-and-a-half years and I have not met most of my relations—including parents—during this period. They nevertheless propose that I should go abroad for a period which will be at least two-and-a-half or three years without having an opportunity of meeting them. This is hard for me—but much more so for those who love me—whose number is I think very large. It is not easy for a Westerner to appreciate the deep attachment which Oriental people have for their kith and kin and I hope that it is this ignorance—rather than wilfulness—which is responsible for what I cannot but regard as a heartless feature of the Government offer. It would be typical only of a Western mind to presume that because I have not married—therefore I have no family (taking the word in its large sense) and no attachment for anyone.47"

"Most of this long letter to Sarat rejecting the government’s offer was released by Sarat to the press, and fell on the sympathetic ears of the nationalist public. The government could not have been pleased with the widespread and unfavourable publicity they were getting vis-à-vis a very sick political prisoner whom they thought probably had broncho-pneumonia rather than tuberculosis. 

"In May, Subhas received an order of transfer from Insein to Almora in the United Provinces where prisoners with tuberculosis were often sent for rehabilitation. Subhas writes of the next developments:

"Once again arrangements were made with the utmost secrecy and early one morning in May 1927, I was removed from Insein Jail to a boat sailing from Rangoon. On the fourth day I reached Diamond Harbour at the mouth of the river Hooghly. Before our boat reached Calcutta, she was stopped and I was met by Mr Lowman…who wanted me to alight. Thinking that he wanted to smuggle me out of Calcutta, I refused. But I was assured that His Excellency the Governor had placed his launch at our disposal and that I had to appear before a Medical Board.…I spent the day in the Governor’s launch, and next morning Mr Lowman, with a telegram in his hand, came to inform me that the Governor had ordered my release.48"

"Subhas Bose was now a free, though seriously ill, man after more than two-and-a-half years of imprisonment. After a few weeks in Calcutta with his family, Subhas was moved to a rented house in Shillong where he stayed from June to October 1927 as he slowly regained his health. Various family members visited, including his mother, a sister, Sarat and Biva, and their children. He did not have tuberculosis. His mind turned from almost exclusive concern for his bodily health and personal fate to thoughts about the present state of nationalist politics in Bengal and throughout India.

"Subhas was becoming more widely known in Bengal and India even while he was serving his time in prison. Indeed, the prison term and the suffering he endured there contributed to his reputation as a hero and martyr for India. Anil Baran Roy told Jogesh Chatterji, ‘Subhas Chandra is the rising sun of India.’52 How far he would go, no one yet knew. ... "
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May 09, 2022 - May 09, 2022.
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5.​ ‘Rushing Along Like a Storm’: On to the National Stage, 1927-28 
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"There was one issue on which all members of the Bengal Council—Swarajists, Liberals, Muslims, officials and nominated members—could agree, and that was the bad financial deal they believed Bengal was getting from the central government. Before 1927 was out, a motion was passed calling for the Government of Bengal to approach the Government of India to request that the export duty for jute be allocated to Bengal for improvements in agriculture, sanitary conditions and free primary education. Sarat Bose insisted that the Congress seek national good by pushing for long-term significant national power and responsibility."

Whatever the Realities then, Bengal - or some Bengalis anyway - seem to have held on to the idea that central government of India has gone on giving stepmother treatment to Bengal, deliberately sapping the state of power and more. 

"The Swarajist efforts were largely negative. They did not put forward an alternative budget or concrete schemes of improvement, but attacked the large expenditures for the police and the European establishment. Sarat Bose sought to examine and cut monies alloted for the secret service, which spent its funds not to stop “criminal conspiracies”, as they claimed, or the “smuggling of arms and revolvers”, but to concoct “evidence with a view to putting innocent men into jail”.4 Continuing, he explored the ways in which the British had craftily fabricated evidence in Ireland and Bengal and named several Bengalis who had suffered from false and secret charges. He left it to others to bring up the case of his brother which may have been too painful for him to mention."

" ... this pressure from the nationalist side may have affected the government, an official of which admitted that, ‘Unfortunately, Government have received unfavourable accounts of Mr Bose’s health.’5 Within two months, Subhas Bose was freed unconditionally. 

"As an elected member of Council who had never taken his seat, Subhas Bose decided, against doctor’s orders, to enter the Council chambers and take “the oath of allegiance to the Crown” on 23 August, 1927, and, amidst cheers, he walked to his place with the Swarajist Party. Although the Legislative Council was not at all a favourite forum for his political activity, Subhas Bose attended, somewhat irregularly, through the next two-and-a-half years and was even re-elected in the spring of 1929. He participated actively in the question periods, demanding information about detenus and jail conditions, and argued often for the continuation of Congress participation in the councils following the “non-cooperation from within the chambers” line which his mentor C.R. Das had first formulated at the end of 1922. He also had an opportunity to engage in a verbal duel with one of his “jailers”: the home member who was at the time preparing reports on the threat to the country posed by Subhas Bose.

"The 26th session of the Bengal Council, attended by both Boses, was marked by a Swarajist triumph, a majority vote of no-confidence in the ministers. Dr B.C. Roy moved the motion and argued that all real power was held by the governor and that the 1919 Act showed a fundamental distrust of Indian capabilities for responsible action. In such a situation, ministers were “the creatures of the Government”, “a prop of the bureaucracy”, and should not serve.’6"

" ... Sarat Bose pressed the ministers with searching questions about the operation of the Sericulture Department, concerned with silk cloth production. He, Subhas, and others also had a fusillade of questions ready on education, political prisoners and jail conditions, intending to embarrass the ministers and executive councillors whenever they could. At one point, when the president chastised Sarat Bose and asked him to desist from his questions, Sarat answered by quoting the legislative council manual on question procedures; and Subhas asked why the ministers were so uninformed on their departments, mockingly addressing the President: ‘On a point of order, Sir, would you like us to put questions in Bengali to the Hon’ble Minister in charge of Education, since we find that he cannot understand the questions, put to him in English?’7 It must have been with relief that the officials, ministers, and president of the Council learned that the Swarajists had decided to refrain from attending the twenty-eighth session of the Council in early 1928."
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"Subhas Bose’s return to Bengal also meant rejoining his own family. Just before Subhas was arrested, he and Sarat’s family had been living in 38/1, Elgin Road, adjacent to the main family house at 38/2. During 1927, Sarat Bose constructed a new house across the street and just a few paces down the street cross-cutting Elgin Road, Woodburn Park. At the end of 1927, this house at 1 Woodburn Park was ready and Sarat moved in with his immediate family. This three-storeyed house was handsome, with a patio and a lovely garden adjoining the sitting-room on the ground floor. Subhas stayed first at 38/1 with Sarat, then at 38/2 Elgin Road while his mother was still in Calcutta, but thereafter moved into the Woodburn Park house where he lived on the top floor from 1928 to early 1932. ... "

"In this household, the parents were so much in tune that their children never saw them quarrel, and reported that Sarat, though he did not have much time for them, was a loving father. Subhas, as well, loved children, and romped and played both with Sarat’s children and those of his other brothers and sisters. To them Subhas was “Rangakakababu”, and every one of the children of the new Bose generation has only the most tender feelings for the uncle they knew from when they were young. Subhas did not lack for a rich family life and for relationships with children of all ages."

" ... Sarat thought that girls should finish their secondary education and then be married; Subhas believed that they should have a college education, and, if they wished, a postgraduate education. When Gita was a teenager, Subhas wrote in her autograph book: 

"The difference between man and the animals is this, man can live for an ideal and if necessary die for it, but animals live only for living. When I look around, I see many men who live only for living (like) animals. Then I feel their lives as human beings are completely futile…Women can also have a life of fulfilment if they can accept an ideal and follow it. If you can do that, then…there will be full justification of your birth as a human being.9"

" ... Janaki Nath also had property in several places in Orissa and built a house near the seaside at Puri. Sarat and Subhas greatly preferred the mountains to the seaside and took their vacations in Kurseong rather than at Puri. 

"His sons accepted Janaki Nath’s views on the responsibilities of an adult householder to care for the less fortunate. Sarat gave to many charities, and Subhas, though not a regular earner, was a regular contributor to the welfare of others and paid out about Rs. 200 to 300 per month to poor boys and girls. He also gave some money to those engaged in clandestine activities, though the specific circumstances are not clear."
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"When Subhas returned to his family late in 1927, he also signaled his willingness to enter into the troubled politics of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee; in November, he was elected president of that body. For the next twenty years, the Boses, either Subhas or Sarat, or both, headed the most important faction in the Bengal Congress, while engaged in fighting with other factions—as they were with the Gandhian high command of the national Congress organisation during 1929 to 1932, and again from 1939 to 1941. Bengal’s Gandhians included some Bengal politicians who found it worthwhile to align themselves with the national Gandhian network, as did J.M. Sen Gupta, Dr. B.C. Roy, and Nalini Sarker. The Amrita Bazar Patrika usually presented the Gandhian point of view, while Forward (later called Liberty) presented the Bose perspective. ... "

"Subhas Bose was not able to attend the annual meeting of the Indian National Congress held in Madras at the end of December 1927, but he sent a message which was read. One returnee to Indian politics who did attend was Jawaharlal Nehru, fresh from one-and-a-half years in Europe, including a trip to the Soviet Union. He supported the passage of a resolution declaring the goal of the Congress to be complete independence—a much bolder claim than the vaguer term “swaraj”, roughly meaning self-rule, which had been in vogue for some years. To the surprise of many, it was passed. ... "

"S.D. Saklatvala, a scion of the Tata family, had emigrated to Great Britain and as a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain, had succeeded in being elected to the House of Commons. During 1927, he toured India and was one of those helping to push Indian nationalists toward a more leftist ideological course. He also met with members of the small Communist Party of India and the Workers’ and Peasants’ parties formed in several provinces between 1925 and 1927. That Forward gave such a positive response to his views shows that the Boses, too, were swimming with the leftward current.

"In the spring of 1928, J.M. Sen Gupta having stepped down, Subhas Bose ran for mayor of Calcutta but was defeated by a Liberal candidate and a coalition of Europeans, independents, some Muslims and disgruntled Congressmen. Subhas Bose and Sen Gupta continued to cooperate at the Bengal Provincial Congress meeting in the spring when Sen Gupta served as president of the meeting and Bose was president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee. Resolutions were passed to boycott the Simon Commission, for independence, against resigning permanently from the legislative councils, and for the cultivators limiting jute production."

The mention above of Simon commission brings, naturally, Bhagat Singh and his group to mind; what, if any, were the currents between them and Subhash Chandra Bose? Perhaps an oblique answer is in both regarding Gandhi an socialism highly, but nation, and independence of India above all. 

"With some of his provincial work in hand, Subhas Bose went on a tour in late April and early May of 1928 to the Bombay Presidency. He was accorded warm receptions in Nagpur, then Bombay, and finally Poona, where he was elected president of the Maharashtra Provincial Conference. ... Only through further developing its own genius, he maintained, could Indian culture make a distinctive contribution to world culture for “true unity can manifest itself only through diversity”. 

"Nationalism, Bose felt, was also under attack from international labor, or communism. He responded: 

"This attack is not only ill advised but unconsciously serves the interests of our alien rulers…before we can endeavour to reconstruct Indian society…we should first secure the right to shape our own destiny…When political freedom has been attained, it will then be time to consider seriously the problem of social and economic reconstruction…To introduce fresh cleavage within our ranks by talking openly of class war and working for it appears to me at the present moment to be a crime against nationalism. 13"

" ... He pointed to key sectors of the population which the Congress had not done a good job of reaching: the labour, the peasantry, youth, and women. 

"Bose tried to assess why the workers, for the most part, still stood outside the nationalist movement. He felt that the Congress had neither spoken to their concrete interests, nor showed them how their economic fate was tied up with the nationalist movement. Here was a dilemma which Bose and many other nationalists never solved: how was the Congress to work directly for the economic interests of the workers without harming the interests of Indian business? What is to be done when the interests of significant segments of the Indian population are not the same? Bose simply appealed for Indians to band together. This conundrum was to bedevil his work with Bengali Muslims and with leftists who called for class war. From his vantage point, any move or strategy which detracted from Indian unity against the Raj was “a crime against nationalism”.

"In a fervent plea to young men (and women) to join the Congress movement, Bose called for special attention to “the spontaneous self-expression of the national soul”: 

"If we want to rouse the divinity in man (we should, sic) awaken the infinite power and energy which lie dormant within him—we have to infuse into him the desire for freedom…the secret spring of all our creative faculties. When a man is intoxicated with the desire for freedom his whole aspect changes—as does nature under the magic influence of spring, and, he goes through a process of complete transformation.14"

"Singling out young women for notice, Bose signalled his special interest in bringing women more fully into the life of the nation by devoting two passages to women. ... "

"The issue of communalism was something that Bose discussed with real intensity. ... "

"In order to facilitate cultural rapprochement, a dose of secular and scientific training is necessary. Fanaticism is the greatest thorn in the path of cultural intimacy and there is no better remedy for fanaticism…Secular and scientific education is useful in another way in that it helps to rouse our “economic” consciousness. The dawn of “economic” consciousness spells the death of fanaticism. There is much more in common between a Hindu peasant and a Muslim peasant than between a Muslim peasant and a Muslim zemindar. The masses have only got to be educated wherein their economic interests lie and once they understand that, they will no longer consent to be pawns in communal feuds. By working from the cultural, educational and economic side, we can gradually undermine fanaticism and thereby render possible the growth of healthy nationalism…17"

" ... He talked of a total national strike and boycott, complete with parallel institutions pushed with unwavering determination. He did not call for a violent war, believing that a national strike would lead the British rulers to decide to leave. Three or four times, he mentioned Irish parallels, and wondered whether the British had learned the lesson of a timely retreat from their experiences in Ireland. He hoped that they had. It would mean a more rapid and less bloody exit from India."

"At the end, Bose said: 

"Sisters and brothers of Maharashtra, I thank you once more for the honour you have done me. May Maharashtra and Bengal stand shoulder to shoulder in the fight that is before us. May I with your blessings, prove in some measure to be worthy of the love and esteem you have been pleased to shower on me.18"
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"At Lilloaah in the early part of 1928, the attempt by railway authorities to retrench 2,600 workers provoked a strike, resulting in the lockout of 14,000 workers. Subhas Bose was only marginally involved, giving numerous speeches and raising money for a relief fund. He entered more directly, however, into a dispute between different groups of railway workers in the Bengal Nagpur Railway Indian Labour Union. At a meeting attended by more than 6,000 workers in Kharagpur on 16 April, after listening to the accusations of each side, he spoke: 

"Mr Bose expressed his gratitude for the cordiality of the reception and was all the more grateful because he said he had not yet been able to render any service to the cause of labour. But, he said, those who were engaged in the sacred task of effecting the political emancipation of the country were also working for labour because in disputes between workers and employers the latter had all the resources of the state behind them, while the Government in its efforts to put down the movement for freedom (was) aided by the employers…labour should be united and should close up its ranks to face the common enemies.20"

" ... He took a similar stance in the case of the jute workers, who carried out their first extensive strikes in 1928, against another common opponent: many of the jute mills were owned by foreign capital. ... "

"As the 1927-28 strike at the Tata Iron and Steel Company unfolded, tensions arose between groups of workers which union leaders could not resolve, so the Strike Committee asked Bose to intervene. ... One labour leader denounced the settlement and formed a rival union, the Labour Federation. He roused sentiment against Bose, the many Bengali members of the Labour Association and the agreement. When Bose came to address the workers: 

"News of his arrival brought forth insulting and threatening language as mari, nakaldeo, etc., toward him instead of words of welcome…The Deputy Commissioner met and intimated to him that it would be unwise on his part to be there judging from the situation and requested him to leave the place.21"

"Not one to be intimidated by an angry throng, Bose addressed the workers, protected by the police, and placated them to some degree. But the workers’ grievances and divisiveness continued through the 1930s and Bose continued to intervene from afar. Gradually Bose came to see his role as that of a mediator. ... "
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"Although the greater Calcutta area in 1928 was already one of the main industrial areas of India and the Calcutta port one of the two centres for overseas trade in India, Bengal was still, for most of its people, an agricultural society. Since the Permanent Settlement of 1793, it had been dominated by a class of capitalist landlords, the zamindars, who proved to be a solid pillar of support for the Raj. The zamindars in turn dominated, sometimes through an intermediate stratum of rent-receivers, those who tilled the land, the peasants or ryots, who in turn sometimes employed laborers or sharecroppers. ... "

Gordon points out that landlords were predominantly Hindu while peasants were predominantly muslim; but Bengal had had muslim rule since, at least, Akbar, which is several centuries; so it makes little sense that a regime which converted local poor by millions left out rich Hindus in place as landlords, unless there was a transformation to this effect post British rule. 

"The most bitter debates concerned granting the ryots the right of transferability of their holdings and, since this had been generally agreed to by all, whether the landlords should get a transfer fee when a ryot did sell his holdings. The landlords wanted 33 percent; the government and Swarajists came up with 20 percent; while the Europeans, on a number of occasions found to be more pro-tenant than the Swarajists, came up with ten percent."

Gordon speaks of formation of Simon Commission. 

"From its inception, its all-British composition made it anathema to a wide spectrum of Indian political opinion, and Liberals, Congressmen, and one part of the Muslim League joined to boycott it. In response, Indian political leaders chose to form the All Parties Conference which appointed a committee headed by Motilal Nehru to draw up the “swaraj constitution” which some nationalists had called for in 1927. Subhas Bose was invited to become a member of Motilal Nehru’s committee, and as president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee, was responsible for organising the Bengal hartal—complete one-day stoppage of activity—against the Simon Commission. It was to become only one of many.

"When the Simon Commission landed in Bombay on 3 February, 1928, a hartal was observed throughout India with thousands of Indians waving signs, “Simon, Go Home!” ... "

Having mentioned Simon Commission, hordon has veered off to attack Hindus instead, to avoid mentioning the brutal police charge ordered by British against the Gandhian congress demonstrators, which almost had Jawaharlal Nehru killed under a horse, and where elderly leader Lala Lajpat Rai was deliberately thrashed by orders of police with large wooden sticks, hitting him on head, so he died a few days later. 

This provoked action by Bhagat Singh and his group, resulting soon in their being hanged with Gandhi refraining from protest despite nationwide pressure. 
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"Although the hartal had been a success, in Bengal, which was not always in tune with national politics, there were additional problems for the nationalists: though national Muslim and Liberal leaders supported the boycott, Bengal’s Muslim leaders opposed it. The matter came to a head in two debates in the Bengal Legislative Council: the first on cooperation with the Simon Commission and the second on the proposal that India should be a self-governing dominion within the British empire. 

"The Bengal Muslim leaders wanted to cooperate with the Simon Commission, determined that neither all-India Muslim interests nor the goal of rapprochement with the Hindus would prevent them from gaining the best political arrangements for their community in this round of negotiations. ... One Muslim leader voiced the new mistrust in the following words: 

"…Whenever the country had made a demand on Moslem patriotism, we have never been behind any community in India. Why is it, then, that to-day we go into the same lobby with the Europeans? It is because of the mischievous activities of the Hindu Mahasabha which have made it impossible for us to place any confidence in Congress leaders…I appeal to them (the Congress members) to make it possible for us to go back once more to the Congress fold.…If they can do that, then the gentlemen who are sitting over there will pack and board the next ship to take them back to England.25"

" ... The amendment to establish separate electorates failed, and the original motion for a self-governing dominion passed with the support of both Hindu and Muslim members."

"The Nehru Committee noted that India was most like Ireland among the dominions and they used the constitution of the Irish Free State as one of their guides. There was no difficulty in the Committee’s agreeing that India should be a self-governing dominion, although Subhas Bose’s preference was for a free and independent India. For the moment at least, he was willing to accept the status of a dominion if the Committee could come to one view on other outstanding points. The communal question loomed large, and decisions had to be made about joint versus separate electorates and about the reservation of seats for backward majorities as well as for minorities in the different provinces."

"Information supplied by Bose formed the basis for Appendix C of the Nehru Report issued in August 1928 and was used to buttress its argument that where the Muslims had a population majority, they would do very well in the elections, and therefore did not need the protection of separate electorates and reserved seats."

Gordon here accuses Hindus of communalism, perhaps forgetting that German accusation against Jews, of hate mentality, is an exact parallel, with cause and history thereof. 

"Since Muslims were a majority in some provinces of India, but a minority in others, Muslims in these different regions responded differently to the Nehru Report. Some Bengal Muslims had changed their views and were now willing to accept joint electorates and to forego reserved seats, so long as there was universal suffrage, since they had an absolute population majority. The report also had many Muslim supporters in the Punjab. However, some key Muslim leaders were fiercely against it, and at the All Parties Convention that met in Calcutta on 28 December, the former Congressman M.A. Jinnah, a Muslim advocate of Hindu-Muslim cooperation, proposed three significant amendments: 

:In the Central Legislature Muslims should have 331/3 per cent of the seats. 

"That the residuary powers should vest in the provinces and not the centre (as the Report specified). 

"That Muslims in Punjab and Bengal should be represented on the basis of population for ten years subject to subsequent revision of this principle."

This clearly gives every advantage to muslims. 

"The Convention rejected all three amendments, an overwhelming defeat that cost the Nehru Report most of its Muslim support. Many Muslims joined at an All-Parties Muslim Conference in January 1929, and on the following 28 March, the All-India Muslim League passed a full version of the Jinnah amendments and Muslim demands as the Fourteen Points. A great opportunity for compromise had been lost."

That compromise would take Hindus to extinction via a Pakistan through all of India, instead of a part. 
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"Although Subhas Bose was greatly responsible for the whole organisation of the Calcutta Congress, which was a lavish national spectacle as well as an important political occasion, he is most remembered for the energy and care with which he filled the role of GOC of the Congress Volunteers, numbering about 2000 men equipped with uniforms commissioned from a Calcutta firm of British tailors—a military display that aroused the displeasure of the pacifist Gandhi. ... "

"Bose’s thinking about a militant, if not military, volunteer corps, reflected a new awareness among Indian nationalists that real military training modelled on this small scale, but involving weapons, might at some future time be the order of the day. As mentioned above, Bose himself had sought military training as a Calcutta student and, later, also in Cambridge. Now the germ of an idea may have begun to sprout about an army trained and commanded by him.

"Besides the volunteers marching briskly through the Calcutta streets, Bose wanted to arrange a fitting national celebration for the Congress president, who was potentially the leader of a free India. Motilal Nehru, who had accepted the presidency at the urging of Subhas Bose, among others, rode from Howrah station in a carriage pulled by twenty-eight white horses. Bose also saw to it that Congress guests, from the president and his party down the hierarchy, were well taken care of by their hosts in his home city.

"During the meetings, Bose became embroiled in the controversy over dominion status versus complete independence. The latter was a goal to which he remained committed, but had agreed not to pursue. But he did rise and offer an amendment to Gandhi’s resolution accepting the Nehru Report. Bose said that Great Britain and India had nothing in common and that India should forsake the empire and become the leader of Asia. Jawaharlal Nehru made a speech supporting Bose. Then Gandhi spoke. He said that Young Bengal was making a serious blunder, for to call for complete independence was merely to chant a hollow phrase. As he had done in 1920, Gandhi said, ‘If you will help me and follow the programme honestly and intelligently, I promise that Swaraj will come within one year.’29 Bose’s amendment for independence lost, but about two-thirds of the Bengali delegates had backed him. The Nehru Report was passed, with its various provisions for joint electorates, some reservation of seats for the Muslim minority, and its list of fundamental rights."

"Another development of the late 1920s and early 1930s was the entry of young women into all branches of the national movement, including the revolutionaries. By the mid-1920s, some revolutionary groups began to allow participation by women. Nationalist feeder groups for women were formed—a movement strongly supported by Subhas Bose. Women’s organisations were beginning to blossom in this decade. His encouragement of women to live a full life and devote themselves to an ideal, just like men, went way beyond his concern for his own nieces. He believed in equality for women and thought that their participation in the national movement was essential. Bose’s feminism is an important and neglected aspect of his vision and work."
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" ... his connection to the revolutionary movement. Government agents were constantly investigating this connection and compiling their findings—and their fantasies as well—for the files of the Home Department. Furthermore, many old revolutionaries verbally and in print have told of their work with Subhas Bose. Some undoubtedly worked with him; others seem to have woven elaborate webs of connection on the basis of a scanty thread. He did have an alliance through these years with members of the Jugantar Party, but starting about this time he was much closer to those in a group called the Bengal Volunteers, or BV as they are known. Members of this group all joined the Congress and were in the Congress Volunteers for the 1928 Calcutta session, and were shaped into companies and battalions under the GOC and trained in close order drill.

" ... Gandhi had told the Calcutta throng that if dominion status did not come within 1929, then he would agree on the goal of complete independence that Subhas Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru and many younger men wanted. In the coming year these two became general secretaries of the national Congress organisation and Subhas Bose was a member of the Working Committee or executive of the Congress. He was entering the national stage."
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May 09, 2022 - May 09, 2022.
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6.​ ‘What Is Wrong with Bengal?’ 1929-32 
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The chapter title is borrowed from what the then king George V said yo the then governor of Bengal. 

" ... Gandhi understood that Bose’s way was not the same as his and that he could not keep Bose under close rein. As Gandhi wrote to one of his closest associates in Bengal on 24 August, 1929, ‘He believes in himself and his mission. He must work it out as we must ours.’2"

"Subhas worked energetically at mobilising a number of Indian groups during 1929, while he served as the president of many youth and student conferences, headed a number of trade unions and then the All-India Trade Union Congress, continued as a member of the Bengal Legislative Council and Calcutta Corporation, and as president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee (BPCC). ... "

" ... Boycott of foreign cloth and production of khadi material was, of course, central, but it was not given the priority that Gandhi wanted. Bose was keen on training volunteers with physical and martial skills, as the representatives of revolutionary groups in the BPCC also desired. All these elements in the Congress constructive program were listed as part of the Sunday programs:

"On Sunday 17th March and thereafter on the first Sunday of every month special attention should be paid to the propaganda for the boycott of foreign cloth and khadi should be hawked.

"On Sunday 24th March and thereafter on the second Sunday of every month a special effort should be made to carry on propaganda in favour of total prohibition of intoxicating drugs and drinks.

"On Sunday 31st March and thereafter on the third Sunday of every month wrestling matches, drill, lathi play and other national sports should be held in which all classes and communities should be invited and induced to participate…5"

"As Bose toured the Bengal districts, visiting towns and villages throughout the province, he often reviewed the volunteers, speaking on the need for discipline and physical as well as military training, and approving expenditures made for their uniforms because they helped to build esprit de corps. The loincloth and the bullock cart, Bose declared, will not do, for we cannot go back to village ways as Gandhi wants."
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"Sarat Bose, one of the five elected aldermen, began to assume a larger role in the Corporation in the spring of 1929. One issue over which he became particularly engaged—and enraged!—was the appointment of Dr B.N. Dey as chief engineer of the Corporation. The Corporation had voted to hire Dr Dey, who had excellent qualifications, and would be the first Indian chief engineer. When the Government of Bengal vetoed the appointment on financial grounds, the Corporation voted to give Dey a temporary special appointment. After this had been approved, a European councillor raised questions about Dey’s fitness for the post. Sarat Bose became extremely angry, accusing his opponent of targeting “a person who did not belong to the same race and same nationality as himself”.10 The special appointment was approved and Dey went on to do some distinguished work for the Corporation. The controversy showed how quick Sarat Bose was to challenge members of the opposition from amongst the Europeans."

Why Gordon says European instead of English or British is unclear. It's extremely unlikely that a government position, unlike a higher level employee, was occupied by a European not a British citizen of ancestry going back a few centuries, unless it was a royal relative from the numerous German states. 

"Subhas Bose retained his Corporation seat up to January 1930 and, at the same time, held a seat in the Bengal Legislative Council to which he was re-elected in the spring of 1929, along with most of the other Swarajist members; but by this point, their Muslim support had completely withered away. Pressure to step down continued from the Gandhi-dominated Congress but Subhas Bose argued that once a beachhead was established in any arena, the nationalists should not give it up to the opposition without a struggle. ... "
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Here Gordon brings up a topic without its root causes, Simon Commission and police brutality resulting in death of an elderly beloved Lala Lajpat Rai. 

" ... Demands for violent action were being argued out among Bengal’s revolutionary groups in 1929, and on 8 April, members of the Hindustan Republican Socialist Army in northern India blew up a bomb at the Legislative Assembly Hall. No one was injured and the bombers were captured, and put on trial in the Lahore Conspiracy Case. Among them was a young Bengali, Jatin Das, assistant secretary of the South Calcutta Congress Committee, and well known to Subhas Bose for years."

No one was injured, due to that being precise the intention - as they explained, they could have escaped, but intended to be noticed, caught and have their say in court. 

As for Jatin Das, he was tortured to death by jail authorities at instructions of British; so were others. They survived, some to be executed secretly because British feared relatives grieving, and their bodies were chopped and burned without informing the relatives, who were alert and caught this attempt. 

"When Jatin Das was taken to the prison in Lahore, he joined other prisoners there who were already on a hunger strike for removal of certain kinds of discrimination in the treatment of political prisoners. ... "

That discrimination began with rotten food and included whipping and other tortures, apart from lack of hygiene. 

" ... On 13 September, 1929, Das died ... "

Due to torture, Gordon avoids mentioning, as per orders by British. 

" ... His body was taken by train to Calcutta and arrived there on the evening of Sunday, 15 September. The next day Subhas Bose, J.M. Sen Gupta and other Congress leaders—bare-headed and bare-footed—headed an enormous procession through the streets of Calcutta. Some said it was the biggest funeral procession to be seen in Calcutta since the death of C.R. Das. Gandhi, however, remained silent, and implied in a later comment that the hunger strike—as well as the HSRA’s activities—should never have been taken up."

Gandhi was capable of a token expression of regret regarding brital attack by British against old Lala Lajpat Rai resulting in his death; on the other hand, when Hindus were massacred by myslims, he did write to say he admired muslims and despised Hindus for the act. So his attitude about Bhagat Singh and his group wasn't moral, ethical or consistent, merely a vicious attempt to discredit and wipe out someone rising in minds and hearts of India. 

This work and in particular this chapter was an opportunity missed by Gordon, who doesn't even mention Bhagat Singh and his group, except the death of Jatin Das, and then avoids mentioning cause thereof; did he write this book as per British orders? 
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"The Punjab trip had been a kind of respite from Bengal Congress politics and an emotional high for Bose. The day after his return, he attended a memorial service for Jatin Das and spoke of his long personal relationship with him, and how, when one is on a hunger-strike, one’s mind “undergoes a radical transformation after some time”.19 The death of Jatin Das had touched him deeply. Das had done what Bose had called for in himself and others, i.e., self-immolation, giving up the self for a glorious cause."

" ... King George V was referring to revolutionary activity when he asked, ‘What is wrong with Bengal? ... "

It'd be delusional if anyone thought British were kind or anything but brutally racist. 

"Leaders of several parties including the Congress met shortly thereafter at a Roundtable Conference in Delhi and offered cooperation in formulating a dominion constitution for India, long the Gandhian goal. Several who called themselves left-wingers, including Subhas Bose, issued a separate statement and opposed the goal of dominion status and participation in the Round Table Conference. Bose had long differed with Gandhi, favoring complete independence over dominion status, but had hoped he would have the support of Jawaharlal Nehru; but the younger Nehru had acceded to the Gandhians in Delhi. Slowly but increasingly, Bose came to feel more resentment against Jawaharlal than against Gandhi."

Because he expected little of the older man? Because Jawaharlal  Nehru wasn't as deceptive? 

" ... Some Congressmen did not agree with Gandhi’s view on this matter and privately felt that non-violence was a tactic and not an absolute value. However, Gandhi got his resolution on this matter in Lahore, but by a relatively close vote, which disturbed him greatly. Bose’s views on this question did not coincide with Gandhi’s, but he saved his disagreement in the open session for another issue."

That was over complete independence, which Subhash Chandra Bose wanted to fight all out, while Gandhi was happy with mere verbal demand. 

" ... A few years later in his account of the period, Bose wrote: 

"Altogether the Lahore Congress was a great victory for the Mahatma. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, one of the most prominent spokesmen of the Left Wing, was won over by him and the others were excluded from the Working Committee. The Mahatma could henceforward proceed with his own plans without fear of opposition…24"

" ... Gandhi would brook only so much contrariness. The conciliatory leftist of the younger generation, Jawaharlal Nehru, was rewarded with the Congress presidency at Lahore, while Bose, who continued to make trouble again and again, was eliminated from the Working Committee. ... "
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"Even before the end of 1929, Bose anticipated that he might soon have to leave the battlefield of political work for imprisonment. He and about eleven others were convicted under the sedition and unlawful procession charges of August 1929. The Indian judge said that it was unfortunate that such “highly cultured people” should come under the purview of the law, but that since they were creating “bitter feeling of hostility towards (the) government established by law in British India, they deserved the sentence of one year in prison. ... "

What "government established by law in British India"????? Law of sword, cannon and brutal massacres, certainly. 

" ... Gandhi and the Congress were moving to implement the Lahore independence resolution and chart out a means that would lead the country—sooner or later—to complete freedom. ... " 

Gordon is delusional. When India did get independence it had nothing to do with Gandhi and associates, as intimated by Clement Attlee to those who asked him on his visit to India; it had everything to do with effect that Subhash Chandra Bose and his INA had on India. The British had to flee, and fast. 
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"As Gandhi was preparing his forces for the Salt March and a nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement, ... "

Which, Gandhi told someone, was conducted so as to wipe out impact of Bhagat Singh on India. 
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Gordon is sloppy about factual details! 

"While these controversies were being worked out, some other political workers were moving in a very different direction. Late in the evening of 18 April, 1930, not quite on the anniversary of the Easter Rising in Dublin, a band of some 100 revolutionaries calling themselves the Bengal branch of the Indian Republican Army acted to destroy the British hold on Chittagong district and proclaim an independent republic. They took the district establishment by surprise, and seized many arms and supplies at the armoury, but, unfortunately for them, they overlooked the ammunition for these arms. ... "

No, the most important part they'd overlooked was that that Friday was a church event, and so the English were not, as they did every other Friday, at the club.
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"An intelligence summary for this period describes the impact of the raid: 

"The news of the Chittagong armoury raids was received by revolutionaries all over the province with amazement…From that moment the outlook of the Bengal terrorists changed. The younger members of all parties…clamoured for a chance to emulate the Chittagong terrorists. Their leaders could no longer hope, nor did they wish to keep them back…30 

"The Chittagong raid was the signal for a considerable number of violent acts in the following years, aimed particularly at officials of the Raj."

Again, Gordon misses an opportunity of exploring what effect Bhagat Singh and his group, their thinking and actions, by now publicised through India, via court trials and more, as Bhagat Singh intended, had on India. 

Surely Surya Sen and his group wasn't unaware of them, surely they had followed every word?
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"Some of the leaders of the Chittagong group were well known to the Boses, and Sarat Bose became further implicated when he went to court to defend several of them, and it is likely that he gave them money. Some of this came to the attention of the intelligence branch. Publicly they decried violent acts, it was thought, but the Boses defended imprisoned revolutionaries, opposed their execution, and insisted that no one should be held without charges, a trial and conviction. The Boses’ suspect quotient increased. 

"To the European community and their publications like the Statesman of Calcutta, there was scarcely a difference between the activities of a Gandhi, a Sarat Bose and a Chittagong raider. The Statesman wrote on 28 August, 1930: 

"Quite bluntly we say that we are unable to make the distinction that we are asked to make between Congress activities and revolutionary crime. Mr Gandhi may preach non-violence with fervour, but he is preaching it to young men of hot blood who believe that they know a shorter cut to that ending of the present authority in India which is Mr Gandhi’s avowed intention. When a body like the Congress organises itself with “war councils”, provides itself with a “commander-in-chief” and recruits “volunteers” it demands a faith of which we are incapable to believe that these grandiose titles are concerned solely with the making of salt or the refusal to wear Manchester cloth.31"

One must remember, every time Gordon says European, he means British. 
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"On 22 April, feeling there was some provocation, guards in the Alipore Jail began beating accused prisoners with the butt-ends of rifles and lathis. More than a dozen were injured. Some of the special class prisoners including Subhas Bose and J.M. Sen Gupta began shouting “Bande Mataram” and yelled that the assault must stop. They, in turn, became the object of the armed assaulters: 

"Sj. Subhas Chandra Bose protested, Sj. Sen-Gupta also protested. But the Superintendent cried out, ‘I care a damn if force is used on you. You have to be dragged to your cells.’ Immediately the whole force fell upon them, using fisticuffs, lathis and batons. Sj. Sen-Gupta was roughly handled and dragged to his cell. But the force used on Sj. Subhas Bose was much too brutal, he fell down the steps and became unconscious. Several…prisoners carried him upstairs.…At about one in the afternoon Sj. Bose recovered consciousness. He has got a temperature and pain on the head and all over the body.32"

"Outside, rumors spread that Bose and Sen Gupta had been killed within the prison. A large crowd gathered and demanded news of their leaders. Bose was not seriously hurt and recovered. Protests were voiced in the Corporation and in the Bengal Legislative Council. ... "
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"There was a serious communal riot in Dacca, the second city of Bengal, in early May. Muslims in Dacca town and the surrounding mofussil, set upon Hindu shops and homes. After a few days, the police brought order, but the Hindu People’s Association claimed that the police favoured the Muslims and had been very slow to react to the violence. The riots evinced another kind of quietly growing tension between the two major, and fairly evenly balanced, communities. If the political leaders could not learn to work together, then such riots would build upon the leaders’ failures."

Gordon doesn't give date. 

"After the Chittagong raid, members of the BV, the revolutionary group most closely in touch with Subhas Bose, also began a series of violent actions to assassinate key officials. They wanted to undermine the willingness of the whole administration corps to remain and rule India. Members of the group assassinated two police officials, while others invaded the headquarters of the Bengal administration in downtown Calcutta and murdered Mr Simpson, inspector-general of prisons for Bengal."

" ... Alongside the clash between the civil disobedience satyagrahis and the police, was another between the revolutionaries and the police, which was to go on for several years."
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"Subhas Bose continued his regimen within the Alipore Jail. An undated manuscript bookmarked “Alipore Central Jail” that may date from this prison term, contains the plan for a book, but only a few paragraphs entitled “The Meaning of Life” appear in the notebook. He wrote: 

"Life means the unfolding of the self. It therefore implies expansion and growth…life demands change…Life is dynamic. It is a play of energy. It is a manifestation of that Supreme Power—call it by what name you will—which pervades the universe—What is unfolded or achieved is not to be conserved for a selfish purpose—but is to be given up for the benefit of the world and for the service of humanity. By giving, we enrich ourselves and the more we give, the more do we thrive and profit…we must give our all and give with a reckless abandon.34"

Outside, Sarat Bose had voluntarily given up his practice at the Calcutta High Court bar for three months. He stated, on 3 July, 1930: 

"During the past few weeks, I have often felt that active professional work in the courts seriously interferes with one’s duties as a humble worker in the cause of the country’s freedom. I have felt that in times like these, normal occupation ought to be suspended…My conscience and the God of my destiny have dictated to me to suspend my legal practice and place my humble services whole time to the sacred cause of my country and my country’s freedom. The call has come. It is irresistible. I bow before it.35"

" ... On 22 August, Bose was elected over a Muslim candidate. On 23 September, Subhas Bose was released from the prison and the following day took oath as mayor of Calcutta. In his inaugural speech, Bose recalled the objectives that C.R. Das had listed in 1924, of providing better schools, housing, roads, medical care, drainage, lighting, and paying particular attention to the poor. ... "
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If Gordon quotes a speech by Subhash Chandra Bose, or even mentions his interaction with someone, he is just as likely to make a snide comment against Subhash Chandra Bose as not; and here he make another snide comment a page after the previous one, for no reason other than that Gordon isn't obvious as Asian even in Germany and he's writing about subjects of British colonial empire, from his point of view. From Gordon's perspective, mention of king of Jews as Oriental cannot be overlooked without a swipe. 

He failed to realise that readers of his book would mostly be those who had an interest in the subject, and they wouldn't be likely to to share this snide view - but even more, he fails to see that, as he didn't write this for charity, such an attitude makes him a traitor to his earnings. There's a short word for that, but it's in another, Oriental language, not of Indian origin. 

And here's another one, fast on heels of one about mentioning king of jews being Oriental -

"Although the goal of independence and the necessity for boycott and Swadeshi were mentioned to every audience, Bose tailored his remarks to fit the different audiences he encountered. ... "

If there are speakers who make speeches that aren't "tailored ... to fit the different audiences ... encountered", but instead are designed deliberately to fly high over heads of any audience, perhaps Gordon is familiar with them, but such speakers are unlikely to be his own compatriots from bush country, much less politicians; and definitely any freedom fighters who were attempting to awaken people wouldn't do that. 
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" ... He also addressed the women of the towns as he was touring the districts, telling them that “women had not only duties to their family, but they had also a greater duty to their country”, which looks “to the mothers to come forward and inspire the whole nation”.40 

"Subhas Bose’s district tours and mayoral work were interrupted on 8 December when all of Calcutta was aroused by the attack on the headquarters of the Bengal administration and murder of Mr Simpson. ... Subhas Bose gave his perspective, which many other nationalists in Bengal shared. He said, in part: 

"The fact stares us in the face that India today wants freedom very soon. The fact also stares us in the face that there are people in this country…who want freedom not merely by following the Congress program, but if need be they want freedom at any price and by any means.41"

"He then placed the other major share of blame on the repressive actions of the government in restricting meetings, processions, the press, etc., which did not allow the Congress to work in an open non-violent way and drove some nationalists underground and to acts of terror. Trying to visit Maldah in January, he found that he had been banned. When he pushed ahead with his effort to visit the area, he was arrested, tried, and sentenced to seven days’ imprisonment.

"To celebrate their “independence day” on 26 January, 1931, ... "

The quotation marks are another snide comment by someone who hid his own identity while investigating material for this work in Germany, since the person he interviewed expressed agreement with nazi views and more. Yes, British hadn't gone in 1931; but yes, Congress does view the date of their own declaration of India's independence as the date of importance regarding independence of India. 

" ... Bose was determined to lead a procession at the head of hundreds of Congress workers, from the Corporation to the nearby Maidan, though it had been banned by the police. A game of cat-and-mouse with the police ensued, with the police eager to arrest him before he could bring out the procession. After being beaten, Bose was arrested, kept incommunicado, and given no food nor medical treatment. Brought before the chief presidency magistrate of Calcutta the following afternoon, he was charged and convicted “of being member of an unlawful assembly, rioting and endangering public safety”.42 

"Sentenced to six months’ rigorous imprisonment, Bose was shut away in the Alipore Jail yet again. Meanwhile, Gandhi was moving towards a rapprochement with the government, resulting in the Gandhi-Irwin Pact announced on 5 March, 1931. ... "

Again here Gordon omits mention of nationwide tremendous pressure for Gandhi to negotiate for lives of Bhagat Singh and his group, which he didn't even make a token effort towards, since frankly he wished they'd vanish so he could get on moulding India and history to his single will,  and he signed on the dotted line as asked by Viceroy; he got, as reward, a round table conference in London, snide remarks from Winston Churchill and nothing for either India or even Congress. 

Having been reprieved by Gandhi, British had by then gone on to execute the revolutionaries on evening prior to set date, contrary to custom of morning execution; with intentions of not letting families have the bodies, they chopped them up and stole by back door - front had families and relatives anxious about what was happening inside - to banks of river and set them on fire, without religious processes of a proper Hindu or Sikh funeral. It was as inhuman a conduct as that by nazi butchers in extermination camps of Germany and Eastern Europe. That the relatives could recover the remains despite all this, wasn't credit to British. 
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"Many Congressmen were extremely unhappy with the terms of the pact. What was envisioned, they suspected, was a federal system in which the British would continue to control essential matters such as defence, external affairs, finances and the protection of minorities. Jawaharlal Nehru, in mourning for his father Motilal who had died on 6 February, was moved to ask, ‘Was it for this that our people had behaved so gallantly for a year? Were all our brave words and deeds to end in this? The independence resolution of the Congress, the pledge of 26 January, so often repeated?’43 Finally, he followed Gandhi and worked for its acceptance by the Congress. Under the terms of the pact, after approval of the pact by the Congress Working Committee, all civil disobedience prisoners, including Subhas Bose, were released, enabling them to attend the forthcoming Congress session in Karachi."

That last bit about "all civil disobedience prisoners ... were released" is a lie, as elaborated by Sukhdev, in his open letter from prison, to Gandhi. 

It was only Congress members who were set free. Hundreds of other freedom fighters still rotted in prisons, tortured by British. 
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Finally! 

"To Bose, Bengal still had some 800 political prisoners, including many held and not charged and never brought to trial. For Gandhi, they were not the same as his satyagrahis pledged to non-violence. On 23 March, days before the Congress session was to open in Karachi, when India awoke to learn that three political prisoners convicted in the Lahore Conspiracy Case including Bhagat Singh had been swiftly executed, ... "

Swiftly? Does Gordon imply that others are but heredd with slow strokes of knife while executioners st parking with bowed heads? 

Gordon lies. 

The execution was carried out in secrecy, at nightfall, a few hours prior to the set date, unlike usual practice of doing so at or before sunrise after dawn of the set date, deliberately with a view to cheat families of the dead, depriving them of proper funerals. 

" ... many condemned the government, ... "

Did anybody expect kudos for the downright cowardly conduct of British in chopping up the dead and trying to secretly burn them on river bank without proper funerals?

" ... while others blamed Gandhi for not making more effective representations to the government on behalf of the condemned."

He could have saved their lives, but never tried, with merely a " ... some people feel ... no? All right" signing away of clout he had, not because he couldn't have but because he wanted them dead, perhaps more so than British did, so he was seen by Indians as sole bargainer for paltry privileges meted out like one drop of rain a year in Sahara. 
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"Bose’s view can be glimpsed from an extract from his address to the All-India Naujawan Bharat Sabha on 27 March, ‘India may have to lose many more sons before she can hope to be free. These recent executions are to me sure indications that there has been no change of heart on the side of the Government and the time for an honourable settlement has not arrived as yet.’44"

He at least acknowledged them as fighters whose lives were sacrificed by them in independence struggle - as, indeed, they had, intentionally, to bring an awakening to India and the world. 

Bhagat Singh had intentionally planned the assembly bombing with no one hurt, and instead of escaping thereafter, stood ground and surrendered, just so they'd be heard. 

"Bose entered the Congress to the cheers of the young. Unlike his role in the past two Congress sessions, he did not oppose Gandhi on any of the three basic resolutions. Nehru proposed a resolution which Gandhi supported, praising the bravery of the victims, while dissociating the Congress from acts of political violence. What Gandhi mainly desired at this juncture was approval of the agreement he had worked out with the viceroy. This he gained by an overwhelming vote. 

:With his compromise efforts backed, Gandhi proposed the Fundamental Rights resolution. It included some twenty items, among them freedom of speech, press, association and no bars to any Indian on account of religion, caste, creed or sex. It backed the right to bear arms and stipulated religious neutrality on the part of the state. It then listed a number of measures which were aimed at helping the poorer classes: a living wage for industrial workers; limited hours and healthy conditions of work; no child labour; and protections for women workers. It also called for a progressive income tax, adult suffrage and free primary education for all. In line with Gandhi’s program it mentioned that there was to be no duty on salt and total prohibition. Usury was to be controlled. Then, hinting at socialism, the resolution specified that the state should control key industrial and mineral resources. This twenty-point program was passed by a large majority."

Didn't British nix all of that, every single one, and welch on all promises they - represented by the then Viceroy - had made before Gandhi had signed, as usual? 

"When the Working Committee was announced, Sen Gupta, who had spoken passionately in favor of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, was on it. Subhas Bose was not. Bose and Gandhi continued on friendly terms, but Bose was still not acceptable in the Congress inner circle. Even Dr B.C. Roy, who had replaced Sen Gupta on the Working Committee when Sen Gupta was imprisoned, was more satisfactory than Bose."

Notice the author's slant against Subhash Chandra Bose in whats supposed to be a biography of him and his brother, and attempt to make readers believe that it's pro Gandhi; it's nothing of the sort - it's merely the authors revenging his own insignificance on someone of a stature he is unable to view. 

On another level, a similar attempt is made by another author saying Andes are growing faster and will be taller than Everest in a few million years. 
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"Following the Karachi Congress, Bose went on a speaking tour of Sind and the Punjab. In Amritsar on 8 April, he substituted for Gandhi in addressing the Sikh League. Bose assured the Sikhs that all Congress leaders including Gandhi and himself would work for justice for small communities like the Sikhs. But then Gandhi’s stand-in went beyond what the Mahatma would have said to the assembled throng, praising the Sikh youth recently executed by the government: ‘Therefore, (I) appeal to the brave Sikhs to produce more patriots having the courage and (spirit of) sacrifice of Bhagat Singh.’45

"Bose’s call for hundreds of Bhagat Singhs did not go unnoticed. The Home Department in Delhi found it “thoroughly anti-Government and seditious” and wondered whether it was better to jail Bose or allow him freedom to go on quarreling with Sen Gupta and thereby weaken the Congress in Bengal. They decided to leave him free."

Seriously, was Gordon paid by joint kitty of British and Congress to write this book with a slighting of the national hero of India every few sentences? 

Has Amazon been duped onto selling a propaganda leaflet at exorbitant prices, seeing as it's an image of a priceless jewel portrayed strewn garbage on it? 

"Although the Statesman continued to lump all Congressmen and perpetrators of violence in the same camp, there were differences. For one, Bose was sympathetic to the revolutionaries; Gandhi saw them as being as much his enemies as the Government of India: both furthered violence and brutality; both severed the Indians and their rulers ever more from each other. Gandhi’s aim was to work for India’s eventual freedom and reconstruction through non-violent means which would bring the two sides together and convert the opponent. The Mahatma was convinced that these violent acts by young Indians were not bringing freedom closer and were making it more difficult to convert a ruler whose agents and administrators were being shot in the street or even in their own offices. Gandhi had chosen to make temporary peace, call off civil disobedience and go to London to talk. This certainly did not satisfy the revolutionaries who continued their campaigns of assassination and terror. Gandhi’s British visit scarcely pleased Bose, but he, for the time being, decided to be a good Congress soldier and work within Congress parameters."

That Gandhi was wrong about this, as well as about Hindus massacred by myslims, was proved by subsequent history. British were forced to flee only due to effect of Subhash Chandra Bose and his INA; s for muslims,  they massacred Hindus and Sikhs with impunity, until Hindus decided to not be Gandhian. By then, however, muslim jihadists - through the world, but centered and spreading chiefly from Pakistan - were used to assaulting everywhere around the globe: Israel, USSR, US, UK, France, Germany, Australia, Canada, and not only India. 

Only Burma has stopped them cold, so far. China has been a step ahead, banning their creed and holding untold numbers in "re-education" facilities, banning all but Chinese flags on mosques, and more.
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"The Boses, Sen Gupta and other Congressmen were also concerned with developments in Chittagong where riots ensued after 30 August, 1931, when a Muslim police officer was murdered. The police either looked on indifferently or contributed to problems. A government investigation found several police officers at fault and one thereupon committed suicide. 

"While Bose was carrying on what he called his “raging and tearing” campaign against British repression, Gandhi picked up the issue in London where he was attending the Round Table Conference. Sen Gupta had sailed to London in October and met Gandhi. In his speech to the Federal Structure Committee meeting on 25 November, Gandhi said, “…Mr Sen Gupta…has brought me a report signed by members of all the parties in Bengal in connection with Chittagong…the substance of this report is that there has been an inferior edition of the Black and Tans in Chittagong—and Chittagong is not a place of no importance on the map of India”.47"

"Gandhi went on to present his case for complete provincial autonomy under which there would be no troops or martial law or hundreds of detenus in Bengal under Regulation III. Gandhi pressed his case for “federation with all its responsibility”, which was after all why he had come to London. But instead of getting real responsibility, India was getting repression and the Congress was being blamed for every act of terrorism. Gandhi decided to answer this charge as well: 

"I have been told so often that it is the Congress that is responsible for this terrorism. I take this opportunity of denying that with all the strength at my command. On the contrary, I have evidence to show that it is the Congress creed of non-violence which up to now has kept the forces of terrorism in check…48"

" ... Bose and Gandhi argued that repression did not stop terrorism; that, in fact, it encouraged it. Furthermore, they both indicated that these sporadic acts were harmful to the national cause. In a speech at Shraddhananda Park in mid-December, Bose is reported to have said: 

"…these outbursts of violent acts did much harm to the national cause. The followers of the cult of violence were no match for the authorities in an armed conflict. But if scattered national forces were organised in a peaceful and non-violent way they could achieve their objective much more expeditiously.49"

But, having given utmost possible chance, when Subhash Chandra Bose turned to fight, is when he dislodged the British off, and how! As General Bakhshi points out, South Africa only succeeded in non violent struggle in '94! Without INA and Bose, British wouldn't have needed to leave, as Clement Attlee clearly replied to a query or two in India on a visit. 

"It must be noted, however, that Gandhi’s criticisms of terrorist acts and Bose’s own, do read differently. Gandhi is absolutely opposed to terrorism for violence is evil and evil means cannot lead to beneficial ends. Bose, like his mentor Aurobindo Ghose, is against acts of terrorism because they do not work, they do not “achieve their objective…expeditiously”. If he had sufficient force to oppose the Raj on equal terms, would he not then use it?"

Gordon risks being reminded that, if resorting to non-violence, Israel wouldn't last the six day war, with Arab nations determined to drown Jews in Mediterranean as per their declaration and promise to their (invited) Palestinian refugees. For that matter, the jews and other civilians exterminated by nazis WERE nonviolent for most part, all but the few in Warsaw ghetto uprising  which was towards the end; and the victims weren't adult males alone, but of every age and both genders. 

What makes him think British were different except in degrees of inhuman conduct? 

And Gordon is wrong about Gandhi, too. His behaviour regarding anyone in his way to monopoly of power or status wasn't humane or decent or courteous but was short of every possible natural or friendly conduct, with chiefly manipulation and verbal violence as weapons. A father refusing to support a child cannot be accused of cutting its throat, but isn't a decent man all the same.

However, chief fault of Gordon here is a severe lack of perception in assertion that Gandhi believed in non-violence and wasn't merely using it as necessary political tool. That's false. His assertion that Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan be forced back to face their murderers with love, and meanwhile be evicted from the only shelter they had found onto streets in bitter winter cold of Delhi in January, just so he could enjoy a festival  wasn't nonviolent. 

Nor so was his ousting of Subhash Chandra Bose and later Patel, against all democracy or legitimacy, from congress president's position. Or his approval of execution of Bhagat Singh and his group, while refraining from denouncing British for brutal death of Lala Lajpat Rai and not even going on a strike as protest. Or his treatment of his first-born, stopping every endeavour of the young man to force him into following his father meekly lifelong. 

Inhuman, yes, manipulative, yes, single minded pursuit of power at all costs, yes, but non-violence, that was merely his tool, limited to physical but not applicable to verbal sphere. 
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"Gandhi did not achieve success abroad in ways that were satisfactory to the Congress. ... "

It was amply satisfactory to British, of course. They'd duped India with a trip to London for a handful of Indians, and nothing else given away, although promises had been made before Gandhi signed. 

" ... On 5 December, he left Britain and on 28 December, landed in Bombay, where Subhas Bose was among the Congress leaders present to greet him. In a speech to the Commonwealth of India League immediately after returning, Gandhi again criticised the Bengal Ordinance and the punishment of a large population “because a few persons ran amuck”.50 On 29 December, he discussed the Bengal and national situation with Bose, who had been saying all fall that the Congress needed a plan of action if no results were forthcoming from Gandhi’s London visit.

"The Congress Working Committee decided that civil disobedience would have to be resumed if the Government of India did not make any positive conciliatory moves. A small news item in Liberty on 3 January indicated the direction in which the Government of India had decided to move: ‘Mr Subhas Chandra Bose who left for Calcutta this afternoon was arrested on the train at Kalyan, thirty miles from Bombay, under Regulation III of 1818. He was taken by the same train to an unknown destination.’ 51"

Notice the location of arrest, a smaller railway junction instead of Mumbai or Calcutta. Cowards much? 

"On 4 January, with the Congress moving to civil disobedience, the government arrested Gandhi, Patel, Prasad, Nehru, and many other Congressmen in Bombay, Calcutta and Delhi. Four further ordinances were promulgated to facilitate this repression and all Congress organisations were declared unlawful. Although civil disobedience was resumed in a few isolated areas such as the eastern parts of Midnapore in Bengal, the government effectively deprived the Congress of many of its leaders for some time to come. On 6 February, 1932, another small item appeared in Liberty concerning its managing director: 

"Sjt. Sarat Chandra Bose, Bar-at-Law and Alderman of the Calcutta Corporation, was arrested on Thursday night at Jharia, where he went on a professional call, under Regulation III of 1818, and taken by Bombay Mail to Seoni sub-jail, where Sjt. Subhas Chandra Bose has been kept detained under the same Regulation.52"

" ... the prisoner was never allowed to know precisely why he was being held."

Exactly like hundreds of others that Sukhdev had written to Gandhi about in his open letter before his execution. 

Fruits of Gandhi's refusal to recognise that other freedom fighters were just as valid as his own self?
................................................................................................


" ... Sarat Bose had made his contributions to the work of the Calcutta Corporation. He had also worked to keep Forward, and later, Liberty, running as an effective voice for the Bose and Congress point of view. After briefly giving up his practice at the bar to devote himself full-time to the national cause, he could never go back to simply being a barrister. 

"Some have suggested that his legal career had by now simply become a means to an end. It enabled him to support his own and others’ work in politics. But this is too simplistic. He became immersed in the law and delighted in its challenges and confrontations. The contest for truth, justice and accomplishment drew him in. He did use his earnings to support activities the British called “subversive”, but this did not negate his deep involvement with the law. The law and nationalism became the twin goddesses of his life. 

"If Sarat Bose was a passionate nationalist, what can one say of Subhas Bose? Briefly, Indian independence was the consuming passion, the one major concern of his life. He was by now an important player on the national stage, ... His views commanded attention and whenever spoke outside Bengal, the eagle eyes of other provincial governments’ intelligence men were focused upon him. Why was he so threatening? Because his passion, involvement and sacrifices had gained him some respect from his nationalist brethren, and because of the apprehension that he would encourage mass action and raise mass consciousness among those who might not be dedicated to non-violence. So it was not only for these deeds, but also because of the potentialities of their nationalist work that both the Boses were now being held under Regulation III of 1818."

And it was his life, choices and work, effects of which on India drove British to flee in a hurry. 
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May 09, 2022 - May 10, 2022.
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7.​ Ambassador of India in Bondage, 1932-36 
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"…you will have to remember…that outside India, every Indian is India’s unofficial ambassador." 

"—Subhas Bose to his nephew Asoke Bose, October 27, 1932"2"
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"Since the Government of Bengal was particularly insistent in 1932 that Subhas Bose be jailed outside Bengal, the Government of India arranged for Bose to be incarcerated in the sub-jail at Seoni in the Central Provinces, now Madhya Pradesh. Within a few weeks, Subhas was joined in Seoni by his brother Sarat, also imprisoned under Regulation III. This was Sarat Bose’s first term as an unwilling guest of the Raj. Though he learned to take this experience with some equanimity, he was upset that his legal mettle could not be used to fight for his freedom because there were no charges to answer and all his pleas to specify them were disregarded."

"Sarat Bose’s imprisonment came at a particularly inopportune time for his family because his father was just recuperating from serious heart trouble and his eldest son, Asoke Nath, had left the year before for higher studies in applied chemistry in Munich. During Subhas’s previous imprisonments, Sarat had been on the outside earning handsome fees at the High Court bar and keeping the family running. Now with Sarat himself imprisoned, Janaki Nath Bose in virtual retirement, and the eldest brother Satish Bose unable to sustain the costs, ... "

A decade later, British stole harvest of Bengal and let over a million die of starvation. 

"Just after Sarat’s arrest, Satish Bose wrote to his nephew Asoke in Europe, allaying his anxieties: 

"Let not those events disturb or worry you…Father had received the news of your father’s incarceration with calmness and fortitude. So, too, mother, who always believes in the will of Providence…We are prouder of them today than we ever were before.3"

With this much enmity from British, who kept the wealthier Nehru and friendly Gandhi in palatial comfort in name of jail, is it a wonder Subhash Chandra Bose did not see Germany or Italy, certainly not Japan, as enemy? 

" ... Subhas Bose had suffered serious health problems during his previous long imprisonment in Mandalay and now, unsettling symptoms of ill health surfaced once again. ... Sarat Bose suffered from the heat and was especially uncomfortable as the prison was open to the elements. He had diabetes, to begin with, and it worsened in prison and before 1932 was over, he was reliant on insulin and other medications. At the end of May, the brothers were moved to Jubbulpore Central Jail for a more thorough medical examination, and in mid-July, Subhas was taken to Madras for further examination. There the doctors found signs of tuberculosis and also some abdominal problems. Subhas Bose was then taken to the Bhowali Sanatorium in northern India, while Sarat was left alone in Jubbulpore."

" ... Sarat turned to books, reading the major works of the Russian novelists, Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, and Turgenev, and the novels of H.G. Wells as well as his Outline of History. On European politics, he read R.W. Postgate’s Workers’ International, Harold Laski’s Communism and Studies in Law and Politics, and Sir Samuel Hoare’s Fourth Seal, as well as Trotsky’s My Life and John Dewey’s Quest for Certainty, while he was already acquainted with the works of Bertrand Russell and George Bernard Shaw. Meanwhile, he kept up with contemporary Indian affairs, reading Sir N.N. Sircar’s Bengal under Communal Award and Poona Pact, and D. Chaman Lall’s Coolie, The Story of Labour and Capital in India."

" ... Sarat Bose asked that if the detention orders could not be lifted, then he should at least be allowed to shift to his own house at Giddapahar, near Kurseong, where he could be better taken care of. This part of his plea did not go unanswered. But the matter turned on where and how Sarat’s younger brother, the even more dangerous Subhas, would be held. 

"When the shift to the Bhowali Sanatorium did him little good, Subhas looked to other remedies, and seriously pondered an offer from the government to go abroad. ... they saw advantages to having him outside of India. At the same time, they did not want him in England inflaming Indian students there. He was barred from returning to Bengal, but permitted to go to Bombay, from where he would be released to journey to Europe at his own expense."

"The details were completed in early 1933. It was arranged that Subhas would sail on the S.S. Gange on 23 February, 1933 from Bombay. The release order came as the ship left the harbour. Bose issued a statement to the press, saying he had not been allowed to say farewell to his parents and placing the blame for his poor health on the government, which had not allowed him to be treated by his own doctors in India and had refused to pay for his treatment abroad. He thanked his friends for their moral and financial support which had enabled him to embark on this trip. Then he added: 

"I have not hesitated to accept the help offered by my friends and well-wishers, because I have always felt that my family is not confined to my blood relations but is coterminous with my country and when I have once (and) for all dedicated my humble life to the service of my country, my countrymen have as much right to look after my welfare as my nearest relatives…I only hope and pray that God…may make me worthy.7"

"As he neared the shores of Europe in early March, Subhas wrote a letter about his spiritual concerns to his longtime friend, Dilip Roy. He dwelt at much greater length on his search for the most powerful and beneficial religious symbolism within his own private religious practice. He said, in part: 

"…I am torn this side and that between my love for Shiva, Kali and Krishna…and according to my prevalent mood, I choose one of the three forms—Shiva, Kali and Krishna. Of these three again, the struggle is between Shiva and Shakti. Shiva, the ideal Yogi, has a fascination for me and Kali the Mother also makes an appeal to me.8"

Another snide remark by Gordon here. 

"There is nothing particularly original or unusual in Bose’s quest as recounted here. ... "

It's impossible to imagine what exactly could be original or unusual in life or person of Gordon or anyone who tolerates him, unless one includes readers of this book. 

" ... Subhas issued no public statements on religion, but his Hinduism was an essential part of his Indian identity."

Gordon never discovered the difference between religion and spiritual quest. Does any Abrahamic, ever, without coming out of the Abrahamic frame?

"With Subhas Bose out of the field, the Government of Bengal was now willing to have the other imprisoned Bose, the less dangerous one, inside Bengal and even in his own house. ... The Government of India asked him to sign his agreement to a long list of such rules. Although he was eager to move from the lonely and unhealthy situation in Jubbulpore, he refused to sign and explained why in his letter to the home member of the Government of India, dated 22 March, 1933: 

"I feel that I would be untrue to myself, the family in which I was born, to the education which I have received, to the position which I have held in my profession as also in public and private life and to the beliefs and sentiments which I have always held dear if I were to put my signature to any “conditions” for the purpose of obtaining liberty for myself, either complete or qualified.9"

Eventually, it was decided that it would suffice that Sarat Bose had been informed of the “conditions” and was now to stay for an indefinite period in his vacation house near Darjeeling. 

"Just before his transfer in April 1933, Sarat Bose recorded a few of his stray thoughts in a notebook, including these on Gandhi: 

"…Gandhi is today undoubtedly the greatest Christian in the world. I wish he had been, at the same time, a great Hindu; for, had he been so, he would not have committed the blunders he has committed in the fields of religion and politics.10"

Sri Aurobindo said the same, but more; Sharat Chandra Bose isn't quoting him in this! 
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" ... At the same time, proposals were being formulated for the future governance of India, building on the work of the Simon Commission of 1927 ... "

Including beating elderly to death? Was that so very different from nazi treatment of Jews, or of East Europe? 

" ... The protest began from the moment the Communal Award was announced; and then came a second blow from the changes made through the Poona Pact. 

"Mahatma Gandhi, though imprisoned, was carefully following the fortunes of the political negotiations. He, too, reacted with alarm to the Communal Award, but for a different reason than his brethren in Bengal. He was upset at the arrangement of separate electorates for members of the Scheduled Castes, who previously had voted with the caste Hindus in the general constituencies. He was indeed so concerned that he announced from his Poona prison that he would fast unto death, or at least until the representatives of the Scheduled Castes would agree to rejoin the Hindu fold by accepting joint rather than separate electorates. So the Epic Fast, as it was called, began. The Scheduled Caste leader, Dr. B.R.Ambedkar, capitulated in time, in return for a greater share of reserved seats for Scheduled Caste members in the general constituencies. For Bengal this meant that thirty of the seventy-eight general seats had to be held by members of these castes in Bengal, a far greater number than they had ever had. To the caste Hindu leaders this new allotment seemed another nail in their coffin. 

"There was little that Bengal Hindu leaders could do about the Poona Pact, which was accepted by the imperial government and incorporated into the Government of India bill. But the Communal Award as a whole met with relentless opposition from a number of disadvantaged interests, and in the end achieved no positive result, even though it was implemented. It did, however, give encouragement to a national Hindu organisation, the Hindu Mahasabha, which while never strong in numbers in Bengal, did have some influence upon the thinking and emotions of the Bengali caste Hindus. In contrast to the composite, territorial Indian nationalism propagated by the Congress, the Mahasabha stressed the association of the Hindus with their sacred territory, Hindustan. Anyone who wanted to live in the Hindu nation would have to accept Hindustan “as his Fatherland as well as his Holy Land, that is, the cradle land of his religion”.12 So Muslims, prima facie, would be excluded from first-class citizenship in such a nation.

"The leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, Shyama Prashad Mookerjee, a Bose family friend who was active in the Bengal Legislative Council, spurred the fears of high-caste Hindus inside and outside the Bengal Congress that they were liable to lose their predominance in the economic and educational systems, in the professions and government services, to the numerically superior Muslims. The Mahasabha encouraged inflexibility on a variety of issues touching Hindu-Muslim relations in Bengal: processions playing music outside mosques, tenancy legislation and educational reforms which would assist the predominantly Muslim rural masses and limitations on the Muslim role in the Calcutta Corporation and Calcutta University.

" ... Sarat Chandra Bose, a champion of Hindu-Muslim alliance in Bengal, and still under detention in Kurseong, was elected unopposed from a Calcutta seat with both the Nationalists and the regular Congress claiming his support. With these defeats, the Bengal Congress began to take a stronger and more direct stand against the Communal Award than national Congress policy allowed. The Boses agreed with their brethren in the Bengal Congress."
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"Subhas Bose meanwhile arrived in Venice on 6 March, 1933, to be greeted by his nephew Asoke Bose, who accompanied him to Vienna, which was to become the former’s home base in Europe. He had never been to pre-war Vienna, the capital of the former Habsburg Empire, one of the cultural capitals of the world, and a great city at the crossroads of Europe from where he could travel throughout the continent. To Bose, almost all of continental Europe was new and he was eager to make new contacts with Europeans and with Indians in Europe. In Vienna and later in Switzerland, he became close to an elderly political leader from India, Vithalbhai Patel, an ally from the Swarajya Party of C.R. Das. Patel had been touring Europe and the United States, making positive propaganda and contacts for Indian nationalism, the same task to which Bose had set himself."

Vithalbhai Patel was there for his health, too. 
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"Not long after Bose reached Vienna, Gandhi called off the Civil Disobedience Movement, much to the dismay of Bose and Patel. They issued “The Bose-Patel Manifesto” from Vienna in May 1933 which stated that: 

"We are clearly of opinion that as a political leader Mahatma Gandhi has failed. The time has therefore come for a radical reorganisation of the Congress on a new principle and with a new method…Non-cooperation cannot be given up but the form of Non-co-operation will have to be changed into a more militant one and the fight for freedom to be waged on all fronts.13"

"Patel was severely ill, but he was glad to have met the younger man and to feel that his work would be carried forth. He is reported to have said of Bose at this time: 

"In him I see a great fighter with an incomparable determination to carry on India’s struggle without any kind of compromise.…Where can you find such a man? It is for this reason that all my hopes are centred on him, and I am leaving all my monies to him to be disposed of for any foreign propaganda that he may decide upon for the uplift of India.14"

"During these first months in Europe, Bose received an invitation to address the third Indian Political Conference in London, on 10 June, 1933. He wrote to British authorities for permission to come and speak, but was refused—even though both the British and the India Office (which did not want to have Bose in England inflaming Indian students there) knew that Bose could not be kept out of England because he held a British passport. So unable to deliver the address in person, he sent it to the conference where it was read out.

"It presents a lengthy review of his political outlook at the time, his assessment of Gandhi’s blunders and his view of what was to be done. Angered by the termination of the Civil Disobedience Movement, he showed by reviewing the history of the Congress movement from 1920 to 1933 how the government had outsmarted Gandhi at each turn—while he, Bose, had opposed many of Gandhi’s moves. He argued that there were no common interests between Britain and India and, therefore, the goal had to be complete independence by the most rapid means. He listed the possible means, including armed force, but ruled this option out for the moment because nationalist India was not armed and the Congress was pledged to non-violence. Setting out his program, he said:

"Our first task will be to gather together a group of men and women who are prepared to undergo the maximum sacrifice and suffering which will be necessary if we are to attain success in our mission. They must be wholetime workers—“Freedom-intoxicated” missionaries—who will not be discouraged by failure or deterred by difficulty of any kind and who will vow to work and strive in the service of the great cause till the last day of their lives…Let this party be called the SAMYAVADI-SANGHA…It will wage a relentless war against bondage of every kind till the people can become really free…15"

"The second half of 1933 was darkened for Bose by the serious illness of Patel, who was then moved to Switzerland. Bose went there to be near him and to try to improve his own health, which had not greatly improved. As Patel grew gravely ill, Bose helped to nurse him and was by him when Patel breathed his last in late October. Now he lamented that another Congress giant—one of the few along with Das and Motilal Nehru, all of whom he considered peers of Gandhi—had gone and only, or mostly, “yes-men” were left. Patel had bequeathed to Bose a political and financial legacy, but the provision in his will for substantial monies to be left to Bose to be used for propaganda work was challenged in an Indian court which eventually found that Patel’s bequest was stated too vaguely. Bose, to his dismay, never got a single rupee."

It was used by his brother for charity. 
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"In 1933, before Patel’s death, Bose made a two-month trip to Czechoslovakia, Poland and Germany, and afterwards, he traveled to France, Rome, Milan and Geneva, where an Indian information centre had been established. In March 1934 he began another trip, this time to Germany, back to Italy, and then on to Hungary, Rumania, Turkey, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. By the end of May, he settled down again in Vienna and worked on a book about Indian politics, the contract for which he had signed with a British publisher. He went to Karlsbad, a famous health resort, where he took the mineral waters, hoping they would alleviate his abdominal problems, and then to Prague, where he met Dr Eduard Benes, then foreign minister, who, along with President Masaryk had led the long struggle for Czechoslovakia’s independence. In Prague, too, he made a contribution to the formation of lasting ties between India and Czechoslovakia by moving to have an Indo-Czech association established.

"On his first European circuit, Bose journeyed from Prague to Warsaw where he met with some officials, and by late July 1933 had reached Berlin, where he tried to see the top officials of the new Nazi regime. He undoubtedly knew that Indian revolutionaries had secured financial aid, arms, and encouragement from the German government during World War I and that Berlin, after the war, had remained one of the centres for Indian activity against the Raj. ... "

"Bose protested the anti-Indian actions, criticised Nazi racism directed against Indians whenever he could, and worked for positive connections between India and Germany, not wanting to alienate as powerful a potential ally against the British Empire as a revived Germany. He was certainly unhappy with the meagre accomplishments in Germany, but he was a persistent man, and left after some weeks to make contacts elsewhere. In December, Bose went to Rome to attend the Conference of Oriental Students and other meetings concerning Indian students. ... "

" ... After meeting the Duce, Gandhi wrote to the author Romain Rolland: 

"Mussolini is a riddle to me. Many of his reforms attract me…I admit an iron hand is there. But as violence is the basis of Western society, Mussolini’s reforms deserve an impartial study. His care of the poor, his opposition to super-urbanisation, his efforts to bring about coordination between capital and labour, seem to me to demand special attention…Even behind his emphatic speeches there is a nucleus of sincerity and of passionate love for his people. It seems to me that the majority of the Italian people love the iron government of Mussolini.17"

"Mussolini addressed the Congress on 22 December. The speech, Bose thought, was a fine one—whatever we might think of the speaker. He said: 

"‘It is nonsense to say that East and West will never meet; Rome has in the past been the connecting link between Europe and Asia and she will be so once again. On this rapprochement depends the salvation of the world. Rome has in the past colonised Europe—but her relations with Asia have always been of a friendly kind, based on cooperation.’18"

Not if one considers exodus and the history leading up to it. 

"And Bose reportedly gave details of his conversation with Mussolini, thus: 

"Mussolini asked Subhas Bose during this conversation: ‘Do you really and firmly believe that India will be free soon?’ When Bose said ‘yes’, Mussolini asked him again: ‘Are you for reformist or revolutionary methods for achieving Indian independence?’ Bose said in reply that he preferred revolutionary to reformist methods. Mussolini said, ‘Then indeed you have a chance.’ Continuing the discussion, Mussolini asked him again: ‘Have you got any plan for such a revolution?’ As Bose remained silent, Mussolini told him: ‘You must immediately prepare a plan for such a revolution and you must work continuously for its realisation.’19"

" ... Later in 1934, in his lengthy account of Indian politics and the future of India, Bose stated: 

"Considering everything, one is inclined to hold that the next phase in world history will produce a synthesis between Communism and Fascism. And will it be a surprise if that synthesis is produced in India?…In spite of the antithesis between Communism and Fascism, there are certain traits common to both. Both Communism and Fascism believe in the supremacy of the State over the Individual. Both denounce parliamentary democracy. Both believe in party rule. Both believe in the dictatorship of the party and in the ruthless suppression of all dissenting minorities. Both believe in a planned industrial reorganisation of the country. These common traits will form the basis of the new synthesis. That synthesis is called by the writer “Samyavada”—an Indian word, which means literally “the doctrine of synthesis or equality”. It will be India’s task to work out this synthesis.20"

It was China, not India, as it turned out, that has had this combination. 

" ... did he intend to close his eyes to the brutalities of these regimes? Did he believe that the positive lesson of these regimes could be separated from the bestialities, and then transferred to India?"

He had certainly seen brutalities perpetrated by a supposedly democratic UK in India against Indians, and also might equally have been aware of brutalities in US as described by Upton Sinclair and others; in all probability, je did not believe that brutalities were indivisible from political systems other than capitalist democracy, as US commonly hold almost as a creed, but connected it with other factors, such as philosophy and religion, psychology and racial characteristics. He'd not be wrong if so. 
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"From Rome, Bose embarked on a second tour during the first half of 1934, which took him to Switzerland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, and then back to Italy, Hungary, Rumania, Turkey, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia. In his essay, “India Abroad”, written during his European stay, Bose had argued: ‘Everywhere there is a colossal ignorance about India—but at the same time there is a general feeling of sympathy for, and interest in, India.’21 Feeling that “Indian propaganda abroad was absolutely necessary for our national advancement”, his objectives—and those that he felt were necessary for Indian propaganda in general—were the following: 

"1. To counteract false propaganda about India. 

"2. To enlighten the world about the true conditions obtaining in India today. 

"3. To acquaint the world with the positive achievements of the Indian people in every sphere of human activity"

"To reach these goals, Bose wanted Indian representatives at every international congress, positive articles about India in every European language, prominent Indians travelling abroad and speaking about their country, the development of films and slides on India, the invitation of foreign scholars to India, and the creation of mixed societies of Indians and foreigners in every country to foster closer cultural and commercial relations.

"Bose realised that he did not have the resources of the British government. But he did his best to establish the kind of cultural and commercial associations which might grow, endure and contribute to long-term links. He also wanted active Indian student associations wherever possible and he was in constant touch with Indian students wherever he went. He saw students and their training in science, engineering, medicine and other subjects as the preparation not only for their individual futures, but for the future of India, and Bose talked to European industrialists, businessmen, and officials about internships for Indians with relevant advanced degrees.

"Bose also returned to Germany. In a lengthy memorandum to the German Foreign Office councillor, written on 5 April, 1934, Bose sharply criticised negative aspects of German-Indian relations since the National Socialists had come to power. He said that he did this in the hope of improving relations. Of particular concern were derogatory articles in the German press and hostile statements by German leaders about India, and Nazi race propaganda as it impinged on Indians in Germany. He wrote: 

"The most serious factor threatening friendly relations between Germany and India is the unfortunate effect produced by the present race propaganda in Germany.…the general attitude of the people towards Indians is not as friendly…as it formerly was…in Munchen…, Indian students have been even pelted with stones…the draft legislation embodied in the National Sozialistische Strafrecht published by the Ministry of Justice states that legislation against Jews, Negroes and coloured people is under consideration…. This draft…has…roused considerable anxiety and resentment among Indians.22"

"Bose insisted that relations between Germany and India would only improve if the negative statements were stopped and the racial legislation shelved. ... Of course, in 1934, Bose did not yet know how the Nazis would work out their program, particularly the Final Solution to the Jewish question. He cultivated a personal friendship with a highly intelligent Jewish woman, Kitty Kurti, and her husband in Berlin. Bose warned them to leave Germany in the mid-1930s as conditions for Jews darkened in Germany. Another Jewish friend, Helen Ashkanazy, president of several women’s groups, also had to leave Austria before the decade was over. Even with these Jewish friends and his understanding of Nazi racism, he was willing to work with the devil in order to free India."

"After a tour of the Balkans, Bose was back in Vienna by June 1934, engaged with a supportive circle of friends who noted that he had only one interest which consumed him: the liberation of India from British rule. He collected books on India in French and German which he could not read, and most of what he could read was about world politics as it related to India. He did investigate European politics and watched European politicians at work to see what this might teach him vis-à-vis the British. He looked into municipal experiments in European cities, so that he might get ideas about the improvement of Calcutta. ... "

"As Bose returned to Vienna in June 1934, he had secured a contract from a British publisher to write a book on Indian politics with a deadline later in the year. In Vienna he looked for a secretary, a trustworthy person who could help him with the preparation of the book. Through an Indian doctor, he was introduced to Emilie Schenkl, a young Viennese woman. She was born on 26 December, 1910, to an Austrian Catholic family. Her paternal grandfather was a shoemaker, and her father, a veterinarian. Her father was not eager for her to have a formal education, but late in World War I, he permitted her to attend primary school and then begin secondary school. Displeased that she was not learning grammar well, he sent her to a nunnery for four years to continue her education. She thought briefly of becoming a nun, but eventually dropped the idea. She attended two more schools for a year each and completed her education when she was twenty."

"Bose did try to come to terms with Gandhi’s hold on the masses, which none had been able to challenge or break. Bose wrote: 

"As we have already seen, a large and influential section of the intelligentsia was against him, but this opposition was gradually worn down through the enthusiastic support given by the masses. Consciously or unconsciously, the Mahatma fully exploited the mass psychology of the people, just as Lenin did the same thing in Russia, Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany. But in doing so, the Mahatma was using a weapon which was sure to recoil on his head. He was exploiting many of the weak traits in the character of his countrymen which had accounted for India’s downfall to a large extent. After all, what has brought about India’s downfall in the material and political sphere? It is her inordinate belief in fate and in the supernatural—her indifference to modern scientific development—her backwardness in the science of modern warfare, the peaceful contentment engendered by her latter-day philosophy and adherence to Ahimsa (Nonviolence) carried to the most absurd length. In 1920, when the Congress began to preach the political doctrine of non-co-operation, a large number of Congressmen who had accepted the Mahatma not merely as a political leader but also as a religious preceptor—began to preach the cult of the new Messiah.24"

"Bose further condemned numerous blunders of the Mahatma, especially Gandhi’s lack of planning for the second Round Table Conference. At the root of Gandhi’s errors, Bose declared, was confusion between the Mahatma’s two roles as political leader and world preacher. ... "

Gordon comments here - 

" ... Perhaps Bose never thought to consider that Gandhi’s very success may have resulted in part from his effective fusion of religion and politics, or that his own popularity in Bengal may have been related to a religious aura that surrounded him because of his sacrifices and his years of imprisonment. ... "

As to the latter part, Subhash Chandra Bose wasn't alone, there were hundreds jailed by British at any given time; few arise in Indian hearts to statures that Subhash Chandra Bose, Bhagat Singh and his group, and few others did. 

As to Gandhi’s success, Gordon is only correct at a preliminary level, but it's best answered by a story about a bear by (Thurber?), who stops drinking and tries to prove it by bending backwards too far, falling as a result- as in case of Gandhi, who argued that a tiger can eat only so many cows. As Koenraad Elst points out, the tiger might be satiated for the day but no tiger has ever turned vegetarian; and as anyone can see, the argument has no consolation for cows, and the experimenting theorist isn't losing anything in preaching nonviolence to cows. 

" ... what was to become manifest was that his outspoken criticism of colleagues was not to do him any good in the future."

Gordon's shortness of vision is breathtaking - he's measuring a Himalayan peak from a Mediterraenean beach or a Caribbean one, and finding it shorter than the palm tree he's relaxing under! 
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And here's evidence of the said short vision - 

"On the ideological side, Bose seemed to create confusion by running fascism and communism together. He considered himself part of the left or radical tendency of the nationalist movement, but the kind words for fascism were anathema to most of the other members of the Indian left. ... "

Most people of allied nations, UK, US, even France, at that time had only admiration for the efficient and shining Germany and Italy, and a horror of bolshevism since such a philosophy threatened private property and individual rights and opportunities; any citizen of US, however poor, would and does feel threatened by a thinking that demands sacrifice for greater good, and votes for less taxes, never mind health care or education. As for fascism, people always justified it with mention of trains running on time. Wealthy socialites of US of nineteen-thirties were most happy and impressed by the tall, blond, polite young men they invited to tea, who were soft-spoken in their pleading for Germany being right. 

And the fact that US or at least CIA helped far too many war criminals to escape, not only to destinations across South Atlantic but to US too, helping them settle, isn't a secret any more. 

As for leftists in India, few like Bose or Bhagat Singh and his group were or are independent thinkers - most tow a line, amounting to quite a circus when Hitler’s pact with Stalin was made known, and another when Hitler broke it to attack Russia. 

But independent of who else said or did what, Subhash Chandra Bose was always thinking about what would be needed for and best for independence of India and future of the nation. And if he envisioned a combination of all poor fed, clothed, housed and educated well, paid fairly, and all this combined with a spic-and-span shining nation with everything running on time, well, that was utopia. 

He did protest and denounce the negatives he saw, and publicly too. Unlike Gordon, who's refrained from mentioning why Bhagat Singh and his group shot a British policeman after death of Lala Lajpat Rai, and why Bhagat Singh deliberately made the plan to throw the bomb in the assembly with care taken to not hurt anybody. He mentions Simon Commission, but not the beating of an elderly man who died as a consequence. 
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"Bose completed the manuscript and before long, by the later months of 1934, was reading the proofs of his book. But he would soon be home—sooner than he expected or wished. In the fall, Janaki Nath Bose had a serious heart attack. Asoke Bose, who had just made a return visit to India and was back in Europe, described what followed in these words: 

"…On 26 November, he received a cable from my grandmother informing him that grandfather’s condition was grave and asking him to come home by air immediately…The time at his disposal was so short that he had to sit up the whole night without a wink of sleep to complete reading the final proofs of the book…The plane touched down at Karachi on 3 December. At Karachi uncle got the news of grandfather’s death…The plane landed at the Dum-Dum Airport at about 4 p.m. on 4 December when an order of home internment was served on uncle…Father had also come down to Calcutta on parole and remained there to observe mourning.25"

"The death of Janaki Nath Bose meant a change in relationships within the family. Satish was now formally the head of the family, but Sarat, as the most successful in a worldly way and as the favorite of his father, had a strong voice. Properties had to be passed to the next generation, so the Elgin Road house was willed to Subhas and three of his brothers, while Sarat and the two remaining brothers inherited other properties from among Janaki Nath’s rather considerable holdings in Orissa and in his native village outside Calcutta."

"Throughout Sarat’s period of detention—which eventually extended to three-and-a-half years—his eldest son, Asoke Nath, was getting his practical scientific training in Munich, leading to a doctorate which he finally obtained in 1935. ... his second son, Amiya Nath, wanted to study arts rather than science. Amiya Nath took the arts course and was called to the bar, as his father had been."

" ... Sarat Bose continued to write to the government asking for a trial or for his release, and calls for the speedy termination of his detention appeared in the press."

" ... Sircar at first refused. Then, some time later, he changed his mind. He wrote to the governor, Sir John Anderson, on 13 April, 1935, saying: ‘I am convinced that there is no risk now in releasing Bose. If any untoward signs are noticed as the result of watching his activities, he can again be dealt with under the Bengal Act…’27:
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" ... In late July 1935, after three-and-a-half years of detention, Sarat Bose was informed of his unconditional release while on a parole visit to Calcutta. He was delighted and went the same afternoon to the Calcutta bar library, where he “…was received very cordially by all”.28"

"The other Bose, however, was another story. The Governments of Bengal and India were not willing to have Subhas Bose at large in India. He was home-interned during every minute he was in Calcutta after his father’s death. He decided to return to Europe promptly, but said publicly and privately that he did not intend to be a permanent exile from his beloved native land. He left in January and reached Naples on 20 January, 1935. 

"On his way north, Bose stopped in Rome and had another audience with Mussolini. He presented the Duce with a copy of his recently released book, The Indian Struggle 1920-1934. The book circulated only in the West, as it had been proscribed by the Government of India, as was announced in the House of Commons, “on the ground that it tended generally to encourage methods of terrorism and of direct action”.29 Most of the reviews were positive, and the foreign editor of the Daily Herald of London wrote on 28 January, 1935:

"Bose, of course, is stamped as an extremist, a wild man, a menace to society. Well, here is his book. It is calm, sane, dispassionate. I think it is the ablest work I have read on current Indian politics. He has his own opinions, vigorously held, yet never unfairly expressed. This is the book of no fanatic but of a singularly able mind, the book of an acute, thoughtful, constructive mind, of a man who, while still under forty, would be an asset and an ornament to the political life of any country. But for the past ten years he has spent most of his life in jail: and is now an exile broken in health. That is one tragedy of the Indian situation.30"

"From Rome, Bose went on to Geneva for a memorial service for Vithalbhai Patel held on 22 March, 1935. Although he was in poor health himself, requiring surgery for the gall bladder problem that had long afflicted him, Bose felt that he had to attend this function before seeing to his own health. Once this debt was paid, he set off for Vienna. Writing to Asoke on 24 April from the Rudolfiner Haus in the Billrothstrasse, Bose said, ‘I came here yesterday—for surgical operation. Professor Dernel will operate on me this afternoon at 4 p.m. for removal of the gallbladder…’31 There is a report, perhaps apochryphal, that just before the operation, Bose said, ‘My love to my countrymen, my debts to my brother.’32 A few days later, he reported to Asoke Nath, ‘I had the operation on Wednesday. Gall-bladder with a big stone inside was removed. Operation performed successfully…No anxiety.’33The recuperation, however, was much longer, and more painful than Bose anticipated and he spent a number of months in discomfort.

"Of all that he read, he seemed most enthusiastic about one book, Robert Briffault’s Breakdown, published first in 1932, and then in a second edition with a lengthy postscript in 1935. What was this book that Bose found, as he wrote a friend, “simply wonderful”?34 Briffault, an English surgeon, anthropologist, philosopher and novelist, had written a work of popular Marxism, claiming that all hitherto existing societies had been run by and for a small propertied, ruling class. Although idealistic members of these societies could be found, as societies they were all guided by self-interest, and the interests furthered were those of the rulers. Liberal democracy, he said, was a sham, and like fascism, an effort to preserve the status quo or exploitative position of the ruling class. There was only one bright exception: the Soviet Union. Here, though there was one-party rule, it was carried out, he believed, for the good of all.

"In a postscript written for the second edition, Briffault said that the four years since the first edition had been marked by the spread of fascism which he condemned unreservedly. He also thought that fascism was spreading in capitalist countries like England, France and the United States. He wrote, ‘There no longer exists today a single antifascist government in the capitalist world. There exist only fascist capitalist governments and the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics.’35 Finally, Briffault claimed that the future belonged to the masses who would not put up with injustice forever and would, in the end, make a socialist world. He prophesied that out of a cataclysmic war, a new, better world would emerge.

"Also in the convalescent period, Bose wrote on his travels and on politics. Among his articles was “The Secret of Abyssinia and Its Lesson”, prepared for the Modern Review and published in November 1935. Drawing heavily on British journals, he recounted the history of the Italian conquest. He did condemn the Italians—though not with the bluntness that Nehru did in his articles of that time—but he also wanted to get his digs in at British imperialists who denounced the Italians, but did not carry through with any meaningful steps to stop the Italian advance. As for the lessons that Bose was prepared to draw, the first one was that:

"…in the 20th century a nation can hope to be free only if it is strong, from a physical and military point of view, and is able to acquire all the knowledge which modem science can impart…The Orient has succumbed bit by bit to the…Occident,…because it has refused to keep abreast of the march of human and scientific progress, especially in the art of warfare. India and Burma…have suffered for this reason.36"

"The second lesson had to do with the long-term fate of imperialism, and here Bose may have drawn on Briffault: 

"Abyssinia will go down fighting, but she will stir the conscience of the world…throughout the world of coloured races there will be a new consciousness. The consciousness will herald the dawn of a new life among the suppressed nations. All imperialists are feeling uneasy about this…There are two ways in which Imperialism may come to an end—either through an overthrow by an anti-imperialist agency or through an internecine struggle among the imperialists themselves. If the second course is furthered by the growth of Italian Imperialism, then Abyssinia will not have suffered in vain.37"
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" ... When he sought a visa for the Soviet Union, however, one of the places he most wished to see, his application was denied. He saw the long hand of British diplomacy at work and believed that the Russians wanted to improve relations with Britain and so obliged the British by keeping him out of the homeland of the international communist conspiracy. ... "

" ... Bose put together his program omitting the Soviet Union. He went to Prague and met President Benes and then went on to Berlin in early 1936, arriving in time to attend the celebration in mid-February of the Congress Jubilee by the Indian Students’ Association of Berlin, and noted in his address that ‘Since the new regime had come into power in Germany, the position of Indians considerably worsened.’38 Shortly after Bose visited Berlin, Hitler made a speech which contained some anti-Indian and anti-Asian remarks that aroused protests in India and Europe. Bose, of course, was incensed, and wanted a strong response from the Indian Students’ Federation in Europe. Some in the organisation did not want to do this for they thought it would further harm the position of Indians in Germany. Bose differed. He thought that such a strong answer would help the Indians rather than harm them, and he now believed that there should be some boycott of German goods in India."

"After a three-week stay in Antwerp and a few days in Paris, Bose was determined to go to Ireland. Although his passport was not stamped valid for Great Britain, he had received permission from the Irish government of Eamon de Valera for a visit, and so as to avoid trouble with the British immigration authorities, he sailed from Le Havre directly to Ireland and returned the same way. Bose sailed to Cork, where his first act was to pay homage at the grave of Terrence MacSwinney, who died a martyr in a British prison, and was a member of Bose’s personal pantheon of heroes.

"Bose was most eager to see President de Valera and to get a sense of the political situation in Ireland. Perhaps because the Irish had been struggling for so long with the British, Bose felt a kinship with them that was stronger than he felt for any other foreign people. For their part, the Irish also felt a connection to the Indian nationalists fighting for complete independence from the British Raj, and so reciprocated Bose’s warmth.

"President de Valera held not merely one, but three meetings with Bose. First he greeted him at Government Buildings in his capacity as minister of external affairs, viewing Bose ‘…as something like an “envoy” of a friendly nation”.39 Then he met him at an informal tea held by the Fianna Fail Party, and finally, invited Bose to a private dinner at his house outside Dublin. It is reported that de Valera cautioned Bose that the British could not be met head-on in battle, and perhaps based on his own experience of leaving Ireland at a crucial moment, warned Bose that by staying outside one’s country, one got rhetorical support, nothing more. This advice was sobering to Bose, who knew the British would not leave easily and that there were limits in what he could accomplish for India from outside.

"In addition to President de Valera, Bose met with leaders of other political parties, with cultural and labour spokesmen and women, and also met with ministers of a functioning government coping with serious post-independence problems. He said of his meetings with the Fianna Fail ministers: 

"Most of them had been on the run when they were fighting for their freedom and would be shot on sight if they had been spotted. They had not yet (become) hardened bureaucratic ministers and there was no official atmosphere about them. With the minister for lands I discussed how they were abolishing landlordism by buying up the big estates and dividing the land among the peasantry. With the minister for agriculture I discussed how they were trying to make the country self-sufficient in the matter of food supply.…also in industry…I found that the work of the Fianna Fail ministers was of interest and value to us in India when we would have to tackle the problems of nation building through the machinery of the state.40"

"The trip to Ireland was a highlight of Bose’s European years. He was treated as an eminent representative of a great country engaged in a struggle with the same empire from which the Irish, or some of them, had fought their way out. Further, he and de Valera, two determined anti-British Empire men, shared a number of perspectives. Both took pride in their national languages and culture; both were connected to political movements for complete independence that had become increasingly radical and used ever more extreme means; de Valera was dedicated, as was Bose, to an independent republic and believed that dominion status was not freedom. Both had been in and out of British prisons and de Valera had struggled manfully against the partition of his country, while Bose already recognised the divisive policies of the Raj which he believed had made for the religious cleavage in India. Bose, then about thirty-nine years old and a top leader of the Congress below the Mahatma, looked to the fifty-four-year-old de Valera as a guide in his own search for the path to the future of freedom, unity and justice.
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"From Ireland, Bose returned to France and spent a few days in Paris meeting political and cultural leaders, including Andre Gide and André Malraux. He also attended an anti-imperialist conference with members of the League against Imperialism. Speaking to this group, Bose made one of his most internationalist and socialist speeches, linking the cause in India to the struggle against Western and Japanese imperialism around the world. In part, he said: 

"…there is a growing feeling in India that the anti-imperialist movement there should be linked up with the anti-imperialist movement in other parts of the world. Modern communications have made it easier to establish this contact…it is generally recognised in India that political phenomena like imperialism and fascism affect all humanity. Therefore, we believe that if we lay India’s case before the world, we shall get sympathy and support from all over the world…It is necessary for us to think of the means of preventing the growth of Japanese imperialism in Asia. If tomorrow China could be strong and united, if tomorrow India could be free, I am sure it would…serve to check the spread of Japanese imperialism.41"

"To this group, he made a more direct condemnation of imperialism and fascism around the world than he usually made. When he spoke of socialism, he did not speak of a higher synthesis of elements of fascism and socialism: ‘Our movement aims not only at national liberation, but also at social freedom…people are beginning to think more on the social question—we are moving in the direction of socialism’.42"

" ... During late 1935 and early 1936, Bose had many occasions to visit with Jawaharlal Nehru, and may have been coming closer to Nehru’s views on anti-imperialism and socialism. At least the Paris speech has great similarity with the outlook of Nehru who had often addressed the same group. Just before the Paris speech, Bose wrote to Nehru: 

"Among the front rank leaders of today, you are the only one to whom we can look up to for leading the Congress in a progressive direction. Moreover, your position is unique and I think that even Mahatma Gandhi will be more accommodating towards you than towards anybody else. I earnestly hope you will fully utilise the strength of your public position in making decisions. Please do not consider your position to be weaker than it really is. Gandhi will never take a stand which will alienate you.43"

While their actions, not words, show the older two to have been more politicians, here's another evidence that the younger Subhash Chandra Bose was thnker, honest, clear hearted and true to his devotion to India; this, visible to everyone he met, must have been what earned him sincere respect, such tremendous following, and helped his cause later, even when nations other than India were involved. 
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" ... Writing to Jawaharlal on 13 March, 1936, Bose reported that he had just received an express letter from the British Consul at Vienna communicating the warning “that the Government of India have seen in the press statements that you propose to return to India this month and the Government of India desire to make it clear to you that should you do so you cannot expect to remain at liberty”. Bose commented: ‘My inclination at the moment as you can very well imagine from your own reactions—is to defy the warning and go home.’44 Nehru responded as Bose probably expected that he would, for they shared a fierce nationalist pride, which would not allow either to bow to such British strictures. Nehru replied, ‘You cannot submit to indefinite exile.’45 Bose decided to end his exile, at whatever cost."

"He had toured most of Europe, west of the Soviet Union and had met leaders and important figures in many countries. He had dedicated himself to the crucial task of helping Indian students, assisting the growth of student organisations, and encouraging bi-national cultural organisations, and had discussed economic relations with businessmen, industrialists, and political leaders. ... "

" ... Neither these powerful dictators, nor the more democratic leaders like de Valera or Benes could free India. What could? Bose knew that there was no alternative to building a strong, determined and widely-based movement within India. But he also wanted to be ready to take advantage of some weakening of the British Raj, which might occur if there was a new war. Bose had no love for Nazi Germany, as his many protests against their racism and treatment of Indians make clear, but he thought Hitler was reconstructing a potent and aggressive nation which could match the British and, perhaps, even break them. He, like the Irish nationalists whom he admired, and like Indian nationalists before him during a previous war, was poised to take what the world situation had to offer. ... "
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"When the S.S. Cante Verde docked in Bombay on 8 April, 1936, Subhas Bose was immediately arrested, and faced another indefinite term of imprisonment. The protests had started even before he had returned, for he himself had written to the British and Indian press attacking the caution from the British Consul, and had sent copies of the warning far and wide. Nehru and the Congress, many Indian papers, and British politicians and papers as well, condemned the summary rearrest and incarceration of Bose."
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May 10, 2022 - May 10, 2022. 
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8.​ Deshanayak [Leader of the Country], 1936–39 
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Here, with a third of the book through, Gordon quotes the Nobel laureate poet of India from Bengal - 

"As Bengal’s poet, I acknowledge you today as the honoured leader of the people of Bengal. 

"—Rabindranath Tagore to Subhas Bose, 1939"1"

And its a pleasure to know that he was where the title bestowed on Subhash Chandra Bose originates, especially if one is familiar with his poetry in the original. 
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"After his release from detention on 27 July, 1935, Sarat Bose had to pick up the pieces of his familial, professional and political life. The resumption of his professional work was pressing, for his family, including Subhas, had been living parsimoniously without his handsome income. The marriage of his daughter, Meera was being arranged at considerable expense, Asoke was continuing his training abroad, and the other children still needed support in school. Briefs were not wanting for a barrister of Sarat’s stature and soon his professional career was thriving again after a three-and-a-half-year respite."

" ... Sarat Bose became the acting president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee and shortly thereafter, the most important selector of Congress candidates for Corporation and Bengal legislative positions.

"In December 1935, Sarat Bose presided over the Ramakrishna Paramhamsa Centenary meeting held in Albert Hall. He spoke of Ramakrishna’s teaching of the unity of all religions as providing different paths to the one God. Ramakrishna, he said, had revived India’s faith in its spiritual inheritance at a time when the West seemed more glamorous. ... "

Here, again, author remarks about Sharat Chandra Bose being Hindu; which, in the context, is only relevant if seen from Abrahamic point of view, which is bound by creed to denounce every spiritual reality not in the crosshairs of its own one point view; and Gordon is constantly out to remind one that he isn't admiring India or Hindus no matter what, that he's on the dime of every invader of every Abrahamic creed, even though his own - Abrahamic-I - was persecuted for most of recent two millennia by Abrahamic-II and most of later fourteen centuries by Abrahamic-III as well, joined by Abrahamic-IV finally in twentieth century. He somehow must keep reminding readers that, all this notwithstanding, he's siding with them, not with Hindus, the only people who didn't persecute Jews, ever - as proved by the first resolution by Israel's Knesset thanking India for this. 

"After a conference in Poona in 1933 and meetings inside the Nasik Prison in 1932 and 1933, a number of young Congressmen, dissatisfied with the Gandhian and Swarajist approaches of their party, formed the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) in 1934. Their efforts were encouraged by the imprisoned M.N. Roy and Jawaharlal Nehru, and the exiled Subhas Bose, although these three leftists declined to join the CSP. The CSP called for the AICC to adopt a socialist program, wanted organisation of the masses, and advocated a social and economic transformation of Indian society. Though critical of the Gandhian program, they decided to work within the Congress to bring it to their socialist views."

"From the late 1920s through the early 1930s, the Third Communist International or Comintern by its own choice had been relatively isolated from the Congress and the mainstream of Indian nationalism. Its leaders bitterly attacked the left of the Congress as social fascists and wanted to shape their own organisation, free of what they called Gandhian medievalisms. When the Comintern shifted to the United Front line, Indian communists joined the CSP and the Congress, some of them becoming capable trade union and peasant organisers. For the time being, the CSP leadership allowed known communists to enter their ranks. Some visible and some secret communists thus moved into the CSP and Congress organisations to work both for Indian liberation and for international communism."
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"Upon his return to India in April 1936, the political voice of Subhas Bose was stilled, for he was detained by the government. His detention came at a time when most Congressmen had been released, and the Congress president, Jawaharlal Nehru, called for All-India Subhas Day on 10 May, 1936. Debates about his continued incarceration were initiated in the Central Legislative Assembly and the Houses of Lords and Commons in London. Officials of the Raj and government spokesmen in parliament said he was too dangerous to let loose. 

"At first he was detained in Bombay, then Yeravda Prison, near Poona in Maharashtra, and then moved by the government to Sarat Bose’s house in Kurseong in May 1936. Under the same rules, and with Subhas’s “gentlemanly”, but not formal acceptance of them, he was detained there. He was allowed family visitors, upon application, and before long, granted permission to take walks within a one-mile radius of the house. And he was delighted to see Sarat Bose in early June, and then to have the company for some time of his nephews Amiya and Sisir.

"From August 1936 to October 1937, Subhas Bose and Emilie Schenkl carried on a regular correspondence between Vienna and India, each solicitous about the welfare of the other. She was concerned about his health and diet and advised him not to stay up late at night reading, as he was wont to do. At the time she was unemployed and often discouraged, but agreed, as he argued, that it would be cowardly to give up trying. Neither party could or did touch on political matters since the correspondence was censored. The regularity and the touching concern with the small and large matters of life suggest that they had established an important relationship which was to go on, regardless of the geographical or political barriers."

Gordon is determined to not say that they were married, but according to biography of Subhash Chandra Bose by his grand nephew Chandra Kumar Bose, they were; this personal correspondence, not limited to employer and temporary employee sort of communication or even that of a younger person with mentor, has a tone as described by Gordon, that's befits only a married vouple with a stable relationship, neither anxious about intentions of the other, and knowing, accepting of reality of just how little any likelihood of their nearness of future was. 
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"As the acting president of the BPCC, and thus a most important spokesman for the Bengal Hindus, Sarat Bose took up the issue both within the Congress and in the context of the election campaign. He shortly found himself involved in arguments with Jawaharlal Nehru, Congress president, and Sardar Patel, the key figure in the Congress organisation and electoral efforts. In September 1936, Sarat Bose wrote to Nehru that the Congress’s neutral stand on the communal decision was “responsible for the staggering defeat that Congress suffered at the last Assembly elections in Bengal”.2 ... "

"The Congress election manifesto read, in part: 

"The Congress rejected in its entirety the constitution imposed upon India by the New Act and declared that no constitution imposed by outside authority and no constitution which curtails the sovereignty of the people of India, and does not recognise their right to shape and control fully their political and economic future, can be accepted… the purpose of sending Congressmen to the legislatures under the new Act is not to cooperate in any way with the Act but to combat it and seek to end it…3"

"It also contained a strong criticism of the communal decision, declaring it “wholly unacceptable as being inconsistent with independence and the principles of democracy”.4
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"While Subhas initially reacted well to the cooler climate of Kurseong, in the fall of 1936, his health began to deteriorate again and his weight began to fall. Since more specialised tests were needed and adequate nursing care required, he was moved to the Calcutta Medical College Hospital on 17 December, 1936. While talk in Calcutta centred on where Subhas Bose might next be transferred, the Governments of Bengal and India were exchanging notes on the question of granting him his release. The Bengal Government sent a note on 6 March, 1937 to the centre, which said, inter alia: “I do not think, however, that we have any grounds at the present time to oppose the release of Subhas Bose.”5 Officials at the center accepted Bengal’s position and added that they did not want him at the Congress meetings in Delhi, and they did not want him to influence the composition of the Bengal ministry. After Governor Anderson put in his view that Bose should be released; finally, after imprisonments, exile, and detention that had lasted from the beginning of 1932, Bose was freed on 17 March, 1937."

"After his release from government custody, Subhas Bose had to gradually recoup his strength and work his way back into Indian politics. He had lost a good deal of weight and all observers said he looked “emaciated”. He was too weakened to plunge into his usual round of endless meetings and tours. He had to further regain his health and was told that he needed a cool and dry climate for some time. He had a standing invitation to stay with old friends, the Dharmavirs, with whom he had kept in touch since his student days in England, and who had a house in Dalhousie, a North Indian hill station."

"A long-time friend, Khitish Chattopadhyay, had taken leave of the Corporation educational post which he long held and, apparently, had told Subhas of his “peace and satisfaction” in his new position of lecturer in anthropology at Calcutta University, Subhas talked of peace in his own life: 

"Peace, Peace!! I have not found peace yet, nor satisfaction. It is not the lightning alone which lures me, but the darkness as well. It is not the bright future alone which calls, but the gloomy uncertainty as well. If I should fall before I reach the light—what of that? There is pleasure in travelling—in groping—also in falling!6"

"The theme of groping, of struggle, of moving on to the best of one’s ability, is touched on in the titles of his two books, one written before this time, The Indian Struggle, the other yet to come, An Indian Pilgrim. The theme of the lonely quest, an ancient Indian one, was shortly to be embodied in this second lengthy writing project. 
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"While in Dalhousie, Subhas also tried to analyse the monumental clashes and changes in the international scene taking place in the mid-1930s in Europe and Asia. His views were spelled out in two essays he wrote at that time: “Japan’s Role in the Far East”, and “Europe: Today and Tomorrow”, which eventually appeared in the Modern Review. In the essay on Japan, particularly dealing with her invasion of China and the growing East Asia war, Bose showed how the Japanese usually cloaked their intentions, disguised their objectives, and waited for the moment to strike. Though his sympathies were with the Chinese, he also had a measure of admiration—that many of his countrymen did not share—for Japanese skill and aggressiveness, as well as for their string of victories without a major defeat during the 20th century. 

"At the end of his essay, he wrote: 

"Japan has done great things for herself and for Asia. Her re-awakening at the dawn of the present century sent a thrill throughout our Continent. Japan has shattered the white man’s prestige in the Far East and has put all the Western imperialist powers on the defensive… But could not all this have been achieved without Imperialism, without dismembering the Chinese Republic, without humiliating another proud, cultured and ancient race? No, with all our admiration for Japan… our whole heart goes to China in her hour of trial.7"

"Then he drew a lesson for India from the clash in East Asia, “…let India resolve to aspire after national self-fulfilment in every direction—but not at the expense of other nations and not through the bloody path of self-aggrandisement and imperialism”.8

"In the other, lengthier essay, Bose assessed the intricate shifting of the European powers as they moved toward a possible conflagration. He sorted out the European nations into the haves and the have-nots, placing Great Britain, France and even the Soviet Union in the first category; and in the second, Germany and Italy, though the latter had been among the victors in World War I. Bose described Italy’s triumph in Abyssinia and her role in the Spanish Civil War. In the Spanish conflict, he emphasised that Italy had vital strategic reasons for wanting to help the insurgents under General Franco. What he said he could not understand was why there was so much sympathy for the rebels in Britain. He concluded that the rabid anti-communism alive in Britain led them to cloud their minds to what he saw as their self-interest in a loyalist victory. What Bose understood well was that for all his bluster, Mussolini was rather cautious in action; though he abhorred the British presence in the Mediterranean, he would not strike forcefully and directly against the British.

"Hitler and Nazi Germany, however, were another story. Hitler was more unpredictable and at the head of a much more powerful nation. Bose did not grasp the irrationality and ruthlessness of Hitler and he overestimated the diplomatic skills of the French and of Czechoslovak President Benes. Like most of his contemporaries, he had no idea of the real military might of Germany and of the grave military weaknesses of the French and the British. He did, though, end on a discerning note: “… (the) Russian Colossus has often proved to be an enigma. It baffled Napoleon—the conqueror of Europe. Will it baffle Hitler?”9"

" ... In August, a letter from Subhas Bose to a Corporation employee was published in the Calcutta Municipal Gazette in which he said, in part: 

"Nepotism has been so rampant during the last few years that it makes me hang my head down in shame at the doings of a body in which Congressmen have, or should have, a great deal of influence… My sense of fairness as a human being and my conscience as a Congressman revolts at it.…if I have anything to do with Bengal politics—the Aegean stables of the Calcutta Corporation will have to be swept clean … what is happening…is an index of what is going on in the larger sphere of public life in Bengal.… From this morass, the province can be saved only by a moral resurgence—by a flood of idealism—which will sweep aside everything that is mean, sordid and reactionary and will bring back… faith, uprightness and unselfish devotion.10"
................................................................................................


"As leader of the Congress and the opposition as a whole in the chamber, Sarat Bose, of course, aimed his sharpest thrusts at the governing ministers. Nalini Sarker, the finance minister, was a former ally and now a most bitter enemy, for Sarat Bose believed that Sarker may have been the person responsible for conveying information about him to the Government of Bengal which resulted in his imprisonment. Sarker had left the Congress fold, by choice, to become a minister and, once in office, steadfastly fought any change in the ministerial alignment. And he had Gandhi’s ear."

"One of the most sharply debated resolutions in 1937 had to do with a subject in which Sarat Bose was intensely involved, namely, the release of political prisoners. When the Huq ministry took office, 2,304 persons were being detained without trial, and at the beginning of 1938 there were 387 political convicts in Bengal’s jails. Not only had both Boses been detained for years, but many of the “best and the brightest” among the elite of politicised Hindu society, and some few Muslims and also Sikhs, were also detained in Bengal and other provinces. For the Congress side, it was elementary civil liberties that they should all be released forthwith. All detainees were promptly released in the Congress-ruled provinces, whereas the coalition ministry in Bengal began to stall on the matter and act in exactly the same way and with the same rationalisations as the British Raj."

"Suggesting through actual case histories from Bengal and Ireland that officials of the British in both countries had indeed framed evidence against detainees, Sarat Bose said that the secret procedures and lack of trials opened the door to such abuses. Drawing on his legal and political background, he said, in part: 

"…I say, Sir, that in this matter we should only be guided by the fundamental principles of justice. I heard the Hon’ble Minister talk of the “rule of law”. I very much doubted… whether he understood what was meant by the “rule of law”.1…Under his “rule of law” persons can be detained without trial! I do not know to which country that “rule of law” belongs: it does not belong to any civilised country in the world. Sir, we take our stand on the “rule of law” which has been recognised in all ages and in all civilised countries, and that rule is that no persons can be detained without trial before courts of law … The exercise of arbitrary power is neither law nor justice. It is a denial of justice.13"

"But for opponents of detention, the Bengal Assembly was only one forum. Other methods of confronting the Government of Bengal and its ministry included public meetings and demonstrations, articles in the press, and also private negotiations. All of these routes were utilised with Sarat Bose, as acting president of the BPCC and president of the Bengal Civil Liberties Union, leading the way. ... "

"As these negotiations were going on intermittently, Bengal political prisoners began a hunger strike in the Andaman Islands. In sympathy, prisoners in other camps began hunger strikes and Sarat Bose presided over a meeting at Town Hall, Calcutta on 9 August. He asked the strikers to suspend their efforts while he and other Congress leaders negotiated for their release. Gandhi asked that the Andaman prisoners pledge themselves to non-violence henceforward, so that he could work for their release in good conscience. Eventually most of them made such a commitment to Gandhi. Meanwhile, however, there were fierce demonstrations against the Bengal ministry for failure to act more promptly to release political prisoners. A police lathi charge against Congress processionists on All-India Andaman Day did not calm feelings. 

"Slowly, due to popular pressure, the Government of Bengal began to release more prisoners; by 25 August, 1938, all detainees were freed. The Home Ministry laid down guidelines for considering the cases of convicted prisoners and, in time, many of them were released as well. What did not make the government or more conservative elements happy was that Sarat Bose and other leaders of the BPCC did their best to see that released political prisoners found employment in the Calcutta Corporation. ... "

"Many issues brought before the Assembly touched a communal nerve and one of these was the discussion—however brief—of an incident at Rajshahi College which led to its temporary closing. Sarat Bose spoke to support a motion to have it reopened at once. He said, in part: 

"I am aware that there have been some differences, religious or communal, as between the Hindu students and the Muhammadan students there. Now, I desire to make it clear that orthodoxy—narrow orthodoxy—whether of the Hindus or of the Muslims makes no appeal to me; it has never made, it never will… these petty differences, should have been solved by the College authorities or by representatives of Government… with tact and with vision.14" 

"Sarat Bose said that he had offered to go with a delegation from the Assembly to try to settle the issue, but had received no reply to their offer. His tone was calm and thoughtful. Fazlul Huq, however, when called upon to reply for the government, said that “…Mr Sarat Chandra Bose has delivered a speech soaked with communalism from beginning to end”.15"

Huq sounds like present opposition of India since 2014, which brands anything not abusive of Hindus as "communal". 

"After his five months in Dalhousie, Subhas Bose was in better health, if not yet fully fit. He came back to Calcutta in early October and went to Sarat’s house in Kurseong. There, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote to him at length about a variety of issues. Nehru wanted smoother and more systematic work by the BPCC and an end to the factionalism. He wanted a firm and even hand at the rudder, and certainly hoped that Subhas Bose could provide this. At this time he wrote with friendliness, if not closeness.

"Among other matters, Nehru was concerned with Muslims’ objection to the song, “Bande Mataram” from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s novel Ananda Math, and widely used as a nationalist anthem. It was a Bengali, Hindu song which the Muslim League said the Congress was “… foisting … as the national anthem upon the country in callous disregard of the feelings of Muslims”.18 Following Bose’s advice, Nehru arranged to come early to the AICC session that was to be held in Calcutta and discuss the matter with Rabindranath Tagore. Subhas Bose, though nationalist and Bengali, was not dogmatic about the use of the song. Later a song of Tagore’s, which was clearly secular and had none of the overtones of “Bande mataram”, was transliterated into Hindi and used as the national anthem."

This argument has continued, pretending that it's about muslims bring not allowed to worship Motherland; reality is that it translates as salute, not worship, and muslims do salute a million things, chiefly other men; the real objection, which they are unwilling to explain, is about the "Mother" bit, Abrahamic-III being more virulent than Abrahamic-II in branding female as evil originating from satan; but if the image and word had been, a la German concept, "fatherland" and father figure, there'd be far less opposition, while as it is, it's hysterical. 

And this is borne out by the finally fixed national anthem, incidentally chosen by Subhash Chandra Bose and sung first in Germany - it speaks of victory to "God of India's Destiny", and of whole of India (including also Sindh) singing in worship thereof; but it's a male noun in Sanskrit, understood throughout India as such. So there have been no objections. 
................................................................................................


"Even before returning to Calcutta, Subhas Bose had invited the Congress to hold the next AICC and Working Committee meetings in Calcutta. Some Working Committee members were to be offered hospitality at Sarat Bose’s house and smaller meetings, such as those of the Working Committee, could also be held there. After exchanges of letters and juggling of dates, it was worked out that the meetings would be held in Calcutta in late October 1937. Within the same few days at the end of that month, perhaps by chance, large kisan sabha and trade union meetings were also scheduled in Calcutta. So Subhas Bose’s brief period back in Calcutta was an extraordinarily busy one. 

"After Subhas Bose was released in 1937, at his mother’s urging, he lived in his father’s room at 38/2 Elgin Road, rather than in Sarat Bose’s house across the road at Woodburn Park. When he needed to entertain guests, as he occasionally did to encourage Indian cultural ambassadors who were going abroad, he usually made use of Sarat’s newer and more elegant house, where Sarat Bose as well, of course, often entertained guests. 

"Both Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi—the latter with his small entourage—stayed at Woodburn Park with Sarat Bose. Nehru, a fastidious eater who watched his weight and health carefully, is reported to have said about the large meals served, ‘Sarat Bose’s dinners are a nuisance.’19 The more complicated problems involved the Mahatma. He brought his staff and they occupied one whole floor of the house. Gandhi, too, watched his diet carefully and demanded bread made of the finest flour and the choicest fruits and vegetables of the season. In addition, he took a lot of mashed garlic and had thick plasters made of Ganges mud, both of these presumably to combat his high blood pressure. While Gandhi was at Woodburn Park, large, sometimes unruly, crowds gathered outside. Once Gandhi began his prayer sessions, the obstreperous visitors immediately quieted down."

A famous quotation by a well known person of the era to the effect that it took a great deal of pain to keep Gandhi in his simplicity and poverty, comes to mind. 

"One part of Gandhi’s work while in Calcutta was to continue the negotiations for the release of the Bengal political prisoners. He was looking for pledges of future non-violent conduct which he could use as bargaining counters with Bengal officials and ministers. Another, more weighty matter with which Gandhi and his inner circle were concerned at this time was the choice of the president of the next Congress session to be held at Haripura in Gujarat. In a note to Sardar Patel written on 1 November, 1937, Gandhi said, ‘I have observed that Subhas is not at all dependable. However, there is nobody but he who can be the President.’20 Exactly who was consulted and when their consensus was communicated to Subhas Bose is not clear, but they probably talked to him about it before they left Calcutta a few days into November. ... "

So it was known to be a dictatorship pretending to be a democratic process of election, even then? 

" ... Gandhi observed that Subhas was still not fully fit, and, anticipating the strenuous schedule of a future Congress president, wanted Subhas to take further rest, this time in Europe. Before leaving, Subhas Bose took his seat as an alderman on the Calcutta Corporation. Bose called for all Indians to stand together and work for equality and Hindu-Muslim unity. But his entry into the Corporation was only perfunctory. He was not yet back in the saddle. On 18 November, 1937, he left on a KLM plane for Europe."
................................................................................................


"After landing in Naples, where according to his account, he was harassed and thoroughly searched by the Italian police, Bose made his way by train to Badgastein, a spa in the mountains of central Europe with a bracing climate and medicinal bath waters. The atmosphere of this mountain town and the radioactive, warm, mineral waters had a positive effect on his health."
................................................................................................


"He asked Emilie Schenkl to join him in Badgastein and help him with a writing project on which he had set his mind, an autobiography, to be called An Indian Pilgrim. He had gathered some material in Calcutta and asked his nephew Asoke to send him additional information from India. During a ten-day period in Badgastein, Bose wrote out a good part of the planned manuscript in longhand—a manuscript that amounted to more than one hundred printed pages when it was finally published for the first time by Thacker, Spink in Calcutta in 1948. Beginning with his family background, he wrote about his childhood, education, formative influences on him, his years at college in Calcutta, and his stay in England from 1919 to 1921. At the end of these sections, he included a chapter entitled, “My Faith (Philosophical)”. The original plan for the book included a treatment of his life up to the time of composition, and a presentation of his economic and political views on “faith” as well. The chapters covering 1921 to December 1937 were never written, but in other essays written in the next few years, he did offer his political views to the public."

" ... The Indian Struggle had presented his general, objective overview of the nationalist movement. The second book, An Indian Pilgrim, helped to explain Bose’s views and show how he came to them."

" ... Bose describes a number of processes by which he—an Indian pilgrim, a man in search of truth, a mission, a cause, himself—came to find them. He mentions several times how he felt insignificant as a boy: first, he had felt inconsequential vis-à-vis his parents, and later with respect to his older siblings. He also stresses that he was competitive as a student, rebellious, and filled with inner determination, especially after being humiliated."

" ... Emilie Schenkl later reported that during their brief stay in Badgastein in December 1937, she and Subhas Bose were secretly married. In An Indian Pilgrim, Bose places the development of love at the center of human life. ... in advice to younger friends and relations in 1937 and 1938, he advocated free choice in marriage, rather than arranged marriage by the parents of the prospective couple."

" ... There are several stories of when and how they married, including one she related to a Bose family member, Krishna Bose, who wrote in the Illustrated Weekly of India in 1972: 

"Emilie Schenkl says that marriage between Germans and foreigners was not at all encouraged in the Nazi regime. It was discreetly suggested to her that she should break off the relationship. When they… got married during the war they avoided some of the difficulties by getting married quietly according to Hindu rites.22"

If it weren't secret, if there were official records risking nazis finding the documents after anschluss, they'd be risking an extermination camp, depending on whims of any and every official from the lowest nazi up. 

But Hindu rites are valid for a Hindu and an Indian, whether or not anybody else likes it. 
 
Moreover, each held on - although as per then custom and law, he could very well have married, and several times too, with plenty of dowry each time, and made profitable connections setting him up in life and career for lifetime.  

She meanwhile could have married someone else, since a marriage with an Indian was in a questionable zone regarding legality after racism laws of Germany were applicable post anschluss. 

But neither ever considered the option. Emily was free to marry especially after 1945, but never believed he'd died, and never married anyone else. 

If anyone still questions their marriage despite these facts, that person needs to look for a life, after acquiring some sense and a bit of heart. 

Gordon nevertheless questions it, gives different versions by several sources, but foesnt realise that this bit he's included is the clinching part - 

" ... we have a letter from Subhas Bose to his brother Sarat—discovered posthumously—stating that Emilie Schenkl was his wife and Anita his daughter. And we have Emilie Schenkl herself giving testimony that they were married secretly in December 1937. ... "

Why he goes to the trouble, giving offence in the bargain and raising doubts about his sanity, is a good question. Was he paid by per word rate for the manuscript? That'd explain the far too many snide comments, the bits attempting to pull down Subhash Chandra Bose and inordinate discussions about other matters - political chiefly, but persons too - while completely avoiding matters of vital importance for India, such as death of Lala Lajpat Rai and consequences thereof. 

"By December 1937, when Bose and Schenkl were in Badgastein, a war was already underway in East Asia, following the Japanese attack on China. The Germans and Italians had formulated the Anti-Comintern Pact and Hitler was putting great pressure on other Central European countries, particularly those with German-speaking populations. In the face of the Nazi military build-up, Britain was only slowly responding to the threat. Her government, headed by Neville Chamberlain, and with former viceroy Lord Halifax as its leader in the House of Lords, was bent on appeasement. Civil war, with international participation, was raging in Spain."

That last bit does make it wartime, in Europe as well - unless it's the normal convention whereby Spain and Portugal are considered only officially in Europe but informally considered not quite so, pretty much as Balkans are, too. 
................................................................................................


"In 1937, Subhas Bose set out to make his first visit to Great Britain since 1921. As a student, Bose had come to understand both the freedoms and the limitations for an Indian in Britain. In the 1930s, he had been treated as a dangerous revolutionary who would put the government in jeopardy. But now, as prospective Congress president—that news having leaked out—he had a triumphal week’s visit to the heart of the British Empire. There is no doubt that he relished every moment and did his best to speak for Indian freedom. Upon arriving in London: 

"He was accorded a reception at the Victoria Station by several Indians representing the Friends of India, the Swaraj League, the Indian Political Group, the Gandhi Society, the Congress League, the Indian Progressive Writers’ Association, the Indian Colonial Seamen’s Association, the Indian Journalists’ Association Abroad, the Oxford, Cambridge and London Majlis and the Federation of Indian Students Societies… The Station Master personally conducted Mr Bose from the train to his car flying the Congress flag… A press reception followed at a west-end hotel where about one hundred journalists …gathered to meet him. Mr Bose replied to a barrage of questions fired at him… coolly, adroitly, and with the greatest good humour.24"

Since he didn't fly, he must have taken a ship across the channel; wasn't there a reception at Dover, however less crowded? 

"On 11 January, 1938, at a reception in his honor at Saint Pancras Town Hall, with many from the Indian community and also the British Left in attendance, Bose said: 

"India’s destiny is bound up with that of the rest of humanity… the Congress had begun to realize that India’s struggle for freedom, democracy and socialism was part of the world struggle, extending from East to West, through China, Spain and Abyssinia. India could no longer regard herself as isolated.26"
................................................................................................


"In a report in the communist Daily Worker, Bose is said to have linked India’s national struggle with the efforts by peoples all over the world against fascism and reaction, and stressed the Indian support for the Chinese in their war with the Japanese.117 

"In a private interview, Bose was asked about his proposal of a synthesis of fascism and communism. Bose recanted, saying: 

"Perhaps the expression I used was not a happy one. But I should like to point out that when I was writing the book, Fascism had not started on its imperialist expedition, and it appeared to me merely an aggressive form of nationalism…I should add that… Communism… gives full support to the struggle for national independence and recognises this as an integral part of its world outlook.27"

"In all his encounters while in Britain, Bose was soft-spoken but forceful in his views. He generally made a good impression, meeting with many political leaders, and in Cambridge and Oxford, where he met with several fellows and masters. In an emotionally powerful meeting at midnight on 16 January, he met Irish President de Valera, “with whom he discussed the political destinies of India and Eire in detail”.28 The Irish Free State had now become Eire with a new constitution which detached free Ireland to a greater extent from the Commonwealth and made it a republic under a president and parliament. President de Valera was in London to negotiate the return of the so-called treaty ports to his nation. There is no record of their talks, but Bose was certainly not displeased when the News Chronicle called him “India’s de Valera”.29

"On 18 January, the general secretary of the Indian National Congress announced in India that Bose had been elected president of the fifty-first session of the Congress, to be held at Haripura in Gujarat. Gandhi sent a telegram to Bose, which read in part, ‘God give you strength to bear the weight of Jawaharlal’s mantle.’30 Gandhi’s favorite left-wing son had been Congress president for the past two years. Perhaps he thought he had to continue to have a left-wing president, while the rightists controlled the Working Committee and the Congress organisation, and therefore took a chance on Bose whom he thought less “dependable” and less amenable to his control."

Why Congress insists on lying about democratic structure despite open knowledge in public about a Gandhi or a Nehru making all decisions, including about who's to be "elected" president or PM, is a puzzle; do they take it for granted that a lie, maintained in face of publicly known, but not openly acknowledged, facts, is all it takes? 
................................................................................................


"Leaving Croydon by air for India on 19 January, Bose made a stopover in Prague to meet President Benes, then on to Karachi via Naples, arriving in Calcutta on 24 January. It had been an exhilarating two months abroad."

"On 11 February, 1938, together with a Hindi-Urdu tutor, and a large party of family members, Bose entrained for Haripura. Under the general guidance of Sardar Patel, and with a skilful reception committee that had long been preparing for the session, a small city had been built out of a village within just a few months. One report describes this temporary Congress city as follows: 

"…a huge Nagar over an area 3/4th of a mile in breadth and two miles in length accommodating a residential population of more than 50,000 and a floating population of over two lacs, with all the convenience and comforts of a big city, like waterworks, drainage, electricity, telegraphs, post, telephone, roads, etc., was constructed mainly from rafters, bamboos and the date-mats.31"

"Subhas Bose arrived at Bardoli in a special train and was received by Sardar Patel. Then he traveled by car to Haripura, garlanded by villagers. The opening few meetings of the Haripura session were conducted by Jawaharlal Nehru; then Subhas Bose took charge. He was called upon to conduct the main open meeting and also to give one formal and several informal addresses. His presidential address is the lengthiest and most important speech he gave during his career to a truly national audience, including almost all the national leadership of the Congress. Starting from India’s imperial context, Bose gave a description of the strengths and weaknesses of the British Empire and its approach to ruling non-European countries. In his analysis, he linked capitalism and imperialism, quoted Lenin favorably, and praised the British Communist Party. Though he advocated socialism and not communism, this speech and many others of the 1930s demonstrate that he had been influenced by the European and Indian left. In the course of his depiction of the British Empire, he said:

"But can the British Empire transform itself into a federation of free nations with one bold sweep?… This transformation will be possible only if the British people become free in their own homes—only if Great Britain becomes a socialist state. There is an inseparable connection between the capitalist ruling classes in Great Britain and the colonies abroad…The British aristocracy and bourgeoisie exist primarily because there are colonies and overseas dependencies to exploit. The emancipation of the latter will undoubtedly strike at the very existence of the capitalist ruling classes in Great Britain.32"

"Bose urged the Congress to keep up the pressure on the British through mass non-violent struggle at home and active propaganda abroad to present its case to the entire world. He spent a good half of the speech, however, not on the past of British rule or the present struggle, but on the reconstruction and problems of India that would follow the British departure. He insisted that:

"…our chief national problems relating to the eradication of poverty, illiteracy and disease and to scientific production and distribution can be effectively tackled only along socialistic lines. The very first thing which our future national government will have to do would be to set up a commission for drawing up a comprehensive plan of reconstruction.… the first problem to tackle is that of our increasing population.… our principal problem will be how to eradicate poverty from our country. That will require a radical reform of our land-system, including the abolition of landlordism.… A comprehensive scheme of industrial development under state-ownership and state-control will be indispensable. A new industrial system will have to be built up…33"

"Before finishing, he turned to the international context for Indian nationalism: 

"…we should not be influenced by the internal policies of any country or the form of its state. We shall find in every country, men and women who will sympathise with Indian freedom, no matter what their own political views may be. In this matter we should take a leaf out of Soviet diplomacy. Though Soviet Russia is a communist state, her diplomats have not hesitated to make alliances with non-socialist states and have not declined sympathy or support coming from any quarter.34"

"To implement his ideas in the foreign arenas throughout the globe, he wanted agents of Indian nationalism to fan out to Asia, Europe, Africa, and the Americas and attend every international congress or conference possible.

"In his remarks about ignoring the internal policies and forms of government of other states, provided they would assist Indian nationalists, Bose was not completely in tune with the foreign policy resolutions of the Congress itself at Haripura. At this session, the Congress voted to condemn Japanese aggression in China and to call upon the public to boycott Japanese goods, criticised fascist aggression in Europe, and resolved thus: 

"India can be no party to such an imperialist war and will not permit her manpower and resources to be exploited in the interests of British imperialism. Nor can India join any war without the express consent of her people. The Congress…entirely disapproves of war preparations being made in India…35"

Funny, no such denouncing of Chinese aggression against Tibet was ever even whispered by Nehru or Congress, no tear was shed at Tibet bring swallowed, no helping hand for Tibet by raising questions in UN about Tibet by India ever allowed! 

So was the posturing for China a pose, easy when Congress didn't have to do anything such as actually sending military help, or was there an antagonism against Japan in Congress, to which Subhash Chandra Bose wasn't a party?

Why, in short, was China swallowing Tibet condoned without a whisper, but Japan aggression against China considered abhorrent? 

Or is it about outer accoutrements such as a formal communism versus a formal monarchy? Regardless of inner realiries, such as an imperialistic fascism parading under a communist cloak?  One suspects that if it were Sardar Patel or Subhash Chandra Bose at the helm, Tibet might have retained freedom. Or, at least, regained it. And fast. 

"Bose differed with these same colleagues on utilising the help of Britain’s enemies for the advancement of Indian nationalism, and although not unaware of the abuses of human rights in Germany and Italy, was willing to ignore such oppression if Hitler and Mussolini would help him to defeat the British Raj."
................................................................................................


"The Haripura session was carried through harmoniously. When the Working Committee for 1938 was announced, however, it did differ from those in the Nehru years, when the left had more of a presence in the inner circle of the Congress with the Boses and several members of the Congress Socialist Party as members. But now only Nehru and Bose represented the left-wing on its Executive Committee and the more conservative Gandhians held the other places. 

"Although one historian of the Congress movement in this period has argued that the struggles between the left and the right were essentially faction fights with ideas playing only a small and secondary role, there seems no doubt that the leaders of the various groups and factions had different positions on many substantive and organisational issues and in their visions of free India than did the Gandhian high command. The factional fighting severely hampered the left, while the Gandhians, always skilfully guided by the Mahatma, held together, and in the end, came out ahead. Gandhi may have been, as some critics alleged, a Savonarola in modern garb, but he knew how to win the non-violent battle for continued domination of the Indian National Congress. At Haripura, Gandhi sent instructions to Sardar Patel: 

"I think your speech was too aggressive. The Socialists cannot be won over in this manner. If you feel that you have made a mistake, please get Subhas’s special permission and go up to the dais, wipe their tears and make them smile. We ought not to give tit for tat. Forgiveness adorns the strong. Their tongue should not cut like a sword.36"

It wasn't his tongue but his manipulative actions that cut off every path attempted by his firstborn.

"While Gandhi’s team was guided by him with consummate skill, and had as a chief of staff in Patel, a nationalist most adept at political infighting, the leftists tore at each other. M.N. Roy had emerged from prison in 1936 and his small and able following was still with the CSP. Within a year, Roy led his group out and, guided his followers on an independent course. Roy, a man of considerable intellectual gifts, found it hard to take the lead of others. He never followed the Gandhians’ advice to him to “Serve in silence”.37

"With the development of the United Front line by the Third Communist International, the CPI—though officially banned—sent its members into the CSP and through the CSP into the Indian National Congress. Although many of the communists were known as such to their colleagues, they both had an open agenda, to build the anti-imperialist front, and a secret one, to work to gain control of the CSP. If this was successful, they would seek to widen their influence in the Congress itself. Within the CSP, there was a continuing argument as to whether they should allow the communists to work with them in their organisation. The struggle within the CSP was heating up in 1938 when Minoo Masani published the secret memo and matters worsened over the next two years until the communists were banished and CSP severely weakened.

"Since Bose was not a member of any organised socialist group, but was an independent nationalist with socialist views, he did not have to participate in these inter-faction fights. He was also more of a pragmatic nationalist than an ideologue. His speech was greeted positively by Indian communists, and Bose also had the cooperation of the national leaders of the CSP and of M.N. Roy. Though the left was relatively small, the backing of the leftists and of the BPCC where the Bose group dominated, gave him something of a base. ... "

Gordon makes another snide remark here, about bose never developing a solid organisational base rooted in mass following despite being very popular in Bengal and very applauded everywhere else; this is contradicted by facts - Gandhi's opposition to his second term as Congress president was known, but he was elected by overwhelming majority anyway. Gandhi had to use not only non-cooperation but big guns to oust him, and did, so there was no doubt left in any mind of exactly who did what, unlike gandhis usually smooth manipulations. 

"One issue that Bose wanted to pursue was the establishment of a planning committee of the Congress to prepare preliminary proposals for the reconstruction of a free India. Realizing that only someone like Nehru, with his socialist outlook and his ties to the left and the right, could get this committee off the ground, Bose insisted that Nehru head it. Through most of 1938, Nehru was in Europe. Bose tracked him down in loyalist Spain and pressed him to accept. Finally, Nehru agreed. A meeting of the industries ministers of the Congress-ruled provinces was held in October with Bose in the chair. After Nehru’s return, he chaired the first meeting of the Planning Committee which convened in December 1938. Though the official biographer of Nehru has seen fit to ignore Bose’s role and give all the credit to India’s first prime minister, at least Nehru himself knew that Bose’s initiative and perseverence in the matter had been essential. It is one of Bose’s legacies to free India."

His speech at Haripura as president of congress indicates far more number of gifts from him, in terms of policies of free India, but implementation being left to Nehru, with neither Bose nor Patel able to oversee, hugely bungled everything into a caricature. 
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"Though the Gandhians were not enthusiastic, Sardar Patel helped to expedite the Planning Committee’s work. Indian capitalists no doubt felt that plans formulated with ample room for “private enterprise” were better than those that did not make such provision. Gandhi was suspicious of planning because he believed that it necessarily implied industrialisation and precluded cottage industries. Bose and Nehru both maintained that planning could include both heavy industry and small-scale production. Several leading Gandhians, including Patel, had warm ties to wealthy capitalists and were resolutely against socialism. But they wanted to be intimately in touch with developments which touched on the future shaping of the Indian economy, and so went along with Bose’s small steps on this score.38"

"During the AICC meeting held in Delhi in the last week of September 1938, the tensions between the left and the right in the Congress briefly burst forth over a so-called “civil liberties” resolution. The resolution said that some Congressmen were advocating class war, including murder, arson and looting, in the name of civil liberty. Put forth by the Gandhians, it was meant to be a slap in the face to the Congress radicals taking a strong class position on a variety of issues, such as agrarian and labour reform. It read as well that the Congress tradition included support for measures defending life and property and urged Congress governments to pass such measures in the provinces. Bose was presiding over the meeting and, according to Gandhi, allowed all parties to have their full say. When the radicals’ amendments were rejected, they walked out of the meeting. Bose and the Congress establishment remained. Later, Gandhi challenged those who had walked out to permanently leave the Congress if they could not agree to its fundamental principles and to measures passed by a majority. Although there was anger on both sides, the radicals declined Gandhi’s offer.

"Why did Bose not take the radicals’ side more forcefully? There seem to be several reasons. First, Bose was not afraid to challenge Gandhi—as he had proved from 1928 on—but he wanted to choose his issues. The issues that he was most concerned with at the time were those relating to the British Raj and how to eliminate it. Matters of social and economic reconstruction were important, but only after independence would they take priority. ... "

Gordon makes another snide comment here, about his not walking out also because he liked being president. As his later life showed, he was indeed good at organising as well as inspiring, and was honestly selfless; his not leaving at this point dies not indicate a self aggrandising sticking to top, but a confidence that he could achieve more to shape destiny of India from this platform. Gordon accuses him of giving importance to 

" ... making it to the cover of the prestigious American magazine, Time, on 7 March, 1938."

That's Gordon being petty, as usual, to a great person. 

"Jawaharlal Nehru later related that over the years he learned to work with the Gandhians and discovered that they were fighters. These experiences and shared years in prison with some of them softened his doctrinaire differences with them and earned them considerable respect in his eyes. Bose, too, to a lesser degree, learned to live with the Gandhians during 1938. He worked with them closely in handling the Khare affair and in speaking for the Congress in exchanges with Jinnah and the Muslim League.

"The “Khare Affair”, or the CP (Central Provinces) ministerial crisis in July 1938, was a conflict between politicians in that province, between Chief Minister Khare and the Congress high command, and a constitutional tussle between the Congress and the Raj. Tensions within the CP ministry led to Khare’s resignation, reforming his ministry, and then resigning again. Khare, a Maharashtrian, claimed that the Congress high command, led by Gandhi and Patel and his colleagues from the Hindi-speaking regions, were plotting against him. ... "

"Since his emergence from prolonged imprisonment and exile in 1937, Subhas Bose had been president of the BPCC, and continued to hold this position while he was president of the National Congress. In addition, he was involved in the workings and reform of the Calcutta Corporation as an alderman and as leader of the Calcutta Municipal Association. ... "
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" ... What Nirad C. Chaudhuri wrote years ago about Bose and his lack of a firm base was true even for this period of pre-eminence in Bengal and National Congress politics: 

"Subhas Bose as party leader failed to create a solid party himself… Bose had nothing behind him beyond unorganised popular support. He never acquired any strong or lasting hold on the party bosses of Bengal… Thus he was never able to knock his party enemies on the head and was paralysed all along by the factious squabbles in which he became enmeshed.40"

That shows that Subhash Chandra Bose wasn't a politician, unlike - or, rather, completely opposite to - Gandhi, who was first and foremost a politician mire than anything else. 

"A foremost concern, perhaps even the concern of the Boses, at least as far as Bengal was concerned, was the growing communalisation in the province, spurred on, they believed, by the reactionary Muslim League ministry running and ruining their beloved Bengal. Though Subhas Bose had been one of those opposed to Congress entering the ministries, and though Sarat Bose among others had been blamed for the failure of the Congress to make a coalition with Huq and the moderate Muslim Krishak Praja Pary (KPP) in 1937, once the decision of the Congress to accept ministerial office and make provincial governments had been taken, both worked assiduously to persuade National Congress leaders and non-Congressmen in Bengal to allow the Bengal Congress to make a coalition ministry. Otherwise they feared that the communal divide would become sharper and sharper."

" ... severe criticism was offered by KPP leader Tamizuddin Khan who said, in part: 

"…far from raising their little finger to solve the difficult problem of the province the Ministry have been deliberately pursuing a policy that has already made the communal tension far worse than what it was when they assumed office. A false and insidious cry of religion in danger has been raised and this has poisoned the very atmosphere of the country…Intimidation and assault has taken the place of reason and argument.…When will Bengal get rid of this nightmare?41 

"The whole opposition agreed that the ministry was fanning the flames of communalisation for its benefit. They appointed men of inferior abilities they were of the so-called “right” community.

"Sarat Bose, who had choreographed the presentation by the opposition, had the opportunity to sum up for his side. After mentioning and putting in perspective many of the points made by his side, he reiterated his concern about the flagrant use of communal appeal to the Muslims of Bengal by several ministers and other Muslim leaders. He said: 

"Can there be the least doubt that some members of the present Ministry have not raised their little finger against the writers of poisonous leaflets, such as those which have been placed before the House… If they have not taken any action, can they possibly escape the charge that they are responsible for bringing about an atmosphere of violence in the city?42 

"What was happening, he said, was the fanning of communal hatred in Calcutta and the district towns by irresponsible politicians.

"For the Boses, who wanted a Congress-KPP-Scheduled Caste coalition, the matter was complicated by National Congress politics and personal ties and animosities. Gandhi had warm relations with G.D. Birla and Nalini Sarker, both non-Congressmen, but nationalist businessmen who worked both sides of the Raj-nationalist divide. When Subhas Bose pressed Gandhi for a Congress coalition in Bengal, Gandhi wrote to him on 18 December, 1938: 

"I am more than ever convinced that we should not aim at ousting the Ministry. We shall gain nothing by a reshuffle; and, probably, we shall lose much by including Congressmen in the Ministry. I feel, therefore, that the best way of securing comparative purity of administration and a continuity of a settled programme and policy would be to aim at having all the reforms that we desire, carried out by the present Ministry.44 

"This was Gandhi at his sweet and manipulative best, opposing the Boses on a matter vital to them—and they believed to the entire population of Bengal—and allowing himself to be guided by non-Congressmen of a certain persuasion. Subhas Bose replied at length in his blunt manner, telling Gandhi, in part: 

"I hold… that it is imperative in the national interest that we should pull down the Huq Ministry as early as possible. The longer this reactionary Ministry remains in office, the more communal will the atmosphere of Bengal become and the weaker will the Congress grow…45"

At this point, Gandhi’s tactics were probably just to bring bose grovelling to his feet, something he did repeatedly to one man after another. 

This was Gandhi as usual, clipping wings of anyone who could fo better; later, he not only maneuvered to take fiwn Subhash Chandra Bose after he was elected with popular mandate as Congress president, but later made Congress change their unanimous decision to elect Sardar Patel as president leading to his being first PM of India. What's more, he forced Nehru’s government to give away over a million square miles to Pakistan for no reason even apart from Kashmir, supported Mountbatten in persuading Nehru into pro-pakistan decisions against India's interest despite no legitimacy of positions by Mountbatten, and forced the government to give 55 crores to Pakistan while Pakistan was in war against India, having attacked Kashmir. 

"Bose felt that the Congress right-wing was shortsightedly opposing his position. He also realized that even though he was Congress and BPCC president, he was still an outsider to the Gandhi group which controlled the Congress. Gandhi remained “wilfully blind” on this issue and it is part of the Mahatma’s contribution to the eventual partition of India."
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"During the mid and late-1930s, Subhas Bose surely was the most prominent Indian spokesman to advocate “using the international situation to India’s advantage”. In March 1938, he wrote to Jawaharlal Nehru: 

"… there is no sign of any intention on your part or on the part of the Gandhian group to utilise the international situation for our benefit.… I feel that either we should take international politics seriously and utilise the international situation for our benefit—or not talk about it at all.48 

"Differing with Gandhi and his men, Bose wanted to take advantage of the international situation. He advocated issuing an ultimatum to the British, backed with the threat of a renewed non-violent mass movement. Gandhi insisted, and all those amenable to his views agreed, that India was not ready. Bose, unlike Gandhi, did not need to make a survey of the public mentality to determine readiness. Bose was ready and thus he thought he could help organise an irrepressible movement against the Raj.

" ... On 21 December, 1938, Bose met with Nazi official Dr O. Urchs in Bombay, and with Dr F. Wulfestieg.49 

"Bose by this time knew of some of the evils of Nazism. However, in his realpolitik view, Germany was the only power that could stand up to Britain. He wanted to conciliate Germany and India and get a positive statement on Indian nationalist objectives from the Germans. Each of the parties to this discussion listed a number of grievances against the other side. Bose complained of poor treatment of Indian students in Germany, and the continued anti-Indian statements made by German leaders, while the German officials mentioned the anti-German attitudes of Indian leaders and the Indian press.

" ... An Indian revolutionary of an earlier generation who had fled India just before World War I and lived his life in Japan had been, unbeknownst to Subhas Bose, reaching out to the new Congress president early in 1938. This was Rash Behari Bose, whose letter to Subhas, which was intercepted by the British, had said, in part:

"The fetish of non-violence should be discarded.… Let us attain our goal “through all possible means”: violence or non-violence.… The Congress should devote attention to only one point, i.e., military preparedness. Might is still the right.… 

"The Congress should support the Pan-Asia movement. It should not condemn Japan without understanding her motive in the Sino-Japanese conflict. Japan is a friend of India and other Asiatic countries. Her chief motive is to destroy British influence in Asia. She has begun with China… We should make friends with Britain’s enemies… . As in time of war, dictatorship is indispensable, ... "

" ... Jawaharlal Nehru, another Congress leader with considerable foreign exposure and concern, said that, “… no enemy of the United Kingdom [is] necessarily our friend”.51 ... "
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" ... As early as October 1938, Gandhi wrote to a confidant, ‘There is bound to be some difficulty this time in electing the President.’52 The Gandhi group in the Working Committee with Sardar Patel as their spokesman asked Bose to step down and decline to run. Patel and Sarat Bose exchanged telegrams. Patel said that federation was not an issue, insisted there was no necessity for the re-election of Subhas Bose, and asked the latter not to divide Congressmen by running again. Sarat Bose answered that members of the Working Committee should not take sides and that Patel’s proposed statement to the press would accentuate the split in the Congress between right and left. 

"Patel issued his statement on behalf of his majority group in the Working Committee, putting forth Sitaramayya as their candidate and asking Bose to step aside and allow the election to be a unanimous one. Bose declined. He issued a challenge to the Gandhians, stating in part: 

"…the position of the Congress president has been raised to a higher level.… The President is like the Prime Minister or the President of the United States of America who nominates his own Cabinet… questions of policy and program are not irrelevant… after the Congress of 1934, a leftist has been elected as President every time with the support of both the right and left-wings. The departure from this practice this year and the attempt to set up a rightist candidate for the office of President is not without significance. It is widely believed that there is a prospect of a compromise on the Federal scheme between the right-wing of the Congress and the British Government during the coming year. Consequently the right-wing do not want a leftist President who may be a thorn in the way of a compromise… . It is imperative… to have a President who will be an anti-federationist to the core of his heart.53"

"Bose then said he preferred not to run and if another leftist would run, he would immediately quit the race. However, he would not step aside for Sitaramayya. The lines were drawn; the contestants got ready. On 29 January, 1939, Subhas Bose was elected Congress president, gaining 1,580 votes, besting Sitaramayya‘s 1,375."

If Gandhi had nominated Nehru, Bose would have stepped aside for him, and nation would have won. Gandhi did not do so, partly to chastise both and take down one who was capable of standing up to him, as Gandhi’s usual power game, more important to him than nation. ................................................................................................
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May 10, 2022 - May 11, 2022. 
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9. ​‘We Must Sail in Different Boats’: Gandhi vs. Bose, 1939-41 
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"The victory of Subhas Bose in the Congress presidential race came as a surprise to Mahatma Gandhi and his closest colleagues. The leftists throughout India had backed Bose—attaining the high-watermark of their unity in the 20th century. Thus Bose, the much-better known and more charismatic candidate, won through in this round with his 1,580 votes as against his opponent’s 1,375, and was to be Congress president for 1939.

"The victory for a candidate opposing his own choice, however, awakened Gandhi from his somnolence and he issued a hostile and self-accusatory statement two days later. In part, the Mahatma said: 

"Shri Subhas Bose has achieved a decisive victory…I must confess that from the very beginning I was decidedly against his re-election…I do not subscribe to his facts or the arguments in his manifestos. I think that his references to his colleagues were unjustified and unworthy. Nevertheless, I am glad of his victory…After all Subhas Babu is not an enemy of his country. He has suffered for it. In his opinion his is the most forward and boldest policy and program…The minority may not obstruct on any account. They must abstain when they cannot cooperate.4 

"Here Gandhi gives hints of what is yet to come. He says the vote was a defeat for his principles and for the rightist team of Gandhians who had long run the Congress organisation. And it was a sign of strength for those Bose called the “left” and for a program of resolute opposition to the Raj. But even more than these suggestions in Gandhi’s words, it is a challenge to Bose to direct the Congress executive and run it according to his principles and program."

More than anything, that last bit -

"The minority may not obstruct on any account. They must abstain when they cannot cooperate."

- is the key to what manipulative wheel Subhash Chandra Bose was next racked over by Gandhi and his group.

"Gandhi and his men, angry with Bose’s description of them in The Indian Struggle as “tired old reactionaries” who are not prepared for the coming and necessary struggle, were preparing to teach Bose a lesson. On 22 February, 1939, all the Working Committee members—except the Boses—including Jawaharlal Nehru, resigned, leaving the Congress with a president marked for the helm, but without a crew to run the ship. 

"Bose wanted Gandhi’s approbation. He met with Gandhi on 15 February, and thought he would have Gandhi’s support; but having taunted the Gandhians in his book as compromisers, he was perhaps foolish to think they would continue to run the Congress organisation with him. ... "

But if Subhash Chandra Bose and his book were the problem, why did Gandhi nake him a president of congress in the first place, instead of ignoring him and sidelining both brothers? Was it just so he'd stomp on him next and show him who was boss? 

That makes one suspect that Bengali common accusations against Gandhi and congress, of deliberately wrecking and dividing Bengal, aren't without foundation. 
................................................................................................


"M.N. Roy, now leader of the League of Radical Congressmen, suggested a homogeneous leftist Working Committee with himself as the general secretary. Roy wrote to Bose: 

"The significance of the result of this year’s presidential election has been correctly…characterised by Gandhiji himself, he has been defeated.…The Congress must be given a new leadership, entirely free from the principles and pre-occupations of Gandhism which until now determined Congress politics.…[T]he new leadership of the Congress should have the courage and conviction of acting independently even of the wishes of Gandhiji, when these run counter to the objective revolutionary urge of the movement.7"

"While the Gandhi group was determining its course of action, Bose was reaching out to the Congress Socialists, to Gandhi himself, to M.N. Roy, and especially to Jawaharlal Nehru. He knew that Nehru was crucial, for the latter was the one person who talked like a socialist but was trusted by all sides. Nehru later wrote about this time, ‘I decided to devote my energies towards bridging the gulf between the old leaders and the new socialist group.’8 As Nehru explained to Bose: 

"…there seemed to me no valid reason why there should not be the fullest cooperation between the two in the struggle against imperialism. The old leaders were tried men with prestige and influence among the masses and the experience of having guided the struggle for many years. They were not rightists by any means; politically they were far more left and they were confirmed anti-imperialists. Gandhiji…continued to dominate the Indian scene and it was difficult to conceive of a big struggle without him. The socialists, though a small group and speaking for a minority, represented a vital and growing section…9"

"The Congress session for 1939 was held in Tripuri in the Central Provinces, opening on 10 March. Compared to the previous Congress session in Haripura, where Subhas Bose had made a triumphal entry and a lengthy speech, this was a much more sombre occasion. First, there was the dilemma of choosing a new Working Committee. The Working Committee had been scheduled to meet at Wardha on 22 February, but since Subhas Bose had fallen seriously ill, he had asked other committee members to postpone the meeting until Tripuri. This postponement angered some Working Committee members, and helped to precipitate their resignations. For that moment there was no Working Committee.

"Second, war clouds were darkening in Central Europe and East Asia. The Germans were dismembering Czechoslovakia, the Japanese were advancing into China, and Franco’s insurgents had proved triumphant in Spain. Through 1935 to 1938, the British and the French Governments had assiduously followed the policy of appeasement—a policy, it was now clear, was sure to fail.

"Third, Bose recovered only slowly from the serious illness that struck him after meeting Gandhi in mid-February. His doctors recommended that he not undertake the long journey and ardours of the meeting where controversy was sure to erupt. But he ignored their warnings. Feeling he had to attend, he was taken by ambulance, with a temperature of 104° F, from his Elgin Road house to Howrah Station. Gandhi, meanwhile, had decided not to come to Tripuri, though the Gandhians were there and comprised a formidable group. They knew their strengths and they knew Bose’s weaknesses. His support was soft and not well organised; theirs was firm and much better marshalled.

"The crucial conflict at Tripuri revolved around the Pant Resolution, put forward by Gandhian Pandit Pant, that would reassert the authority of the Gandhian position: 

"In view of various misunderstandings that have arisen in the Congress and the country on account of the controversies in connection with the Presidential Election and after, it is desirable that the Congress should clarify the position and declare its general policy. 

"(1) This Congress declares its firm adherence to the fundamental policies which have governed its program in the past years under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi and is definitely of opinion that there should be no break in these policies and they should continue to govern the Congress program in future. This Congress expresses its confidence in the work of the Working Committee which functioned during the last year and regrets any aspersions should have been cast against any of its members. 

"(2) In view of the critical situation that may develop…Gandhi alone can lead the Congress and the country to victory during such a crisis, the Congress regards it as imperative that the Congress executive should command his implicit confidence and requests the president to nominate the Working Committee in accordance with the wishes of Gandhiji.10"

"M.N. Roy and Niharendu Dutt-Mazumdar, among others, offered compromise resolutions in an effort to dilute the Pant Resolution, Dutt-Mazumdar saying that the resolution showed “a spirit of vindictiveness on the part of the members of the Working Committee”.11 Though Bose had some leftist support from the Royists, the CPI, and even some CSP members, they were outnumbered. Pandit Pant spoke strongly for his resolution, as the Indian Annual Register reported, saying that “wherever nations had progressed they had done so under the leadership of one man”, as had Germany under Hitler, Italy under Mussolini, and Russia under Lenin.’ Then Pandit reminded the delegates that “we have Gandhi…Then why should we not reap the full advantage of that factor?”12 All amendments failed and the resolution passed by the Subjects Committee was brought before the open session.

"The left, which had united in electing Bose, was now divided, with some of the left agreeing with Nehru that national unity took priority and Gandhi was the leader of that unity. Bose did not want to split the Congress and was put in a tenuous position to choose a Working Committee “in accordance with the wishes of Gandhiji”."

This was highly illegal, because Gandhi had opted out of Congress, and while Congress played verbal somersaults to keep a pretense of democratic structure, it was also simultaneously doing circus to justify a dictatorship. 
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"Bose went into seclusion with relatives at Jealgora near Dhanbad in Bihar to try to shake off an inexplicable illness which some of his friends attributed to some magical mental effects—and Bose himself to the end maintained that the irregular course of the symptoms showed that there was something “mysterious” in it all. ... "

Is it out of the question that Gandhi's ill will was affecting the young man? Perhaps the perception of illiterate masses in calling him Mahatma had a lower level truth behind it, in yhat he could affect others with a vital power, while outwardly lack of physical aggression and carefully maintained verbal image of non threatening produced illusion of saintliness for those led by words. 

" ... While there, he carried on an extensive correspondence with Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi—as did Sarat Bose, filled with bitterness against some of Gandhi’s associates for the way they had behaved at Tripuri. Subhas Bose reminded Gandhi of the danger of partisanship: 

"People…still have confidence in you and believe that you can take a dispassionate and non-partisan view of things. To them you are a national figure—above parties and groups—and you can therefore restore unity between the warring elements. If for any reason that confidence is shaken…and you are regarded as a partisan, then God help us and the Congress.13"

"Throughout these exchanges in March and April 1939, Bose wrote to Gandhi most respectfully, imploring him to compromise. Did Bose really believe that the Mahatma had no hand in the counterstrike of the old guard against the insurgent Bose and his supporters? ... "

"The letters to Nehru were a different matter. They were blunt; they were bitter, they were often rude and nasty. Bose claimed that he had been respectful to Nehru in the past, “…ever since I came out of internment in 1937, I have been treating you with the utmost regard and consideration, in private life and in public. I have looked upon you as politically an elder brother and leader and have often sought your advice”.14 But when the crunch came, when Bose decided to challenge the Gandhians at the end of 1938, he found that his socialist colleague, the one he called his “political elder brother”, was not with him. Nehru did not view the Congress in the same left-versus-right terms as Bose; he thought Gandhi was the vital heart of the movement; and felt that Bose’s “aspersion” against the old guard was wrong and unwarranted. And he had opposed Bose’s re-election, as he explained: 

"I was against your standing for election for two major reasons: it meant under the circumstances a break with Gandhiji and I did not want this to take place… ... I felt all along that you were far too keen on re-election.15"

Nehru accuses Bose of being too keen on being reelected, although when it came to his own being not elected, he informed Gandhi he'd leave congress, so it's an unfair accusation against someone younger whod worked ceaselessly and suffered far more from British brutality. 

What does come through undoubtedly though is that this letter is excellent incontrovertible evidence that neither congress nor its leaders had democracy after Gandhi arrived in India by invitation of Gokhale - it has always been an autocracy dictated by a Gandhi or a Nehru, and maintained a patently false, fraudulent claim to being a democratic structure. 
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" ... Bose answered that Nehru had lately made no contribution to the left but had become merely a smooth-talking apologist for the dominant right in the Congress. Bose said he was for a “dynamic move from our side—for an ultimatum to the British Government demanding Purna Swaraj”, and could not understand why Nehru was not with him.19 

"He agreed that their approaches to the international scene were different, writing, 

"In international affairs, your policy is perhaps even more nebulous…Frothy sentiments and pious platitudes do not make foreign policy. It is no use…condemning countries like Germany and Italy on the one hand and on the other, giving a certificate of good conduct to British and French Imperialism…I have been urging…everybody…including Mahatma Gandhi and you, that we must utilise the international situation to India’s advantage and…present the British government with our National Demand in the form of an ultimatum; but I could make no impression on you or on Mahatmaji, though a large section of the Indian public approved of my stand…20"

"Nehru defended his approach, but Bose gave a priority that crowded out other concerns to Indian nationalism and to the vanquishing of British imperialism in India. He was an Indian-firster, more narrow and focused in his vision than Nehru. Bose had even fewer points in common with Gandhi.

"Gandhi was a political master. Combining native intelligence with legal training and long experience, he was a formidable opponent. He said he bore no ill-will towards anyone, but he had some anger at Bose, hardly even hidden. Gandhi offered Bose a challenge in every communication from the election to the end of April. What Gandhi was saying to Bose was: show me your team; show me your program; show me that the country supports your approach rather than mine. If you have no adequate team, if you have no workable program, if you have limited support, get out of the way, and let my men get on with my program. In a letter written in April 1939 to a confidant, Gandhi expressed some despair with Bose’s inaction: ‘Resoluteness seems to be the only answer if one has faith in one’s judgment.’21 

"Was Bose lacking in “resoluteness”? Why did he not pick up Gandhi’s repeated challenge and name his own homogeneous Working Committee composed of the ablest among the Indian left? It seems that once the Pant Resolution was passed, he had to do his best to abide by its provisions. He needed Gandhi’s approval of the Working Committee, he as president, might name. Gandhi would surely not approve a committee of leftists opposed to his program. Bose hoped that Gandhi would shift ground enough to agree to a committee half from the right (named by Patel) and half named by himself. 

"A second consideration was that, after the fiasco at Tripuri, Bose had lost faith in many on the left. The CSP had betrayed him, Nehru had done him the greatest damage, and M.N. Roy could not work in a team. By this accounting Bose was left with very few nationally-known and accepted leaders from the socialist tendency of the Congress to pluck for his Working Committee."
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"Just before the AICC was to convene in Calcutta on April 29, 1939, Bose and Nehru met, a meeting Nehru later said was quite amicable. Gandhi also met with Bose just before the AICC conclave, but nothing was resolved. When the AICC met, Bose described his inability to work out a compromise formula with Gandhi and laid a letter to this effect from Gandhi before the assembly. Then he tendered his own resignation, saying, in part: 

"Mahatmaji’s advice to me is that I should myself form a Working Committee leaving out the members who resigned from the previous Working Committee.… If I formed such a committee.…I would not be able to report to you that the Committee commanded his implicit confidence. 

"…my own conviction is that in view of the critical times that are ahead of us in India and abroad, we should have a composite Cabinet commanding the confidence of the largest number of Congress possible… 

"I have been pondering…what I could do to help the A.I.C.C. in solving the problem…I feel that my presence as President at this juncture may possibly be a sort of obstacle or handicap in its path.…After mature deliberation, therefore, and in an entirely helpful spirit I am placing my resignation in your hands.24

"Now Nehru offered a motion calling for Bose to withdraw his resignation. Nehru said that the Working Committee from the previous year should be renamed and the slots of two members shortly to resign because of ill health should be filled by Bose’s choice. In contrast to Gandhi, Nehru maintained that, “…there is no difference between Mr Subhas Bose and Mahatma Gandhi on any issue involving principles”.25 

"The following day, Bose said that he was honored that Nehru had asked him not to resign, but wanted greater consideration for his views about a composite Working Committee than he found in Nehru’s proposal. He did not withdraw his resignation, but made it clear that he did not want to resign if he could work with a more “representative” Working Committee. Also feeling that there had not been a clear response to his motion, Nehru withdrew it. The AICC elected Rajendra Prasad, a prominent Gandhian, to finish Bose’s presidential term."
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"Within a week of his resignation as Congress president, Subhas Bose announced in Calcutta on 3 May, 1939, the formation of a new grouping within the Congress to be called the “Forward Bloc”. He said that the object was to “rally all radical and anti-Imperialist progressive elements in the country on the basis of a minimum programme, representing the greatest common measure of agreement among radicals of all shades of opinion”.28 ... "

" ... In early July, Bose named the members of the Forward Bloc Working Committee, and by early August, the Forward Bloc had a weekly paper of the same name, for which Bose regularly wrote editorials."

Gordon resorts to snide comments about Bose, again. 

"Introduced in February 1939, the bill called for separate electorates for Calcutta Muslims and an increase in their reserved seats from 19 to 22. It also created a labour electorate to which it allotted two seats. It held the number of General (Hindu) seats at forty-six, reserving seven of these seats for the scheduled castes. It also retained the number of nominated membership at ten, and kept the business seats and councillors’ positions as they were. The total number of seats was increased to ninety-nine, but as the mayor and other critics noted, the Hindus, who constituted seventy percent of Calcutta’s population, were to have about forty-six percent of the seats. All the Hindus—and some Muslims and other minorities—rallied against the bill, which aroused feelings of “the Hindu community in danger”.30"

"The bill was debated on 18 April. In his final speech in opposition of the bill, Sarat Bose pointed to what he called the bill’s three objectionable features: the replacement of joint by separate electorates; the perpetuation of nominated seats; and the reduction of the Hindu majority in a city in which they constituted such a large proportion of the population. Arguing that it was an anti-national and anti-democratic bill, he cited many examples to show that grants to Muslim institutions had been rapidly increasing under the old system. In conclusion, he said: 

"The noble edifice that [had been] erected on the foundations of mutual love, mutual toleration and mutual cooperation is now sought to be razed to the ground and in its place a miserable structure is sought to be raised, based on foundations of mutual suspicion, mutual jealousy and mutual unhealthy rivalry.31"

"Sarat Bose understood that his side did not have the votes to block the bill, which eventually passed by 128 to 65. The following day, Sarat Bose addressed a letter to Huq, which was later made public. In that letter he said, in part: It is a measure of the most barefaced communalism…The Bill has given rise to desperation and distrust among the Hindus…This attitude is not only repugnant to all conventions of parliamentary government, but is doing great disservice to the cause of communal harmony.32"

"Despite objections, the bill came into effect the following year. 

"Though the Boses were angered, they did not stop trying to find ways in which to work with Huq and other Muslims. Since 1937, more and more Muslim members in the Bengal Legislative Assembly changed their loyalties to the opposition. Meanwhile, sporadic, semi-secret negotiations with Huq himself also went on. 

"Fazlul Huq, however, could make wildly exaggerated statements. He attacked Hindu officers of the government, and made speeches about the “wicked abuses” of the Muslim community which he said were being carried out in the Congress-ruled provinces. Both Huq and the Muslim League, however, refused to be pinned down when Congress leaders, or even officials of the Raj, asked them for an evenhanded inquiry with non-Muslim League evidence-takers. There were undoubtedly instances of insensitivity and discrimination on the part of some Congress politicians in power during 1937 to 1939, but the claims of extensive repression by the League seem highly flimsy."

"Among other issues that also aroused tensions was that of the release of political prisoners. Huq had been elected on a platform which included their release, but had yielded to the conservative elements in his ministry and the interests of the Raj. General responsibility for the matter was in the hands of the Home Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin, who in September 1938 had set up an advisory committee on the matter on which sat Sarat Bose and another Congress nominee. The Congress members resigned in mid-1939, feeling that the government was stalling, and demanded the release of the remaining prisoners, “whose only crime had been that their country’s freedom had been the dream of their life”.33 

"The discussion had been brought to a head because many of the remaining political prisoners in Bengal jails began a hunger strike. Through the rainy season of 1939, Subhas and Sarat Bose, Gandhi, and government officials tried to work out a compromise; their objectives differed, however. The Boses wanted all the prisoners released; Gandhi wanted a pledge of non-violence and the release of all who would take such a pledge; while others wanted to hold those whom they believed would be disrupters of law and order. Although the hunger strike ended with the Boses playing a large role, the prisoners were not released and the BPCC continued to agitate for their freedom."

Congress now virtually expelled Subhash Chandra Bose, which occasion Gordon naturally picks to make a few more snide comments. 

"Bose now began to see himself as a martyr ... "

Which could have been said of Gandhi every time he threw a tantrum, went on hunger-strike and declared non-cooperation, as he did - all but hunger-strike - when Bose got elected, or as he did when government of India did not force refugees to return to Pakistan only to be massacred. 
................................................................................................


" ... BPCC defied the Working Committee by unanimously re-electing Bose as president. The Working Committee condemned this action, and eventually, by the end of 1939, decided that it had had enough of the Bose BPCC. It dismissed the standing BPCC and appointed a small committee to be the new, ad hoc BPCC. Sarat Bose replied to all the charges, claiming that the central executive was acting undemocratically and unconstitutionally. However, his appeal was made to the same judges who had made the ruling, and who did not intend to overrule their own handiwork. Thus from late 1939, Bengal had two BPCCs: the official or Bose Congress, and the ad hoc BPCC. It was a split that would later have repercussions in the Bengal Legislative Assembly."
................................................................................................


"Through the series of controversies in which Subhas Bose had been involved from late 1938 through late 1939, one prominent figure, the giant of India’s cultural life, Rabindranath Tagore, supported him stoutly. As he explained, Tagore had had his doubts about Subhas, but now, with Subhas besieged, the Poet spoke eloquently for him and to him in an essay entitled, “Deshanayak” [The Leader of the Country]. He wrote, in part:

"As Bengal’s poet, I today acknowledge you as the honoured leader of the people of Bengal.…Suffering from the deadening effect of the prolonged punishment inflicted upon her young generation and disintegrated by internal faction, Bengal is passing through a period of dark despair…At such a juncture of nation-wide crisis, we require the service of a forceful personality, the invincible faith of a natural leader, who can defy the adverse fate that threatens our progress.…Today you are revealed in the pure light of the midday sun which does not admit of apprehensions…Your strength has been sorely taxed by imprisonment, banishment and disease, but rather than impairing these have helped to broaden your sympathies…You did not regard apparent defeat as final: therefore, you have turned your trials into your allies. More than anything else Bengal needs today to emulate the powerful force of your determination and self-reliant courage…Long ago…I sent out a call for the leader of Bengal who had yet to come. After a lapse of many years I am addressing…one who has come into the full light of recognition.37"

This is amazing insight. He'd showed that also in writing a salutary piece about Sri Aurobindo. 

"Privately as well, Tagore had made every effort to help Bose, asking Gandhi and Nehru in late 1938 and early 1939 to accept Bose as Congress president again without a squabble. In December 1939, Tagore asked Gandhi to have the ban on Subhas lifted and his cooperation cordially invited in the “supreme interest of national unity”.38 They declined his advice throughout. ... "

They also declined advice from Sri Aurobindo when, one time, he broke silence on politics after having gone to Pondicherry. Their cribbing response was, why is he advising now when he first go to jail with us? In short, Gandhi only tolerated those he could dominate; rest, he tried to break and made every effort no matter what. 

"At the end of 1939, their view of Bose differed sharply from that of Tagore. Writing in Harijan in early 1940, Gandhi said, ‘I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son…,’ but that he had suffered the “pain of wholly associating myself with the ban pronounced on him”.39 ... "

Seeing how he broke two out of four sons he had, and kept the rest in background but not letting them grow to carve a path for themselves, it's a horror that he says "I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son", and relief that this association ended soon enough that Subhash Chandra Bose could escape the Mahatma! He didn't deserve being broken the way sons of Gandhi were, certainly. Those who did deserve such a treatment were in fact coddled by Gandhi for perpetrating atrocities and massacres, because they never considered him their leader in any case. 

Gordon quotes very imperceptive and denigrating comments by Nehru about Subhash Chandra Bose, and writes in laudatory terms about Nehru being busy because "WWII had begun". 

Considering their later trajectories - Subhash Chandra Bose with his INA not only planting India's flag in imphal but affecting India enough to make British run away; Nehru condemning Japan while British were between him and Japanese army but never saying a word in defence of Tibet, pretending India was a friend of China and bring taught finally in 1962 by Chinese about his pontificating on nonviolence - it's a joke, which perhaps Gordon doesn't see. Or if he does, he's making fool of readers who don't. 
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" ... Although Hitler and his forces were on their way to a relatively easy military victory, the Germans were surprised at the response of the British and the French. ... "

It's difficult to say whether Gordon is stupid or takes his readers for fools. Neither part above is true. Germany may have been vociferous and expressed surprise, indignation and so forth about Britain declaring war, but that was drama; war had been expected. Hitlers plans had been not only ready for several months, but communicated to his generals several months prior to the date of invasion of Poland,  also fixed before that communication conference took place. 

As to easy war, Germany expected that, and was embarrassed - Poland with her outdated cavalry fought back Germany and her tanks for over a week! To quote another author on the topic, it was an embarrassment for Germany. 

"The sympathies of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and many other nationalists were with the Allies against the Axis powers. Gandhi told the viceroy that his feelings were with Britain and from the humanitarian point of view, ‘It almost seems as if Herr Hitler knows no God but brute force.’42 ... "

And yet he wrote not one, but two letters to Hitler, addressing him as dear friend, professing friendship over and over, advising him to take to non-violence and more along the line. Since British did not send it on, we'd never know the reaction in the then Germany, but did the British get a good laugh, it's not known. 
................................................................................................


"On 9 September, the Congress Working Committee held a meeting—an event to which Subhas Bose, among others, was specially invited—and after three days called upon the British to make clear their war aims. They had no quarrel with Germany, but wished to know from the British, what principle of democracy they said they were fighting to uphold, was to be applied to India. Despite Nehru’s pledge of unconditional support, the Congress would not actively support the war effort, unless India was to advance toward independence in the process."

"On 17 October, the viceroy again appealed for assistance, saying that at the end of the war, Britain would be willing to enter into consultation with representatives of the several communities, parties, interests in India and with the Indian princes, with a view to securing their aid and cooperation in the framing of such constitutional modifications as might seem desirable. To the Congress, this statement was most unsatisfactory. Not only was Indian freedom not mentioned, but the Congress, the largest and best organised nationalist body, was given no special recognition."
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"Subhas Bose was not only invited to attend the meeting of the Working Committee, but he was also asked to discuss the war situation with the viceroy, meeting with him on 10 October. Although pleased with the resignation of the Congress ministries, Bose did not proclaim his sympathies for the fate of British and French democracy. In keeping with his views of the 1930s, he wanted to utilise the war situation to India’s advantage. The Congress had to act decisively, he believed, and pressure the British by means of a mass movement to quit India. The issue of a constituent assembly, he suggested, was a secondary one. The main issue was swaraj. In addressing a student conference in early 1940, he said that true patriots had to be wary of a Gandhian compromise with imperialism. He asked, ‘…Why are they thus shirking a struggle?…I presume that they are afraid that once a nation-wide campaign is launched, the control and leadership of the nationalist movement will pass out of their hands.…’ He then urged, ‘The time has come for all of us to dare and act.…’45"

That's almost prophetic, to the letter. Perceptive of British and of Gandhi, of Congress, his analysis and judgment of situation, and people involved, were correct. 

" ... Jinnah for one, was willing to back the war effort only if Britain recognised the Muslim League as the sole spokesman for India’s Muslims. In response to a motion the Coalition Ministry put forth in the Assembly to back the British war effort, Fazlul Huq spoke for the government, Sarat Bose the opposition. Huq said that the Assembly was associating itself with the worldwide abhorrence of totalitarianism and had “complete sympathy with the British Government”. Further, he moved that Britain make it clear that dominion status was to be granted to India immediately after the war, and “…the New Constitution formulated should provide sufficient and effective safeguards for the recognised minorities and interests and should be based upon their full consent and approval”.46 Huq’s forthright support of the Raj and his motion caused a good deal of controversy within the Muslim League camp."

"Sarat Bose offered several amendments: one to indicate that the Assembly opposed imperialistic as well as totalitarian governments; a second to lament the lack of consultation with “the people of India”; and a third that India should forthwith be recognised as an independent nation. In support of his proposed amendments, Bose said: 

"Sir, imperialism even more than totalitarianism has darkened the prospects of human freedom in all parts of this world of ours. Imperialism…is comparatively ancient…[while] [t]otalitarianism is comparatively modern. Totalitarians have all the zeal and the energy of new converts. But that is no reason why we should forget the wrong inflicted on the world by Imperialists and Imperialism…If we hate totalitarianism, we hate imperialism more.47"

That's the best piece one can quote as evidence of the elder brother's correct thought and analysis. 

"Calling for immediate independence and a constituent assembly, Bose concluded with an emotional plea, in which he said: 

"Self-government is our birth-right—the right to feel the Indian sun, the right to smell Indian flowers, the right to think our own thoughts, to sing our own songs, and to love our kind. It is a right which we are not prepared to barter away in exchange for any false promise on the part of Great Britain or any other nation.48"

That's evoking the speech of Lokamanya Tilak and further illustrating it poetically. Would this be why Gandhi disliked the bose brothers, because they weren't his blind followers like other Congress members, but instead were able to recall other, greater spirits of India?

"All of Bose’s amendments were rejected; and the War Resolution of the Huq Coalition Ministry passed in an overwhelming vote. 

"There was, however, one influential dissenter: the most important Hindu and finance minister, Nalini Ranjan Sarker, spoke against part of the resolution and abstained in the voting. Sarker supported the British war effort and the first part of the resolution. He also agreed that dominion status immediately after the war would be appropriate. What he objected to was that a minority community would have a veto over the terms for granting this new dominion, as Huq’s resolution specified. 

"Sarker resigned on 19 December, saying he could do no further constructive work in a situation in which Muslim League interests and a communal orientation dominated: 

"…During…the last six months or so, a significant change has come over the outlook of the Cabinet as well as in the relations between the Cabinet and the party…a communal outlook has unfortunately been gathering force in the country at large…[and] a Council of ministers have yielded place to the rashness and selfish predilections of a large party, which is predominantly communal in complexion and is still obsessed by the power which the ballot-box has given it.49"

But Gandhi had opposed Subhash Chandra Bose when he asked help with dealing exactly with this problem, the increasing communalisation of Bengal by muslims, and instead had advised minorities to adjust! 

Worthy of note, he only said that when Hindus were minority. 
................................................................................................


"Sarat Bose, once an ally, and for years a bitter opponent of Sarker, now welcomed him to the opposition side. Sarker’s resignation considerably weakened the Hindu side of the coalition, and opened the door to new and different alliance possibilities."

" ... Bose thought, like many others in 1940, that the Axis powers would win the war. He did not like their racism, or their totalitarian system, but he had long been fascinated by skill at arms, and the Germans were demonstrating the fruits of such training. For example, he wrote in March 1940: 

"It seems that in modern warfare speed and mobility are exceedingly important factors…besides detailed planning and adequate preparation, energy and vigour are needed to fulfil a particular program according to a timetable. All these qualities the Nazis certainly possess…[and] they have invariably caught the enemy napping and overpowered him without much difficulty…Could not these qualities be utilised for promoting a nobler cause?50 

"In contrast, the Congress Working Committee had failed to act, because Gandhi was the only one who could arouse and lead such a movement, and Gandhi said the country was not ready. In June, Bose went again to Wardha to exchange views with Gandhi. Both held to their positions. Bose began to use slightly different phrases: now he called for a “provisional national government”, and talked of “all power to the Indian people”.51

"As some leftists fell away, Subhas Bose reached out to others, reaching an agreement with the Muslim League over places for Muslims in the Corporation. The Muslim Leaguers were pleased; the Boses were attacked for building alliances with a communal organisation. Bose defended his group’s efforts: “We…do not regard the communal organisation as untouchable…we hold that the Congress should try continuously to woo them over to its side…We regard the present agreement with the Muslim League as a great achievement not in its actuality, but in its potentiality.”52
................................................................................................


"Meanwhile, heated discussions of the communal issue were underway throughout the subcontinent because of the Lahore, or “Pakistan” Resolution of the Muslim League moved by Fazlul Huq and passed on 24 March, 1940. The crucial passage read: 

"Resolved that…no constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic principle, viz., that geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so constituted with such territorial adjustments as may be necessary that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority…should be grouped to constitute “independent States” in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign: that adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the constitutions for minorities in the units and in the regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them…53" 

"From a call for separate electorates and protection of their rights as the largest minority, the Muslim League was now making a bolder and more far-reaching claim: India divided into separate and sovereign regions, “independent states”, if the imperial power withdrew. This resolution, if followed, could mean the division of India. It raised a storm of protest.

"It was not, however, an issue on which the Boses differed from Gandhi. To them India was a nation composed of diverse people, groups and religions that inhabited a certain territory. They did not define Indian nationality on the basis of religion. They would fight against any plan to divide India, unfree or free. The Boses, nevertheless, continued attempts to work with the Muslim League, the Krishak Praja Party and Fazlul Huq. The alternative was the division of the nation into separate camps, even separate nations. Among the critics of the Boses, though, were Muslim nationalists who felt betrayed.
................................................................................................


"In the summer of 1940, while the Germans struck Norway, Denmark, Holland and France, Subhas Bose started a small satyagraha movement which called for the elimination of the Holwell Monument. Many Indians, Hindu and Muslim, objected to this monument to the victims of the so-called Black Hole tragedy in mid-eighteenth century Calcutta. Bose wrote on 29 June, 1940: ‘The Holwell Monument is not merely an unwarranted stain on the memory of the Nawab, but has stood in the heart of Calcutta for the last 150 years or more as the symbol of our slavery and humiliation.’54 On 2 July, as he launched this campaign, Bose was arrested under the Defence of India Act. Having precipitated a satyagraha movement in a time of war, he could not have been surprised to find himself in the Presidency Jail. The Holwell satyagraha was the pretext, but the Government of India wanted Bose arrested, regardless. Many visible members of the Forward Bloc had already been arrested. While charges were pending, Bose was held in Presidency Jail indefinitely. Bose believed that he was to be detained for the duration of the war."

"Bose wrote that he was convinced of three things: 

"Firstly, Britain would lose the war and the British Empire would break up. Secondly, in spite of being in a precarious position, the British would not hand over power to the Indian people and the latter would have to fight for their freedom. Thirdly, India would win her independence if she played her part in the war against Britain and collaborated with those powers that were fighting Britain. The conclusion…was that India should actively enter the field of international politics.57"
................................................................................................


"Of the nations involved in the conflict, Italy (and Mussolini) had afforded him the warmest welcome, but was the weakest militarily. Germany was at war with Britain and the British Empire, but he never had an enthusiastic response from the German officials he had met in Bombay in December 1938. During 1939 and 1940, he sent out feelers to the Soviets and to Japan. In 1939, when his nephew, Amiya Bose, the second son of Sarat Bose, returned to his studies in England, he carried a message from his uncle for Comintern officials. In 1940, following up his 1938 meeting with Japanese officials in Calcutta, Bose sent one of his Forward Bloc colleagues to Japan to seek some response there. After all, Japan was talking of “Asia for the Asians” and had been a haven for nationalists from Vietnam, China, as well as for Rash Behari Bose. Bose’s agent was caught by the British and his mission revealed. Had Bose gained anything from this venture? 

"Bose also wanted to know what the CID knew about him and who was passing information to them. Several of Bose’s associates claim that one night in early 1940, he was given his own police file from Lord Sinha Road headquarters, which he read carefully and returned the same night. He did learn about the untrustworthiness of some associates and relatives. One distant cousin, he learned, was a police informer and gave detailed information on the doings at 38/2 Elgin Road."
................................................................................................


" ... Declaring that he would take only water with salt, Bose began his hunger strike. A few days later, on 5 December, 1940, the detention order was lifted, but the government intended to detain him again when his health improved. His house was to be watched around the clock, but he was not under arrest."

"He went to his home on Elgin Road, staying in his father’s room, where for the next six weeks, he received relatives, colleagues, friends and carried on an extensive correspondence. He was also working out all the practical details of his planned escape from India with as much precision as he could. Agents of the Kirti Party were contacted and several were sent to Afghanistan and two on to the Soviet Union to try to prepare the way for Bose. Mian Akbar Shah, a member of the Forward Bloc Working Committee, came to Calcutta and then went back to the Frontier Province, to work out the necessary contacts. Bhagat Ram Talwar, a young Hindu whose family lived in the frontier area and whose elder brother had been executed by the British a decade earlier, was recruited. Knowing the necessary languages and the frontier area well, he would be the perfect guide for Bose in the journey across the frontier, and out of British India. A small circle of political workers and family members had to be told of the plan, but Bose kept the circle small of those in the know. Months before there had been a rumour that he might try to leave India. He could see the police watch out of his window; he knew of the deceitful cousin and others with loose tongues around him."

Gordon, ever giving undue importance to Gandhi in thus story, writes to the effect that having written to Gandhi, but failed in convincing him, Bose prepared to leave. He connects the bits that aren't - looking at subsequent history, it'd be a pity if Bose were so ineffective and unthreatening as to convince Gandhi and thereby consequently not leave. But he was far larger a persona, not visible to those looking down. 
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" ... From the surrounding web of Boses, he selected a few family members to help him with his plot in its preparation, execution and cover-up. His niece Ila nursed him and was a trusted assistant. The plan that he chose involved a long night-time drive to the Bengal-Bihar border area, and he selected his nephew, Sisir Bose, a young medical student, third son of Sarat Bose, as the driver and to aid with other chores. In the latter stages of his planning, he brought his nephews, Aurobindo and Dwijen Bose, into the scheme, for limited but vital help. ... "

It's uncertain how accurate Gordon is about this, having been close to one part of the family, but general consensus is, not only it was only three - Dwijen Bose and Aurobindo to drive home out, and Ila cover at home. 

"When Mian Akbar Shah came to Calcutta, he and Sisir Bose purchased the clothes appropriate for an up-country Muslim. A visiting card was printed that read: Mohd. Ziauddin, Travelling Inspector, The Empire of India Life Assurance Co., Address: Civil Lines, Jubbulpore. To complete his Frontier Muslim disguise, Bose began growing a beard. Bose had a mole which was noted on his passport as an identifying mark. It had been removed and his growth of facial hair covered the scar. He would leave in disguise in the dead of night, when the police watchers on the corner would be asleep, driven by Sisir Bose in the Wanderer automobile registered in the latter’s name. Sisir Bose had practised for the drive to Dhanbad in the Bengal-Bihar border area where his eldest brother Asoke was employed. He had made this trial run on Christmas day, 1940, and told Asoke to expect an important visit soon. From there, Bose would board a train for Peshawar. There he would be met by a contact and guide from the Kirti Party and assisted across the frontier into Afghanistan and to Kabul. In Kabul, a beehive of diplomats and spying activity, he would seek contacts with the appropriate diplomatic missions so that he could go to Europe. ... " 

................................................................................................


Amazingly, Gordon finds this too an occasion for another snide comment. He mentions Subhash Chandra Bose having consulted astrologers after all this "rational" preparation, and yet quotation marks on "rational" are Gordon's. 

Truth being, not only Subhash Chandra Bose did succeed in escaping despite police watching every move of anyone coming in or going out, but that despite spies visiting, no one knew he'd left, until he was already across border out of Peshawar; if astrology helped, good. 

And anyone attempting to prove otherwise can make a few important decisions of their own lives by consulting a bunch of astrologers and doing exactly opposite of consensus. Such an attempt about homeopathy, by a German research scholar in medicine,  however, ended up convincing her of what "rational" people think is impossible - homeopathy works. 

Story here on, of Subhash Chandra Bose travelling to Peshawar via Delhi, and then on to Kabul, is known, given better in other sources. 

Also, this book is abridged from one that was originally published in 1972, as per preface by author, and much more has since come to light. Far better authors have written on the subject, including the impressive work by Anuj Dhar. 
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" ... on 31 March, 1941, Bhagat Ram Talwar had reached Calcutta from Kabul and gone to Sarat Bose’s house, where he handed over to Sisir Bose the messages and articles from Subhas Bose. Before the day was out, he told Sarat Bose the whole story of the journey, the difficulties in Kabul and the eventual departure of Subhas Bose for Berlin on 18 March. During his few days in Calcutta, he was assisted by the Bengal Volunteers with cash and with a new recruit, Santimoy Ganguly, who would join Kirti Party men, and Frontier Congress passing messages across the border areas into Afghanistan."

" ... When on 22 June, 1941, Germany repudiated that Pact and, launching Operation Barbarossa, crossed the Soviet border, new alignments had to be constructed overnight. ... "

"Although suspicious of German intentions, he and his associates continued to collect Subhas Bose’s messages from German representatives in Kabul and pass them on to Sarat Bose and the Forward Bloc in Calcutta. Soon, another route was found. Subhas Bose gave his messages to the Japanese embassy in Berlin, which forwarded them to Tokyo, from where they was cabled to the Japanese consulate in Calcutta. As Asoke Bose has explained: 

"The Consul-General of Japan used to meet father in secret at our country house at Rishra to convey uncle’s messages to father and to carry father’s messages in reply for onward transmission. Though the Consul-General used to be driven in father’s car to Rishra by Sisir after being picked up from predetermined points, it was apparent that father’s movement used to be closely shadowed by the Police, especially after uncle’s disappearance from Calcutta.68"

"Indeed, the Intelligence Branch was well informed about these doings. By now, certainly, they knew where Subhas Bose was, and could have arrested Sarat Bose at any time. But since Great Britain and British India were not at war with the Japanese, they chose to wait. The contacts via the Japanese consulate went on through 1941."
................................................................................................


" ... In 1941, the Bengal Assembly brought the report in for discussion. 

"Sarat Bose spoke on the report, but went beyond it to give his vision of a future Bengal, shaped by lessons learned from the Soviet Russian experiment with a planned economy and collective, state-owned enterprise. Discussing what he saw as successes in the Soviet Union, he said: 

"What is really wanted…is planned economy in this province…which will comprise not only agriculture and agriculturalists but also industries, finance and currency, internal and foreign trade, inland waterways, communications, exploration and survey of the province, labour, position of women, housing construction, public health services, social insurance, public education, sports and athletics, literature, music and art.69" 

"Sarat’s speech drew the fire of the revenue minister, who tabled the Land Revenue Commission Report, saying, ‘It is not the first time that we have heard of Socialism and Communism, but certainly earning a big income in the High Court is neither Socialism nor Communism. They do not go together.’70 Arguments ensued over whether the minister had been unparliamentary to Sarat Bose and the day’s session ended in tumult and then adjournment."

" ... Among the points at issue was the removal of control of secondary education from the auspices of Calcutta University—which caste Hindus predominantly controlled—to a new body, one which would have a specified communal membership and be under the control of the government. The whole debate was coloured by communal passions, with the Coalition Ministry trying to wrest control of secondary education from the Hindu establishment. ... "

"Sarat Bose complaining that “communal demands” were put even higher than before. He appealed to Fazlul Huq to have an open mind, declaring: 

"I appeal to friends…to approach this Bill from a purely nationalist standpoint. A new order is coming upon us, whether we will it or not. The new order calls for a synthesis of the different cultures which exist in this land.…Do not do anything which will destroy that synthesis of cultures which is the result of the last few centuries. Do not do anything which will make our children and our children’s children consider that they are Hindus and against Muslims or that they are Muslims and against Hindus. Do not forget that Bengal is our common land for common purposes.…Let Hindus and Muslims today co-mingle and unite in one determined march for the creation of a new order—the new order which will be heralded by the independence of India.71"

"Meanwhile, Fazlul Huq was involved in another, even more important, conflict shaping Bengal’s and his political future. As noted above, he had wholeheartedly supported the war effort and joined the viceroy’s Defence Council. Since he had done so without Jinnah’s approval, Jinnah called for his resignation, a demand with which Huq complied, not only dropping out of the Defence Council, but also from the Working Committee of the Muslim League. Huq was furious and on September 8, 1941, he sent a long letter to the secretary of the Muslim League, which said in part: 

"I maintain that acceptance of membership of Defence Council in no way involves breach of League’s principle or policy.…President’s indiscreet and hasty announcement creating feeling in Muslim minds that we have accepted membership of Council from personal interests or to oblige high officials has produced most baneful consequences.…As mark of protest against arbitrary use of powers vested in President I resign from membership of Working Committee and Council of All India Muslim League.72 

"Huq was and remained primarily a Bengali Muslim leader, and was the most popular mass leader of Bengal Muslims in this period, particularly in East Bengal. Therefore, an alliance with Huq always had attractions for other political groups. For this reason, Sarat Bose had been carrying on private, but scarcely secret, negotiations with Huq since 1937. These talks became more serious in the fall of 1941 as Huq was breaking with the League and Sarat Bose, suspended by the Congress, was no longer bound by its strictures."
................................................................................................


" ... Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in his diary on 11 November, 1941: 

"Today’s papers contained the Govt. announcement that Subhas was either in Berlin or Rome…One of the head warders asked us if this was true and added that it was like Vibhishan leaving his brother Ravana to join Ramachandra! The British Govt., with all its atyachar [atrocities] in India was like Ravana, he said. Probably this represents a fairly widespread public reaction.74"
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"In late November, Sarat Bose’s negotiations with Fazlul Huq finally came to fruition as the old ministry was falling. The new grouping of members of the Legislative Assemblyl [MLAs] gathered at Huq’s house, Sarat Bose wrote out the new agreement, and Huq stood forth as leader of the new Progressive Coalition Party in the Bengal Assembly. On 3 December, Huq announced: 

"It is with humility…that I accept the leadership of the Progressive Coalition Party, which has been kindly offered to me…The formation of this party, bringing together as it does the diverse elements in India’s national life, is an event unprecedented in the history of India, and should…be an augury not only for the cessation of communal strife, but also for the carrying out of a programme for the good of all sections of the people in this country.…It is my firm belief that it is this party alone that can bring relief to all communities…the coalition party of 1937 has…ceased to exist.75"

"On 7 December, 1941, the Japanese struck Pearl Harbor. They also attacked the British Empire and within a day the United States and Great Britain declared war on Japan. The Japanese navy and army assaulted the British in Malaya and so the possibility of the war reaching India was now much greater and another powerful enemy had to be faced. The Government of India knew of Sarat Bose’s “secret” meetings with the Japanese consul in Calcutta, but they allowed them to go on. Just as the new ministry was to be announced—it was said that Sarat Bose wanted to be the home minister—the Government of India moved. 

"On the morning of 11 December, 1941, Deputy Police Commissioner Janvrin appeared at Woodbum Park. Sarat Bose was asked to come down. Orders for his arrest had been issued by the Government of India because his Japanese contacts were considered “a very definite and real danger” to the security of India. Britain, and thus India, was now at war with Japan and, “…it goes without saying…that it would be impossible to contemplate having Sarat Chandra Bose as a Minister…”76 

"Sarat Bose was taken to the Presidency Jail, and Huq went ahead and completed his cabinet without him. Santosh Basu and Pramatha Nath Banerjee of his group were taken into the ministry. The only Hindu leader of the necessary stature to replace Sarat Bose was the Hindu Mahasabha leader Shyama Prasad Mookerjee—a choice that weakened the new ministry gravely because the Muslims, who generally respected Sarat Bose, saw Mookerjee as an enemy of their community. The long-term hopes for Hindu-Muslim amity were dealt a hard knock at the onset of the new government.

"During the first few weeks of the new ministry, while Sarat Bose was in a Calcutta jail, ministers including Huq went to consult him, and the Bengal Assembly voted that all steps should be taken to bring about his immediate release. At the end of the month, the Government of India decided to move him to distant Madras. As the viceroy wrote to the secretary of state for India: 

"It is obvious that it was well to have got Sarat Bose away from here, for from what I gather the restriction on his interviews were of the lightest, and in fact one individual went so far as to suggest that it was almost the case that Cabinet meetings were held in his quarters in the jail!…though I realise the difficulties of local officials in debiting interviews with the Chief Minister…against Sarat Bose’s quota…his contacts with the Japanese were an additional reason for exercising the greatest care in his case.77"
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Gordon ends this chapter, that by any decent author is a thrilling account of Subhash Chandra Bose escaping for not only life but for struggle for independence of India, with a tirade blaming Subhash Chandra Bose for imprisonment of Sarat Bose, and questions if the failure of the brothers was responsible for communal enmity! 

If only he'd read Ragnarok by Ignatius Donnelly, he could have piled on and blamed Subhash Chandra Bose for the Great Chicago Fire! Or even for Ragnarok. As it is, we're surprised he's retsrained enough to not blame him for WWII or any specific invasions by Hitler. 

So far. 
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May 11, 2022 - May 11, 2022. 
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10.​ Axis Collaborator? Subhas Bose in Europe, 1941-43 
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Which idiot suggested the first part of title for this chapter, one wonders. A subject of a repressive regime, treated brutally by their throwing him in prison for years, repeatedly, exiled for several years, not any part of British government - and Gordon seriously thinks he could "collaborate" with Germans? To what, celebrate Hindu festivals? 

There was only a one way street, them helping India, if any transaction were in question. 
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Previous chapter left Subhash Chandra Bose in Kabul, his travel to Berlin covered in short sentence or two; this chapter title suggests that the author's visits to Germany were unproductive. Other authors on the subject, mostly Indian, seem to have done far better. 

Of course, he can do what he did so far, fill in the background  - and he does, here, retracing from chapter title to Berlin. The title, in fact, refers to end of chapter, if not the next chapter. 
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" ... Even as the Luftwaffe bombed London mercilessly, Hitler had an open hand ready to grasp that of Britain if she would agree to a “deal”."

Is Gordon always being contrary, to everyone? 

Wasn't RAF pounding on Berlin, every evening, especially in middle of the dinner Molotov was given in Berlin,  so they had yo hurry to shelter leaving dinner as raid came in middle of it, with Goebbels repeatedly assuring him there was no danger and British would never get this far, so he asked "So why are we hiding here and whose bombs are these that are falling around?"

" ... Once the war in Russia began, Hitler still held up the British Empire as a model he wished to emulate. In early August 1941, he said in his Secret Conversations to a captive audience: 

"The basic reason for English pride is India. Four hundred years ago the English didn’t have this pride. The vast spaces over which they spread their rule obliged them to govern millions of people—and they kept these multitudes in order by granting a few men unlimited power.…What India was for England, the territories of Russia will be for us.4"

If only Gordon read William Shirer! What he quotes above is closer to facts, not to the benign British aspect Gordon presents. 

" ... Hitler promised revival, conquest, greatness, and, at least until mid-1941, seemed to be delivering an uncanny series of triumphs for Germany."

Gordon never even read Upton Sinclair. 
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" ... Bose met with foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, and they cagily measured each other through a long exchange of views. Bose wanted Germany’s help and expressed some agreement with Axis goals, particularly their destruction of the British Empire, but he wanted Ribbentrop to soften Nazi racism. Ribbentrop may not have been used to confronting criticism of Nazi ideology as directly as Bose offered it and he backed away from their racism as applied to Asians. ... "

" ... Before long, the German Foreign Office was moving to create a new structure to deal with Indian affairs, constructing the Sonderreferat Indien, or Special Bureau for India, which was attached to the Information Department of the Foreign Office. Wilhelm Keppler, a Nazi and under-secretary of state of the Foreign Office was put in charge, but the actual work was put into the abler, more subtle, and anti-Nazi hands of Adam von Trott zu Solz. It was felt that Trott could get along with Bose; and he had some knowledge of India. Immediately beneath Trott was his close friend, Alexander Werth. 

"An aristocrat from an ancient landed family and ardent German nationalist, Adam von Trott zu Solz had trained in international law, receiving a Rhodes scholarship to Oxford in the 1930s. Then after living in China for almost a year, he travelled widely, including a visit to Britain on a “peace mission” in June 1939 and then to the United States later that year. With the failure of these missions, Trott decided to join the German Foreign Office to see whether he could help save his country from within the establishment, reaching out to military officers and others who were opposed to the direction that Nazism was taking Germany. His work in the Information Department enabled him to travel to Switzerland, Turkey, Scandinavia and throughout Nazi-occupied Europe. His mission, which he saw as salvaging of the great traditions of humanistic Germany and Europe, was one for which he risked his life."

"Most of the German Foreign Office group felt an intense dislike for Schenkl. For her part, Emilie Schenkl did not like Trott whom she accused of aristocratic snobbery. Whatever the personal sensitivities involved, there also was a strong class bias at work. The Foreign Office officials were highly educated and had aristocratic and upper-middle-class backgrounds. They looked down on Schenkl, a less educated lower-middle-class secretary from Vienna whom they saw living and eating much better than they were in the midst of the war. One woman agent, Dr Freda Kretschmer, assigned by the Foreign Office to watch Fraulein Schenkl and ensure that she kept clear of politics, developed a loathing for Bose’s “personal companion”, as she is called in many Foreign Office files, and claims that the relationship had a very harmful effect on Bose.8 Yet the relationship—which began in the 1930s—continued and deepened with the pregnancy of Emilie Schenkl in 1942. On 29 November, 1942, Fraulein Schenkl gave birth in Vienna to a daughter, whom they would name, Anita Bose. Bose acknowledged his family. ... "

Gordon makes yet another snide comment, about "woman he chose" alienating nazis whose help he needed. Did Gordon expect Subhash Chandra Bose to find a convenient German aristocrat wife, for the purpose of his work in Berlin? Is that normal in US or in West, expecting men to get fresh wives for every trip, however important? 

One recalls Nancy Reagan hanging around with US TV crews, disbelief in reality making her stay on, expecting to be invited for wedding breakfast after wedding of Diana. Would that be failure of US, not having a president married to someone who'd have been invited by the Queen?
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" ... Mussolini had been enraged by German meddling in the Balkans and said on 10 June, 1941, to his foreign minister (and son-in-law) Count Ciano: ‘Personally, I’ve had my fill of Hitler and the way he acts.’10 Hitler, for his part, saw more clearly each day that the Italians were a useless, indeed a dangerous, ally for him. Germany was a military power, while the Italian military machine was a fraud. Bose hoped to get assistance from Mussolini in obtaining the declaration of a free India and went to Rome, accompanied by Emilie Schenkl, near the end of May. The Germans were not overjoyed at Bose’s excursion, but they did not prevent him from going. ... "

" ... However, a new international development while he was in Rome forced Bose to rethink his entire program outside India. This was the German invasion of the Soviet Union beginning on 22 June, 1941. 

"Privately he was distraught, and in a long letter to Dr Woermann written from Rome on 5 July, 1941, Bose conveyed that the “public reaction in my country to the new situation in the East is unfavourable towards your Government”.13 Encouraged by Woermann to return to Berlin and take up his work there, Bose and Emilie Schenkl returned from Rome to the Hotel Excelsior in Berlin. There Bose met with his German instructor, Wirsing, who later wrote that Bose sat “deeply sunken in a lotus position in front of a world map”. Still reeling from the almost-physical blow he had suffered from the German invasion of the Soviet Union, Bose spoke bitterly against Hitler to Wirsing and implied that he might be better off in East Asia.14"

" ... He met with Keppler and Woermann. The latter reported on 17 July, 1941: 

"Bose first spoke in detail concerning the repercussions of the German-Russian war on public opinion in India. The Soviet Union had been popular in India, especially among the intelligentsia…because in India they believed that the Soviet Union was an anti-imperialist power and thus the natural ally of India against England…I told Bose that we adhered unchanged to the intention of a proclamation in favor of a free India…a favorable moment had to be chosen for this…At this point Mr Bose became very excited and asked that the Foreign Minister be told that this proclamation should be issued as quickly as possible.15"

"Some time after his July return to Berlin, Subhas Bose, together with Emilie Schenkl, moved into the former Kempner-Villa procured for them by the Foreign Office, a large and comfortable house at Sophienstrasse 7 in Charlottenburg. Given a quasi-diplomatic status, Bose was allotted special food and wine, along with a car, a special gasoline ration and driver, since Bose himself did not drive. They were provided a small servant staff. ... "

" ... Bose despised Nazi racism and brutality, but he was so set on his one goal that he screened out fascist brutality more single-mindedly than some of the other Indians in Berlin.17

"The Free India Centre was formally instituted on 2 November, 1941, with headquarters in the Lichtensteinallee. From here, by the time the following year rolled in, radio scripts were prepared in English and Hindustani, plus Bengali, Persian, Tamil, Telugu, Gujarati and Pushtu, and broadcast to India by a powerful German transmitter located at Huizen in Holland. About 230 minutes of broadcasts were sent out daily from early 1942. After some dispute, Ribbentrop agreed that prior German censorship would not be applied to Azad Hind Radio. Other materials were also prepared, including monthlies in German, French and English, and a number of books on nationalist topics."

"Since the programs had to be made attractive to Indian listeners, Indian music broadcast by the BBC was re-broadcast together with the news in the various Indian languages and the timings were arranged so that they would be available in India from 11.00 a.m. to 3.00 p.m. daily. The first service was called “Azad Hind Radio”, ... "
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"Bose had been eager for a military wing of the Indian national movement since his own days in the Officers’ Training Corps of Calcutta University during World War I. Bose said, ‘Throughout my life it was my ambition to equip an army that will capture freedom from the enemy.’19 In presenting his case to Nambiar and other Indians in Europe at this time, Bose stressed that the British would never leave India unless they were driven out by force. What was needed was a catalytic force from outside combined with a massive rebellion within India. It was decided that the Germans would direct the entire training program and the Indians would be a special kind of unit within the German army. All men were started at the lowest rank and the Germans were to decide who was fit to be an officer on the basis of merit. 

"During 1942 two training camps were established. An elite special unit (Sonderkommando ‘B’) under Captain Walter Harbich was to be trained at Regenwurm near Meseritz, district Frankfurt/Oder. About thirty of the more impressive of the prisoners and some volunteers from the Free India Centre joined this program. Eventually it numbered about ninety trainees. Harbich was careful and selective in choosing his men. In contrast to the Indian army, Bose insisted that men of different religious communities be mixed. Harbich commented that as a result, ‘the Indians were united in the smallest tactical unit, the section, regardless of their religious profession’, and that “[c]ontrary to…doubts the result was surprisingly good”.20 

"The men, of course, had facilities for their private religious worship, but in the military field they were joined together. In addition to ordinary weapons and riding training, they also had special preparation in intelligence services, radio transmission and sabotage, and some received training in mountain warfare and parachuting. Harbich was particularly skilful at building a positive spirit in his group and he felt that, given good leadership, after his course of training, they could fight with anyone. The soldiers of this unit were attached to the High Command of the German Defense Forces and wore the German type uniform and “on the left sleeve of the tunic was stitched a silken emblem in the Indian national colours with the picture of the springing tiger”.21

"The second and larger training program for the Indian Legion was begun at Frankenberg and later moved to Koenigsbruck in Saxony when the first camp proved too small. There were a number of German officer-trainers, and German translators familiar with Hindustani. A much larger force of about 2,500 to 3,000 was trained there and more intractable problems were confronted.

"Even before the prisoners were brought to Germany, Werth, Trott, Bose and others had visited them in Italy. There Hasan and Swami visited them, starting the recruitment process. The evidence suggests that the recruitment was voluntary, but out of 15,000 to 17,000 prisoners, only about 2,500 volunteered. The rest remained prisoners of war. ... "

" ... Hasan has left a vivid memoir in which he tells of his efforts to win over prisoners to the Legion and the barriers he encountered: 

"Let us suppose there were some people so loyal to the British that they would never join. There were people like that…A few were hesitating to join because they had taken the oath very seriously…They didn’t want to break the oath they had taken over the Gita, the Koran or the Gurugranth.…A major part of them were worried about their families…Another was that they had opposed and fought against the Germans. To join hands with the enemy—went against the thinking of a soldier.22"

" ... One of the German officers involved said that while Bose was not a heavily emotional speaker like Churchill, Hitler, or Goebbels, he had his own kind of charisma. In a quiet voice, Bose clearly explained his political message in a way that the ordinary soldiers could understand and answered their questions. He had the powerful conviction of the correctness of his political idea and was able to address simple men. He did not, like some commanders, sit and drink with these men, but he did move them. Another witness added that Bose did not have the common touch of Rommel, but still he did create a feeling for Indian freedom and its importance among the soldiers."

"Hasan has described the choices available for the training of the Legion and in consultation with his staff, he decided that the best procedure would be to have German trainers and officers. All the men would be considered as fresh recruits, and promotion would be based on merit. Indians were to be re-trained according to German standards and were to be considered part of the German army. Hasan argues that this was necessary, so that if they were captured they would be treated as prisoners of war. They wore German uniforms with an insignia bearing the symbols of swastika and an eagle. Eventually they were to be the army of an independent Indian government, the Azad Hind Fauj. They had to take the oath that German soldiers took, adapted to their special situation, which said in part: 

"I swear by God this holy oath, that I will obey the leader of the German State and People Adolf Hitler, as commander of the German Armed Forces, in the fight for the freedom of India, in which fight the leader is Subhas Chandra Bose, and that as a brave soldier, I am willing to lay down my life for this oath.25"
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" ... Hasan has also recounted how a common form of greeting was eventually agreed to, thus: 

"I set about noting how each one greeted the other. We had the Garhwalis, Dogras, Rajputs, Sikhs, Muslims.…The Muslims were ruled out by their “Salaam alekum” and the Sikhs by their “Sat Sri Akal”…Some people who were supposed to be educated said “Namaskar”, but it was not a common greeting. Then I found that the Rajputs mainly greeted each other with “Jai Ramjiki”. [This]…is the common man’s language…that began to appeal to me…I thought, why not “Jai Hindustan ki”…[then] why not “Hind”?…“Jai Hind”. Ah! that appealed to me.26"

"Another small issue for the civilians in Berlin and the soldiers in training was how to address Bose. Vyas has given his view of how a particular term was adopted: 

"Should we say Subhas Babu? or Rashtrapatiji…or ‘Pradhanji? etc. It went on for a few days, till one of our [soldier] boys came forward with “Hamare Neta”. We improved upon it: “Netaji”. This may sound strange today, because since then “Netaji” has come to be irrevocably equated with Subhas Chandra Bose. "

"It must be mentioned here, that Subhas Bose strongly disapproved of it. He began to yield only when he saw that our military group…firmly went on calling him “Netaji”.27

"Werth, observed, accurately, that it “…combined a sense of both affection and honour…”28 It was not meant to echo “Fuehrer” or “Duce”, but to give Subhas Bose a special Indian form of reference and has been universally adopted by Indians everywhere in speaking about him."
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"Bose worked as hard as he could to see that the Germans understood that these troops were to fight only against the British. But the determination of where they might fight also depended on the general course of the war over which Bose had no control. As 1941 was nearing its end, however, the worldwide situation changed dramatically again with the Japanese strike at Pearl Harbor and against the British and Dutch Empires in Asia. Within days, the British and their Empire were at war with Imperial Japan, and the United States was in the conflict at war with the Germans and Italians as well as the Japanese. By the time the Japanese moved, Bose had begun work in all the spheres possible for him in Europe. With the Japanese conquests in Southeast Asia in late 1941 and early 1942, he thought more seriously about possibilities elsewhere.

"On 26 January in Berlin, a big celebration of Indian Independence Day was held in the Hotel Kaiserhof. The Indian community in Berlin, now mostly working with Bose, and the newly arrived A.C.N. Nambiar and Girija Mookerjee, were joined by German businessmen, journalists, government officials, military officers, as well as diplomats. Shortly thereafter, Bose emerged from behind the screen of “Mazzotta”, his Italian identity, taking an even larger step into the public arena. Although it was widely known that he was in Berlin, Bose had decided not to speak or write in his own name before the end of February 1942. With the fall of Singapore to the Japanese on 15 February, and the rapid advance of the Japanese, Bose decided, in consultation with his German hosts, to speak out. He issued a statement to the press, which he also read over Azad Hind Radio. In part, he said: 

"For about a year I have waited in silence and patience for the march of events and now that the hour has struck…The fall of Singapore means the collapse of the British Empire, and the end of the iniquitous regime which it has symbolised and the dawn of a new era in Indian history…British Imperialism has in modem history been the most diabolic enemy of freedom and the most formidable obstacle to progress…the enemies of British Imperialism are to-day our natural friends…[T]he vast majority of the Indian people…will have no compromise with British Imperialism but will fight on till full independence is achieved…During this struggle…we shall heartily cooperate with all those who will help in overthrowing the common enemy.…The hour of India’s salvation is at hand.29 

"Bose made clear his view that there was a clear-cut choice: the side of the British, or the side of Indian liberation. He had chosen his side and allied with the Axis powers. He did not speak out for their goals and conquests, or ideology. He used his own terms, and emphasised the Indian struggle in the context of a changing world situation. He did not openly criticise the internal politics or policies of the Third Reich or of Imperial Japan, whatever he may have thought of them. He had his specific task: to free India. As he made his calculations in Berlin in February 1942, his gaze was drawn ever more to Southeast Asia and the advances of the Japanese, for he knew that it was there that important developments for Indian nationalism were taking place."
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"For Indian nationalists, the mere idea of “Japan” evoked a powerful response. After all, Japan was the one significant Asian country which had resisted foreign, especially Western, conquest. More than this, in its war with Russia, Japan had proved at least the equal of one of the biggest Western nations. As nationalism stirred throughout Asia, nationalists looking for positive examples and assistance began—from the later 19th century—turning to Japan. Sun Yat-sen spent several years in Japan and then went back to China to help overturn the Manchu Dynasty and to usher in the Republican era. Vietnamese nationalists, foremost among them, Phan Boi Chau, also went to Japan, and took with him Vietnamese students for education and preparation in resisting the French. 

"The most prominent Indian nationalist who went to Japan in this earlier period, Rash Behari Bose, like some other Asian nationalists, came to Japan pursued by the agents and diplomats of the power ruling his country. He found support from the Black Dragon Society and persons friendly to foreign revolutionaries, one of whose daughters he married. Bose worked in Tokyo and did some political agitating, organising an Asian political conference in 1926, an Indian Friendship Association in 1936, and a branch of an overseas Indian organisation, the Indian Independence League (IIL), in 1937. He wrote for the Black Dragon Society’s publication, edited his own journal, and even as a forgotten old man, had connections to the political and military elite.

"In the period of Rash Behari Bose’s residence in Japan, roughly from 1915 to 1945, his newly adopted nation became a world power. Japanese intellectuals formulated theories that linked Japan to all of Asia; Buddhism, after all, had spread from the mainland, and Japan had absorbed other teachings from both India and China. The theories about Japan’s mission in Asia gradually became the policies of the Japanese government. The doctrine of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere was proclaimed on 1 August, 1940, just weeks before the signing of the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy. By 1941, the sphere included all of Southeast Asia to the Burmese frontier with India, and all of the Pacific islands north of Australia and stretching eastward to Hawaii. On 7 December, 1941, the Japanese navy, army, and air force attacked in the southern region—against Dutch and British possessions, and against the United States at Pearl Harbor.

"In their planning, General Hideki Tojo and his associates sought to bring about British capitulation, severing her from vital parts of her empire, including India. They would intensify their attacks on British shipping, grant independence to Burma once it had been “liberated” from the British Empire, and encourage India to rise against the British. These steps, if successful, might also show the United States that its resistance to Japanese demands in the Pacific and East Asia was fruitless. The defeat of Britain would mean an independent India.

"In the second half of 1941, the Japanese worked to improve their intelligence throughout Southeast Asia and India, sending out agents to contact potentially friendly elements in these regions. Although India was not clearly within the Co-Prosperity Sphere, there was a significant Indian minority in other countries in Southeast Asia—perhaps as many as two million, constituting around ten percent of the population (though more in Burma)—amongst whom there was potential for anti-British sentiment. The Japanese also knew that the Indian army was a central element in the defence of British possessions east of India, particularly Malaya and Singapore. 

"By the fall of 1941, the military arms of the Japanese government had stretched to Thailand and Burma. They trained a cadre of Burmese nationalists willing to work in league with the Japanese so long as they helped Burma win liberation from all foreign oppressors. To make contact with Indians in Thailand, the Japanese selected Major Fujiwara Iwaichi, a highly intelligent but relatively inexperienced officer, who became the mastermind of the Japanese intelligence offensive in the region.30
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"When Fujiwara reached the Thai capital in October 1941, he contacted the more politically aware elements in the Indian community and helped them organise themselves for practical nationalist work—almost becoming himself an Indian nationalist as well as a Japanese patriot. Fujiwara worked especially with the Sikh, Pritam Singh, a survivor of years in Indian prisons for political activity, who had already thought of reaching out to the Indian troops in Malaya. The Japanese strikes of 7-8 December, 1941—in the Pacific and across Thai territory into Malaya—now made it possible for Singh, with Fujiwara and the Fujiwara (or F.) Kikan, the military intelligence operation he had organised, to approach Indian troops aiding the British defence of Malaya and Singapore."

"Much like the German blitzkrieg, the Japanese Imperial Army advanced through Malaya, taking thousands of Indian army prisoners, stunned by the woeful defensive planning and lack of resistance shown by the British. Fujiwara, his staff, and his Indian civilian allies targeted this captive audience with a propaganda offensive. Among the responsive listeners was the Sikh Mohan Singh, a captain in the 1/14 Punjab Regiment of the Indian army. Impressed by the way the first prisoners were treated by the Japanese, Mohan Singh agreed to go ahead with the project to organise an Indian National Army (INA). Fujiwara promised to do his best in working out the cooperative effort of Indians and Japanese."

In case it's unclear, that's referring to the racist, abusive treatment they were used to receiving from British. 

"The Japanese raced down the Malayan peninsula. By the end of January, they were ready to besiege the supposedly impregnable island fortress of Singapore, and by early February, they were approaching Singapore from the land side. The expensive artillery placed to defend the island pointed out to sea; anchored in concrete, they were immobile and useless. The defenders were poorly organised and within a fortnight, even though they outnumbered the Japanese attackers, they capitulated. It was one of the worst defeats in British history. Amongst the 90,000 or so troops captured by the Japanese, many were Indians—who they found to be more loyal to their British officers than Indian nationalists had led them to expect."

In work on a related subject by General Bakhshi, he explains that often they were loyal to or attached yo, a specific commanding officer, but otherwise to India, and rarely if ever to British; Gordon above quotes Hassan about why such a small part changed over, because of various other concerns. 

"On 17 February, 1942, the Japanese gathered about 45,000 of the captured Indian prisoners, and Fujiwara, with the aid of a translator, addressed them on behalf of the Japanese. Then Pritam Singh and Mohan Singh, Indian civilian and military spokesmen, spoke to convince the prisoners that the Japanese sincerely wanted to help the Indian independence movement. Mohan Singh wrote: 

"I…asked the soldiers to raise hands if any one from amongst them would like to volunteer to join this force and fight for the liberation of his country. There was a spontaneous response from all the soldiers. Along with the raising of hands, thousands of turbans and caps were hurled up in the air…soldiers jumped to their feet…with prolonged shouts of “Inqilab Zindabad” (Long Live Revolution).31"

"Many of the officers were indifferent—after all, they were loyal to the Raj and to the Indian army, and had doubts about the Japanese and about Pritam Singh and Mohan Singh. Still, a significant number of soldiers and officers joined the Indian National Army."

To the British, no. After all nobody wept Gordon British leaving India when it did happen, and even the migrants to UK only change from the cringing defensive cocoon in second generation, if that. 

"Although Mohan Singh was said to be “a born revolutionary leader and a man of action”,32 he was still a politically inexperienced Indian captain, whose promotion by the Japanese aroused the resentments of more senior officers. By this time, Fujiwara was repeatedly hearing about a Bose in Berlin; although Subhas Bose had not “come out” officially in Berlin, an idealised image of him had impressed itself on the minds of the Southeast Asian Indians. In his post-war memoir, Fujiwara wrote of this period: 

"[A]ll the Indians whom I had come across had a great admiration for Bose, amounting almost to a religious devotion…I reported to the Army General Staff the Indians’ interest in Chandra Bose. At this time, the…German government was reluctant to release Bose from Berlin to go to Asia. At the same time, the Japanese government took a cold and shortsighted attitude towards the problem of nationalist movements in Asia including India.33"
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"Fujiwara urged senior Japanese army officials who had unexpectedly stopped in Malaya to expand the Indian nationalist operation beyond being a mere propaganda and espionage scheme into a substantial revolutionary army, and to bring Chandra Bose, as he called him, to East Asia. The Japanese leaders decided that it would be useful to have a general conference of the Indian movement in Tokyo, called in the name of Rash Behari Bose, but with Japanese backing and approval. It was to take place in the second week of March 1942 at the Sanno Hotel. The Indian Independence League and other nationalist organisations chose delegates to join those of the Indians resident in Japan. The delegates, divided into two parties, together with members of F. Kikan and the influential Japanese officer, Colonel Iwakuro, left Bangkok for Tokyo on 10 March. But calamity struck even before the conference opened. The plane carrying the F. Kikan members and some of the delegates, including Pritam Singh, crashed in a violent storm off the Japanese coast. All passengers were killed. ... "

Explains the story used later. 

"Fujiwara was disappointed by the circulation of a Japanese internal document entitled “Indian Strategem Plan”. His assignment was changed and he ceased being the liaison officer between the Indians and the Japanese army. In his place, Colonel Hideo Iwakuro was named the leader of a new and expanded operation to be called “Iwakuro Kikan”. ... Japanese forces were racing towards the conquest of Burma, and General Tojo said in his message to the Tokyo Conference: 

"The Japanese Empire is determined to go ahead with its mission of destruction of the Anglo-Saxon Power and will not rest until that mission is fulfilled. I want to state frankly that the Japanese Government cannot remain indifferent to the fact that Britain is going to make India the base of its East defence…34"

" ... a much larger gathering of Indians came together at Bangkok on 15 June, 1942, to formally merge the diverse Indian organisations in East and Southeast Asia into the Indian Independence League (IIL). It sanctioned the development of the INA under Mohan Singh as General Officer Commanding (GOC), with the Council of Action as its executive body, with Rash Behari Bose as president and two other civilian and two military members, to have charge over the IIL and all its branches as well as the INA. 

"The conference further passed a series of resolutions asking for clarification of the relationship between the Indian movement and the Japanese. It asked that all Indian soldiers in areas of Japanese occupation be placed under Indian control, that the Indian National Army be accorded the status of an allied army on equal footing with the Japanese army, and that the former be used only to fight the British for Indian independence. Further, it requested that: 

"…the Imperial government of Japan will exercise its influence with other Powers and induce them to recognise the national independence and absolute sovereignty of India.…Indians residing in the territories occupied by…Japan shall not be considered [citizens of] enemy nations…the Japanese government [will] use its good offices to enable Subhas Chandra Bose to come to East Asia.35"

" ... Mohan Singh received Japanese sanction to raise one large division of Indian troops from the volunteers. On 1 September, 1942, the First Division of the INA, numbering 16,300 men, was organised; it would be faced with many problems. ... "

" ... Doubts about the Japanese crystallised with their lack of response to the Bangkok Resolutions passed by the June 1942 Conference of Indians in East and Southeast Asia. Iwakuro was vague and evasive. Fujiwara could not help."

" ... Mohan Singh and two others resigned. Fujiwara was forced to side with Iwakuro. Rash Behari Bose then dismissed Mohan Singh as GOC of the INA and the latter was arrested by the Japanese. Preparing for this eventuality, Mohan Singh had drawn up an order dissolving the INA. The INA and the IIL were in disarray. 

"The year 1942 in which these events transpired was also a year in which the course of World War II shifted. Hitler’s troops were blocked in the USSR and were facing their first Russian winter. The Japanese, after the amazing conquests of the first hundred days, had been badly beaten in naval engagements at the Coral Sea and Midway. The enormous economic and military might of the United States was beginning to come into play. ... "
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" ... Sarat Bose was shifted in late 1941 from Bengal to South India, from where contacts with his brother through diplomats would be impossible and communications to ministers of the Bengal Government would be extremely difficult. In January 1942 he was moved to Central Jail, Trichinopoly, Madras; in the spring of 1942 to Mercara, Coorg; and in late March 1943, to Coonoor in the Nilgiris ... "

" ... Japanese advance through Southeast Asia left them within striking and bombing range of Calcutta. Second, his wife, her father, and his mother were not in good health. Third, there were severe financial problems for his large family when he was not a wage-earner. Fourth, his own health was not good, he had diabetes together with a low-grade fever through much of his term of imprisonment. ... "

" ... Sir N.N. Sircar, undoubtedly tried as well. He wrote to his former junior about the appalling lack of properly organised relief as Europeans and Indians streamed towards India from Singapore, Malaya and Burma. About this, Sarat commented, ‘With the fall of Rangoon, people in Calcutta may become more panicky. I am hoping against hope that adequate steps are being taken to dispel panic and to meet any emergency that may arise.’38 This was about as close to a political comment as he was allowed in his censored correspondence. ... "

" ... Reading about contemporary China was an important element of his wartime education. The relationship of India and China was a concern. Most politically conscious Indians seemed sympathetic to China in her war against Japan. During the first half of 1942, Chiang Kai-shek visited India, met Congress leaders and offered support to their cause. Sarat Bose’s extensive wartime reading on China gave him increased awareness of another powerful force that had to be reckoned with: the Communists led by Mao Tse-tung."
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" ... Faced with a formidable Japanese force on the eastern frontier and with urging from non-Conservative ministers, liberal politicians in India, and the Americans, Churchill agreed to send Cripps to India to try to negotiate an agreement with the major Indian parties. In particular, all of these pressure groups wanted the British leaders to bring Gandhi and the Congress to an agreement so that the forces of Indian nationalism would rally to the Allied side in the war. 

"The prize held out to the Congress was dominion status after the war—implying full independence—with the power to shape an Indian constitution. ... Prime Minister Churchill had excluded India from the Atlantic Charter, convinced that it needed another generation of British tutelage; he had only begrudgingly sent Cripps on his mission. ... "

"Subhas Bose, broadcasting from Berlin, commented on the Cripps Mission: 

"Sisters and brothers…a few weeks ago I reminded you again of the deceit and hypocrisy underlying the policy of the British Government which culminated in the journey of Sir Stafford Cripps to India. Sir Stafford, on the one hand, offered independence in the future, and on the other, demanded the immediate cooperation of India in Britain’s war effort…The contemptible offer was…rejected. This was a matter for joy and pride to Indians in all parts of the world…India has but one enemy…British Imperialism.…I can tell you with all seriousness that these three Powers [Japan, Germany, Italy] want to see India free and independent and mistress of her own destiny.40"

"Subhas Bose left behind him in Bengal and India, mostly in the former, a semi-underground group linking several family members and the small revolutionary party, the Bengal Volunteers or BV. The BV arose out of the 1928 Calcutta Congress and, with the war’s outbreak and Bose’s escape, the group remained devoted to Bose and ready to carry out his orders. ... "

" ... Nehru noted that Bose had parted company from “us”, meaning presumably the Congress leadership, some years earlier. He said, in part: 

"I do not…doubt the bona fides of Mr Bose. I think he has come to a certain conclusion which I think is wrong…because of my past friendship and because I do not challenge his motives, to say anything against him…It is a bad thing psychologically for the Indian masses to think in terms of being liberated by an outside agency.42 

"Nehru had become a steadfast anti-fascist in the 1930s and he remained one. He opposed British rule but would not welcome the help of any foreign power in the liberation of India. To Nehru the fascists—German, Italian and Japanese—were barbarians from whom one could not ask or expect anything positive and human."

This was due to his being attracted to the glamorous theory of communism and what he thought was its perfect implementation in Russia, and later China; he couldn't see behind facade, especially about latter, bring not rooted in reality or in India as Sardar Patel was, and came to regret, but too late, most decisions that were not in accord with the senior colleague. 

"Subhas Bose, however, had left another legacy to his Congress colleagues: the call for a mass struggle against the Raj. With the debacle of the Cripps Mission, and little British interest in conciliating nationalist India to the war effort, Gandhi was making his own way towards a mass movement against the Raj in wartime. As a Forward Bloc leader wrote at the time: ‘Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Working Committee are now following in the footsteps of Subhas Chandra Bose and the All-India Forward Bloc.’43 Gandhi did not want to admit that he was now taking up Bose’s line. ... "

" ... I have made up my mind that it would be a good thing if a million people were shot in a brave and non-violent rebellion against British rule… ... "

Gandhi was, as Koenraad Elst points out, generous with lives of others; this was all the more so when Hindus were massacred in millions. He demanded that refugees fleeing massacre be forced back across the border by government of India, not because India was too poor but because it was against his ideals to let Hindus escape massacre by muslims. 

"Gandhi also had to persuade the devoted anti-fascist Nehru that he would not be aiding the Japanese if he actively and non-violently resisted British rule. ... "

Competing loyalties to British were right here. 

" ... Gandhi and the high command were not prepared for the Raj’s response. The Government of India moved swiftly to arrest the top leadership of the Congress. Some leaders—mainly the Congress Socialists who had dissolved their separate organisation—were ready as the government moved and went underground. The top echeleon of the CSP helped to organise many of those who undertook acts of sabotage—mainly against property such as railway lines—in the following weeks. They were both socialists and nationalists without significant loyalty to any extra-India power. They had failed to support Bose in the 1939 Tripuri dispute, but now they carried out a Bose-like strategy against the Raj, with the sanction, they believed, of Gandhi. This proved to be the most disruptive movement against the Raj since the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930-31."

" ... Considerable property damage was carried out by the rebels and they even took brief control of some local areas including sections of Midnapore district, Bengal, where the nationalist movement had long been well-organised and formidably backed by the peasantry. The rebels declared the “Midnapore Republic” which was destroyed by a natural calamity and fierce government opposition. Most of the thousands killed were nationalists. The Government of India blamed the Congress for precipitating the revolt; the nationalists blamed the British for their refusal to make significant concessions and to promptly “Quit India”."

" ... Whatever sympathies the Bose group of the Congress had for the rebels, one of their leaders, Santosh Basu, was minister responsible for the coordination of civil defence (in addition to Public Health and local Self-Government). Fazlul Huq, chief and home minister, was closely associated with the Raj’s war effort. The eagle eyes of the British officials were focused on the cabinet because the Japanese had reached the outer gates of Bengal with their conquest of Burma. In May 1942, the Japanese bombed the Calcutta area and there were some casualties. The cabinet was linked, perforce, to the repressive measures taken by the Raj in answer to the “Quit India” movement. 

"The Progressive Coalition government was hampered from its inception by the arrest of Sarat Bose. The cabinet was besieged on all sides: by Jinnah and the Muslim Leaguers inside and outside the Bengal Assembly and Council; by more radical nationalists who felt that true patriots should not be associated with the Raj in this way; and by the British governor who did not want this cabinet in office at all. The Progressive Coalition struggled along for about sixteen months, but was brought down in March 1943, when the British governor, having deceitfully elicited a letter of resignation from the mercurial Fazlul Huq, as ever wrangling for advantage, accepted the resignation of the most popular Muslim politician in Bengal."

Gandhi refusing to help against communalism when Bose pleaded, and instead telling them that minorities had to learn to live with majority, was taking Bengal to massacres of Hindus, with Gandhi's sole concern being that Hindus should remain not only nonviolent but die loving the killers. 
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"The BBC announced on 25 March, 1942 that Bose had died in an air crash in East Asia. Bose was deeply disturbed by this report because of the impact he thought it would have on his family, particularly his mother, to whom Gandhi had sent a message of condolence. Later the same day, the German News Agency (DNB) and the Japanese contradicted the news. ... "

"A few weeks after this incident, Bose received the noted Italian journalist Luigi Barzini who published his artful portrait of Bose in Popolo d’Italia on 19 April. The journalist wrote, in part: 

"Bose…wanted…to talk about (the) problems of India.…He is young, talks…with a kind of smiling expression, high forehead, finely drawn mouth, altogether a feeling of superior intelligence, (a) certain ingenuity, a grace of exaggerated adolescence. You could almost take him for a European were it not for the bronze color of the skin.…He speaks…clearly in perfect English…and writes…with a literary grace…46"

Author quotes Count Ciano - 

" ... Mussolini allowed himself to be persuaded by the arguments produced by Bose to obtain a tripartite declaration in favour of Indian independence. He has telegraphed the Germans proposing…proceeding at once with the declaration. I feel that Hitler will not agree to it very willingly.47"

Gordon mentions another meeting. 

"Hitler went on to tell Bose that he would facilitate his trip to East Asia. The Führer advised against an air route and said that he would place a submarine “at his disposal” for the sea journey, which would be much safer. Bose asked Hitler about the declaration for a free India that he wanted and also about passages offensive to Indians in Mein Kampf Hitler did not answer either point directly. ... "

" ... What Bose is reported to have said about the Aryans is not inaccurate and only passionate Indian nationalist remarks are quoted directly. The other remarks are summarised and these views are not in keeping with Bose’s sympathies for Jewish friends in Europe in the 1930s."
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" ... Werth mentions that: 

"Shortly before Bose’s departure the Japanese Naval Command raised objections because of an internal Japanese regulation not permitting civilians to travel on a warship in war-time. When Adam von Trott received this message by cable from the German Ambassador in Tokyo, he sent the following reply: ‘Subhas Chandra Bose is by no means a private person but Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Liberation Army.’ Thus the bureaucratic interference was overcome.56 

"Bose and the Germans did not want to openly reveal his plans. A big Independence Day celebration was held in January 1943—as in 1942—with more than 600 in attendance. Programs for Azad Hind Radio were pre-recorded. Only Nambiar, Emilie Schenkl and some Foreign Office officials knew of the travel program. Emilie Schenkl came to Berlin about 20 January to say goodbye. Bose left a Bengali letter with her, addressed to his brother Sarat Bose. Subhas Bose did not have much of an opportunity to see his newborn daughter. Personally this was a wrenching break, but duty beckoned.

" ... At dawn of 8 February, 1943, Bose and Hasan climbed into German submarine U-180, manned by four officers and fifty-one sailors. It was a bigger sub of the 9D type, and had a special E motor to enable it to go faster. It departed the following day for its long journey through dangerous waters around the British Isles, and south through the Atlantic. Not only were the waters infested with enemy ships and some patrolled by enemy planes, but the U-boat sent the usual radio messages which were in all likelihood decoded by the British. Ronald Lewin, an expert on Allied intelligence in the war, wrote: 

"…his [Bose’s] trip was not so secret as was assumed. Special messages were transmitted to him by radio to keep him abreast of the nationalist situation. Intercepted and deciphered, these told the Allies not only about his presence aboard but also a great deal about the Free India Movement and its membership.57 

"Though it is very likely that the British knew of Bose’s trip from the Japanese diplomatic messages which were deciphered by the Americans and passed on to them, and from their own cracking of the German cipher, the British either could not or did not choose to intercept the submarine. Indeed, it is not clear whether or not they had the appropriate air and sea forces to do so. 

"The U-180 was not closely pursued or attacked and on one occasion, on 18 April, 1943, it sank the British merchant ship Corbis. Everything was done in close quarters and, according to Hasan, everything stank of diesel oil. Bose worked hard, preparing changes for a new edition of The Indian Struggle, and making detailed plans for East and Southeast Asia activities.58

"On 24 April, 1943, they made their connection with the Japanese submarine 1-29 in the Indian Ocean, east of Madagascar. The seas were rough and the transfer took some time. Bose now became a guest of the Imperial Japanese Navy. When he made his choice to go to Europe, Germany and Italy were at war with the British Empire and Japan was not. Had he been in Southeast Asia in early 1942 when the Japanese were on the offensive, he might have persuaded them to push on into India then. A year had passed during which the Japanese had not made moves towards India and were feeling the weight of American muscle against them. Just as Bose was getting set to journey to the East, the Germans suffered their greatest defeat at Stalingrad. The momentum of the war was shifting against the Axis powers. But Bose was now closer to the Indian troops and Indian community who could give him the manpower and material backing he had been seeking for a political-military venture into India from outside."
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May 11, 2022 - May 12, 2022. 
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11.​ An Indian Samurai: Subhas Bose in Asia, 1943-45 
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Once again the chapter title misleads, perhaps because Gordon hates Subhash Chandra Bose and here's the height of glory of what's known of his life, the Asian campaign marching through Burma from Singapore and planting Indian flag in Imphal. 

So, begin as he must where he left off, Subhash Chandra Bose transferred from a German submarine to a Japanese one off Southern coast of Africa near Madagascar, after having travelled around British isles and through Atlantic around South Africa, it's the important part of his saga when he came to light, in not quite full glory but part thereof, for a brief period, only to vanish again. 

Actually, there seems to have been a flaw with the Kindle copy, corrected now, 01:15, May 13th 2022.! So the feeling that chapter titles were mismatched was correct.. 

And the chapter ends with British supposedly accepting that Subhash Chandra Bose died in an air crash, and lifting ban on news, getting ready to publicise INA trials. So the chapter title is a lie from beginning to end. 
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"Once Bose and Hasan climbed out of their small rubber dinghy and into the large Japanese submarine I-29, bigger than the German submarine, not only could they enjoy the increased space, but “…we did feel that we had come back to an Asian nation…it was something akin to a homecoming…of course, the food was…entirely to our liking”.4"

"On 6 May at Saban Island naval base, Bose was met by Capt. Yamamoto, the former military attaché from Berlin, and by a member of the Iwakuro Kikan. They travelled on by plane, reaching Tokyo in mid-May, 1943. Yamamoto was Bose’s only acquaintance; now he wanted to meet a range of military officers and section chiefs of relevant ministries, and according to some of the officers he met, such as Gen. Arisue Seizo, he made a powerful impression. Bose’s goal was to create a “Subhas lobby” which would help him carry through his work in Asia."

" ... Bose saw that Tojo was not a dictator in the mould of a Hitler or Mussolini and the Japanese ruling group was different from the German or Italian. The ruling military group had the power of decision and they had chosen Tojo for the top post; they could also bring him down. 

"Finally, on 10 June, 1943, Bose had his first meeting with Tojo. The prime minister, a reserved man of a rather narrowly military and nationalistic outlook, was impressed, and became his firm supporter. Tojo assured Bose that he unreservedly backed Indian independence. Bose wanted a military push across the border from Burma into India. Tojo hedged. Tojo knew that the Allies had been sending their Chindit raiders into Burma since February and were moving against Japanese positions in the Arakan. In the Pacific, the Japanese were beginning to lose land battles and the Allied counter-offensive called “Cartwheel” was on the drawing board. But at a session of the Diet on 16 June that Bose attended, Tojo said, ‘We firmly resolve that Japan will do everything possible to help Indian independence.’5"
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"In deference to Bose’s preferences, Col. Yamamoto replaced Col. Iwakuro as head of the Kikan, now to be called Hikari Kikan. With his oldest Japanese acquaintance on the team, Bose flew to Singapore. From the press and radio coverage, the Indian soldiers and community in Southeast Asia learned of his arrival in Japan. He was met at the airport in Singapore by all those Indian military officers who had kept the INA alive from December 1942 onwards and refused Mohan Singh’s dissolution order. Bose was met with chants of “Subhas Chandra Bose Zindabad”. Col. Prem Sahgal looked forward to this auspicious event marking the advent of new leadership. ‘Some, said Sahgal, ‘…felt that almost a God had come there…here was the man who had come in answer to their prayers. They [the large crowd of Indians] had trust in him that he would be able to lead them on the right path, the path to Indian independence.’7 Sahgal became Bose’s military secretary."

" ... Rash Behari Bose—who had met with Bose in Tokyo and was more than eager to pass the torch of the Indian revolutionary struggle to a younger, more vigorous, and more renowned leader—presented Subhas Bose to the cheering throng. The elder Bose said, in part: 

"Friends and comrades-at-arms I have brought you this present. Subhas Chandra Bose…symbolises all that is best, noblest, the most daring, and the most dynamic in the youth of India…In your presence today, I resign my office as President of the Indian Independence League in East Asia. From now on, Subhas Chandra Bose is your President, your leader in the fight for India’s independence, and I am confident that…you will march on to battle and to victory.8 

"Rash Behari Bose stepped back to the position of an elder adviser and Subhas Bose, pressed into the presidency, moved into the centre for the INA and IIL."

" ... Subhas Bose announced his intention to organise a Provisional Government of Free India “to mobilise all of our forces effectively…to lead the Indian Revolution…to prepare the Indian people, inside and outside India, for an armed struggle which will be the culmination of all our national efforts since 1883”.9 To gain Indian freedom, her fighters would have “…to face hunger, thirst, privation, forced marches—and death”.10 Speaking to gatherings of Indian troops and officers during the following days, Bose gave them the slogan, “Chalo Delhi! To Delhi—To Delhi!” Tojo, in Southeast Asia for other purposes, was invited to attend a special review of the INA and he and Bose pledged to work together for their common goals. Bose renamed the INA the “Azad Hind Fauj” and said to Southeast Asia civilians that their slogan should be “Total Mobilisation for a Total War”. Bose promised, ‘Give me the total mobilisation of Indian manpower and material resources in East Asia, and I promise you a second front—a real second front in India’s war of independence.’11"
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"The steps taken by Bose indicate the shape he wished for an independent India. One of his innovations in the INA, and eventually in the provisional government, had to do with the role of women. For two decades he had wanted to make Indian women full partners in the struggle for independence. Now Bose proposed a women’s regiment trained to fight alongside Indian men, also believing that seeing Indian women fighting at their side, the men would fight even more fiercely. He found some remarkable women who were willing to participate. In Singapore, a young Indian doctor Lakshmi Swaminathan (also written Swaminadhan), who had been active in the women’s section of the IIL, met him for a lengthy discussion on 12 July. She recounted years later: 

"He frankly told me that it was his ambition and dream to form a regiment of women who would be willing to take up arms and fight just as the men…he asked me straight, ‘Would you volunteer yourself for such a fighting unit?’ and I said, ‘Yes.’ Then he said, ‘Do you think that you can get a hundred other women from Malaya to do it?’ I said, ‘Hundred is no number, I think we should try and get at least five thousand women and if it is gone about in a proper manner, I think we will be able to do it.’12"

" ... Japanese agreed to vacate a training base for the women, who were trained there by male members of the Azad Hind Fauj. They eventually numbered about 1,000, of whom the less suited to fight were assigned to nursing and support duties. The most able became NCOs. They were all sent later to the Burma front. When Bose formed his provisional government a few months later, he appointed Lakshmi Swaminathan to be minister for women’s affairs."

"Capt. Lakshmi described the impact of this first interview: 

"When I came out of that meeting, I would say that I was completely awestruck because I could have never imagined such a man who had such a big vision and yet who in himself was very simple…His utter, absolute sincerity struck me most and I felt that this man would never take a wrong step and that one could trust him completely and have the utmost confidence in him.16"
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"Bose became the supreme commander of the INA, but did not take a military rank, although he did give up the civilian dress he had worn in Europe and wore military-style clothing. After the crisis of late 1942, the number in the INA had fallen to about 12,000. Another 10,000 or so were recruited from amongst the prisoners ... between 1943 and 1945 about 18,000 Indian civilians in Southeast Asia were recruited. The total number may have been in the 40,000 range. ... The forces of the INA were given political training, which the Japanese commander of the Southern Expeditionary Forces viewed as a propaganda unit to be attached to the real fighting forces—infuriating Bose who envisioned an important combat role for the INA. They would, he declared, lead the way in the reconquest of India from its foreign occupiers. ... "

"At Singapore in July, 1943, Bose met Ba Maw of Burma, a former premier and fervent Burmese nationalist who had agreed to head the administration of Burma under the Japanese. His cause and Bose’s were linked, for both wanted Japanese aid in destroying British imperial rule, but each also wanted independence for his country, not subservience to a new foreign ruler. The Japanese conquest of Burma, in cooperation with some Burmese nationalists, followed the British debacle in Malaya and Singapore in the first half of 1942. Aung San and Ba Maw and other Burmese nationalists had reached out to the Japanese as Bose had to the Germans and other enemies of the British Empire. The Japanese helped create the Burmese Independence Army, a force that went out of control and was disbanded. In its place the Japanese later set up a civil administration, which Ba Maw agreed to head, and the Burma Defence Army."

"Ba Maw described his impressions of his Indian guest at the ceremonial moment: 

"We next met in Rangoon when Burma declared her independence…He…heard us declare war on Britain and America. I saw the dream again in his eyes which I had seen before, but it was now a little sad and wistful, and so was his smile…seeing Burma as the first colony to win its independence out of the war, he must have been thinking of the long, bloody journey ahead of him and his forces before India too would be free.18"

"Bose broadcast a message congratulating India’s neighbour on her achievement: 

"The independence of Burma in this momentous crisis in world history has a twofold significance for us. It shows…what a nation can achieve if it knows how to seize an opportunity which history has offered. Secondly, just as the conquest of India supplied the British with a jumping-off ground for their attack on Burma in the nineteenth century, similarly the emancipation of Burma has supplied the Indian independence movement in East Asia with a springboard for its attack on Britain’s army of occupation in India during the twentieth century.19"

"Bose returned to Singapore with renewed determination to establish the provisional government of Free India and to encourage the Japanese to carry out an invasion of India as soon as possible. He had built up a good relationship with Ba Maw and needed Burmese cooperation in his efforts. Meanwhile, while he worked in Singapore, Bose knew that the course of the war was changing. ... "

"Bose pushed ahead for a provisional government. A Japanese liaison conference on 9 October, 1943, in Tokyo backed the establishment of this government which “would be recognised by Japan in order to strengthen the propaganda offensive in its India policy”.20 The Provisional Government of Azad Hind (or Free India Provisional Government, FIPG) was announced on 21 October. It was based at Singapore ... Bose was head of state, prime minister and minister for war and foreign affairs. The four other ministers were Capt. Lakshmi Swaminathan (women’s organisations), S.A. Ayer (publicity and propaganda), Lt. Col. A.C. Chatterji (finance), and A.M. Sahay (secretary with ministerial rank). On 23 October, the Japanese government announced its recognition, followed by that of Germany, Italy, Croatia, Manchukuo, Nanking, the Philippines, Thailand and Burma. Bose was head of state, prime minister and minister for war and foreign affairs. The four other ministers were Capt. Lakshmi Swaminathan (women’s organisations), S.A. Ayer (publicity and propaganda), Lt. Col. A.C. Chatterji (finance), and A.M. Sahay (secretary with ministerial rank). On 23 October, the Japanese government announced its recognition, followed by that of Germany, Italy, Croatia, Manchukuo, Nanking, the Philippines, Thailand and Burma. Eamon de Valera sent personal congratulations to Bose. The next day, the Azad Hind Government declared war on Britain and the United States. To a cheering crowd of 50,000 Indians in Singapore, Bose said it would be a war to the finish resulting in the freedom of India. He asked for sacrifices; the throng rose and shouted, “Netaji Ki Jai! Inqilab Zindabad! Chalo Delhi!”21"

" ... Since the Japanese had stopped east of the Chindwin River in Burma and not entered India on that front, the only Indian territories they held were the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the Indian Ocean. The Japanese navy was unwilling to transfer administration of these strategic islands to Bose’s forces, but a face-saving agreement was worked out so that the provisional government was given a “jurisdiction”, while actual control remained throughout with the Japanese military. Bose eventually made a visit to Port Blair in the Andamans in December and a ceremonial transfer took place. Renaming them the Shahid (Martyr) and Swaraj (Self-rule) Islands, Bose raised the Indian national flag.22"
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" ... great tragedy was unfolding in the summer and fall of 1943: the Bengal Famine. This greatest famine of 20th-century South Asia cost millions of Bengali lives."

Gordon here quotes British propaganda, lies. 

"Bengal had become a rice-importing area, after a long period as a rice exporter. The war exacerbated the problem of importing rice from outside: preparing for a possible invasion, the government began a boat-denial policy, later a rice-denial policy, thus interrupting the flow of foodstuff to the Bengal countryside. A severe cyclone hit some of the districts bordering the Bay of Bengal, further hindering the flow."

Fact is, much like the so called Irish potato famine, this too was caused by British stealing local harvest for themselves, leaving poor subjects to die. 

"Starting in late 1942, cultivators began holding back grain supplies and prices began to rise. The Government of Bengal intervened in the market process, first trying price controls and threats against hoarding, then allowing the market process free rein. The government was also determined to see that Calcutta, centre of the Raj in eastern India, did not experience a significant shortfall. Some traders were allowed to buy up what they could in the countryside to ensure that Calcutta did not starve. 

"The full force of the famine hit in mid-1943, after a Muslim League-dominated coalition took office in April 1943, with H.S. Suhrawardy named as minister for civil supplies. Criticism for the inept handling of the deteriorating situation has been laid at his door and at that of food speculators. ... "

The then British government of India had muzzled media - newspapers, radio, local and global - completely, and draconian so-called laws had thrown thousands in jail either no ceremony, no trials. The millions dying on streets were known to British government, and ultimately they were responsible, for stealing harvest and for refusing to allow aid ships filled with grains sent by FDR to reach India, stopping them at Australia. 

Gordon quotes fraudulent propaganda by British. 

" ... There was ineffectual handling of the grave situation at every level of government. Relief efforts were also inadequate and neighbouring provinces refused to rush to Bengal’s aid."

Is there a pretense here that any of it was not controlled completely by British? That's fraudulent too. 

"Subhas Bose, in Southeast Asia, made an offer of grain supplies: 

"There can be no doubt that these famine conditions have been largely due to the policy of ruthless exploitation of India’s food and other resources for Britain’s war purposes over a period of nearly four years. You are aware that, on behalf of our League, I made a free and unconditional offer of one hundred thousand tons of rice for our starving countrymen at home as a first instalment. Not only was this offer not accepted by the British authorities in India, but we were given only abuse in return.26"

"At the end of the year, Sarat Bose and the entire Bose family had to bear with renewed sorrow when his mother Prabhabati died at the age of sixty-six. As his mother was near the end, Sarat Bose requested permission to see her; he was refused. He was also denied leave to participate in the ceremonial rites. He wrote to a friend:

" ... The only request she ever made to the authorities was to permit me to come to her bedside…even that was turned down…28"

" ... Subhas Bose had been in exile at the time of the death of both parents. ... "
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"As monsoon broke in 1942, advancing Japanese forces had reached the Chindwin River in west-central Burma, near the Indian frontier. Here they halted as the depleted and demoralised British and Indian troops and Indian refugees from Burma dragged themselves across the mountains into Manipur and Assam. The British feared an imminent attack on India against weak defenses. ... "

" ... In December 1943, Tojo finally gave approval for the campaign. 

"Meanwhile, Bose returned to Singapore in late 1943, where he pressed for a prominent role for his forces in any move across the Indian frontier. As in Germany, Bose made every effort to build a unified Indian identity. He wanted his men and women to be Indians first: to work, eat, talk—using Hindustani, to be written in Roman script—and fight together. ... "

" ... Since the Japanese were overextended and starting to lose supplies, weapons, and air and shipping capacity heavily in other sectors of the war ... Bose tried other arrangements. The key operative in this procurement effort was Zora Singh, a native Punjabi who had been raised in Rangoon. He was put in charge of supplies for the army and the civilians who had moved with Bose to Burma in the beginning of 1944. Some provisions were sent from Singapore, but medicine supply was very short, and had to be obtained for gold (collected from the Indian community) on the black market. He tried to get this medicine to the frontline INA troops. Later on he traded liquor to the Japanese for engine oil. Although Mr Singh was resourceful at his job, the shortage of supplies remained a major hurdle for the INA."

"Bose had made a close connection to Gen. Mutaguchi, who had favored a plan by which the Japanese would drive deep into India, and had found a kindred spirit in Bose. ... Bose wanted the INA to have a vital function, including a sector of the front in which they would be the spearhead.

"When Shah Nawaz Khan—commanding the Nehru Regiment, one of the guerrilla regiments which constituted the First division of the INA ... was ordered to help in the assault on Kohima which was already faltering, and when they arrived, the Japanese were retreating. Near Kohima, in India, Shah Nawaz’s men raised the Indian tricolor. The INA had entered India, but only briefly."

" ... Indian troops fighting with the British had a long period of indoctrination in their imperial mission. They were kept from knowledge of the nationalist rationale of the INA by the British “policy of silence” which blacked out information about it in India. Bose knew that the British were engaged in anti-INA propaganda, and could do little about it."

Gordon is quoting British sources. Facts on ground were different. When the INA troops shouted across, the Indian troops facing were surprised, responding to the call for fighting Gordon a chance to free India. This was the effect Subhash Chandra Bose intended and expected. "

" ... Bose had worked assiduously to raise the morale of his men for the coming fray. The evidence of British intelligence reports, Japanese military reports, and memoirs of participants on the INA side demonstrate that before they were demoralised by British dominance in this campaign, the INA men fought courageously; but their patriotic fervour could scarcely make a dent on the military conduct of the campaign. For example, in an account prepared by the Intelligence Department of the Government of India, it is noted, “A measure of courage cannot be denied to the leaders of INA front-line units in Burma in 1945 when…they faced up to British equipment, tanks, guns and aircraft with rifles and bullock-carts and empty stomachs.”33"

Gordon is of course quoting British government of India, at best condescending, at their normal adept at lying, theft, and racist, abusive, brutal conduct. Admission of courage of INA by them, therefore, must translate as British surprise at INA giving a toughbattle. 

As for tide turning, it's not a secret that that was due to US being in the war, and slowly because US was hugely with British. It's only Russian troops that fought alone, with not even a western front until quite late. 

" ... Shah Nawaz recounts that about 70 percent of his men were stricken ill; medicines, already in short supply, ran out, and many of his men died in the jungle. The rate of such illness and death on the British side fell appreciably from their 1942 rates; not so on the Japanese side. A great majority of the Japanese and INA troops that had braved the Indo-Burma frontier died in the fighting for Imphal and Kohima, or during the retreat."

Shah Nawaz Khan had later turned for sake of favours from government and helped propagate a lie suitable to British and Nehru governments, and his writing about INA isn't likely to be untainted. Those who did not turn were hounded by both governments, well into '70s, Era of government of the daughters. 

"After the monsoon hit, the Japanese finally decided that they had to retreat from the Imphal plain and the neighborhood of Kohima. Bose resisted the order to retreat and said he wanted his men to stay and fight to the last. Shah Nawaz explained: 

"Netaji was supremely confident of our victory. He said, ‘Even if the Axis powers lay down their arms, we must continue our struggle. There is no end to our struggle until the last British quits the shores of our country.’ He was of the opinion that the British should not be allowed to advance or break through our front, even if all the I.N.A. soldiers were killed. What he wanted most was that the I.N.A. “shaheeds” should leave behind such a legend and tradition of heroism that future generations of Indians would be proud of them.35"
................................................................................................


"In the end, Bose accepted the order for retreat, but wanted his men to continue fighting the enemy as well as they could while so doing. For the better part of a year, during the second half of 1944 and the first half of 1945, the Japanese and the INA retreated down through Central Burma to southern Burma and then through Thailand back to Malaya and Singapore. ... "

"As Bose reflected on the retreat: 

"We started the operations too late. The monsoon was disadvantageous to us…In the Kaladan Sector, we routed the enemy and advanced. In Tiddim we advanced, in Palel and Kohima also we advanced. In the Haka Sector we held them. And all this in spite of the numerical superiority that the enemy had, plus equipment and rations…We have received our baptism of fire…36"

"In a post-war report of the Government of Japan on the alliance with the INA, the author compared the Indian response favourably with the treason of Burmese nationalist Aung San, who turned his forces against the Japanese in the spring of 1945: ‘When we compare this with the INA led by Bose which fought to the last even after the Imphal operations and regardless of the very adverse turn of events, how can we help loving the INA with all our heart?’37 ... "

"During his few weeks in Japan, Bose met with top Japanese military officials and the new prime minister, and went to see the dying Rash Behari Bose and the dismissed Prime Minister Tojo. He also visited a group of Indian teenagers, his cadets receiving Japanese military training. ... Bose returned via Shanghai to Burma near the end of 1944. When Bose returned to Rangoon, a War Council to direct INA operations was chosen, and recruiting efforts were redoubled, so that the INA reached about 50,000. Bose also broadcast on the radio nearly every day exhorting Indians in Southeast Asia and those who could hear him in India to support the campaign. Carrying out the agreement reached in Tokyo, a new Japanese ambassador was dispatched to Rangoon ... "
................................................................................................


This chapter, even more than others, is littered with obvious efforts by Gordon to throw as much verbal garbage heaped on Subhash Chandra Bose as he could source; since INA prisoners of war were treated by the British and subsequently by immediately following Indian governments with anything but honour, this wasn't difficult; a few were, in addition to British who were smarting at one man, an Indian, achieving this tremendous feat, willing to comply. 

The real test is the number of INA and Japanese who were, forever after, willing to hold to the pact they made with Subhash Chandra Bose and the elaborate play covering his exit. 

" ... S.A. Ayer wrote: 

"…he was a democrat at heart and a dictator in effect…he was conscientious and fastidious in his democratic ways, and yet I know in my heart of hearts that he had his own way every time…He did high-powered thinking, planning and working out of the minutest details…occasionally sounding his “inner cabinet” on broad policy and details…he would take his own time to look at his plans and details from every possible angle…he would come to the Cabinet meeting or meeting of his Military High Command fully prepared to explain, patiently…the why and the wherefore of his main idea, listen attentively to the differing viewpoints of his colleagues, answer every one of the objections…41"

" ... Sahgal has argued that: 

"He made it clear…that it was for the people of Free India to decide freely the form of government they wanted to have. There was no question of imposing the will of say Subhas Chandra Bose himself or the groups of people who would come with him…from private conversations and discussions with him, one could gather that his idea was more for a presidential form of government than a parliamentary form of government. There again, his idea for a presidential form of government was not a dictatorship but an elected government.42"

"Sahgal and others close to Bose during the war have objected to the label of fascist or dictator. Instead Bose was the unquestioned leader of the movement for many Indians in Southeast Asia. He had been summoned to the region by the IIL. Sivaram, another critic and friend of A.M. Nair, has mentioned that Bose saw himself as a “man of destiny”.43 This, too, may have been true, but this linked into the desire of the Indian community and INA men who called for Bose to rush to East Asia and take charge in 1942. He was a controversial figure in India, but a man of political standing in the nationalist movement, and, furthermore, had escaped British control and was available. Bose would not refuse any call to leadership from a constituency of the people of India."

Gordon is lying in effect,  in saying "He was a controversial figure in India", which is only true of those unwilling to admit truth of Subhash Chandra Bose because they saw him as the man masses would see as greater, which must impede their own hold on power. As Gandhi reportedly said to Nehru after independence, if Subhash Chandra Bose returned, he'd take away the power from all of them - and this, because people were sure to prefer him. 

Hence the persecution of INA and Bose clan by the government of India well into eighties, combined with a determinationto wipe out memory of his life and existence, in all but name. It didn't succeed even then, as Gordon knew first hand. Hence this work to throw garbage, pretending to be a biography. Commissioned by dynasty?

" ... Bose thought that the British would never leave unless driven out, any negotiations into which the Congress entered were likely to lead to a sellout. Some of his broadcasts were addressed to Gandhi, with whom he pleaded not to make any compromise with the British which would damage the essential interests of the Indian people, including the issue of Pakistan. Bose renewed his pleas to Gandhi at the time of the Simla Conference of 1945, and rejoiced when the conference failed. Bose simply could not imagine a negotiated settlement with Britain of which he would approve."

And subsequent history bears out truth of his thinking. 
................................................................................................


" ... Aung San, encouraged by the British, turned his Burma National Army against his former allies, the Japanese."

Subsequent history of the land, then, has its roots there, in that turncoat act. 

" ... Shah Nawaz Khan, Sahgal and Dhillon—these three were later tried together for treason—all say most of their men fought valiantly and that many died during the long retreat. Shah Nawaz and his men, overwhelmed by the odds, finally surrendered in May that year ... "

"During the retreat, Bose, with his bodyguards and military advisers, came under fire several times. He took extraordinary chances, exposing himself to enemy attack on several occasions. ... Shah Nawaz Khan wrote: ‘ He was absolutely fearless and did not seem to care for his life, or comfort. He seemed to lead a charmed life for I have personally seen him miss death by inches several times…’45 ... "

Gordon has paragraphs above littered with his usual garbage, such as questioning whether Subhash Chandra Bose wanted to die. Is there a limit to indecency a racist exhibits in dealing with a great person who isn't what West fraudulently terms "white" (presumably no bride of that race ever looked naked at her wedding in churchjust by wearing a white bridal attire, or was there one?) - but Gordon forgets Asian roots of his race, the very cause of antisemitism in West. 

"Bose relaxed by reading about the Irish struggle against British rule. Major Ihaho Takahashi, of the Hikari Kikan, reported what Bose said to an INA commander: 

"Looking at the hills, Bose said, ‘The book on Irish independence says that, at the beginning of the campaign…all the patriots were killed…But after some decades, people appeared who followed the line of those patriots and finally won independence. Now we face (such a) situation. And I am prepared to die in my last fight with my soldiers of the first division against the British-Indian army.’ He called divisional commander Kiani and said clearly, ‘I will die here.’47 

"Takahashi and Kiani argued with him. Then Takahashi telegraphed the Hikari Kikan headquarters in Rangoon and had them send Bose a telegram urging him to withdraw to Rangoon. Takahashi said if Bose was to offer his life, then he too would have to offer his. Finally, Bose agreed that he should not die uselessly in a local skirmish against vastly superior forces and deprive the movement of its leader. 

"In April, the Japanese in Rangoon told Bose that they were withdrawing and that he must too. Reluctantly, he agreed to withdraw with his forces to Bangkok, and then Malaya, as the British pressed hard on their heels."
................................................................................................


"Subhas Bose had exited from Germany just before the heaviest Allied bombing set Berlin and other targets ablaze almost every night. Emilie Schenkl returned to Vienna, her home, after seeing Bose off in February 1943; she remained there raising her infant daughter, and getting a few letters from Bose. The Free India Centre group was moved to Hilversum in Holland in October 1943. The large transmitter at Huizen developed by the Philips Company and used for their broadcasts, continued in service almost uninterruptedly, as did the publication program. The Allied invasion at Normandy forced another move to Helmstedt in Germany. 

"The Indian Legion also continued its training and the more elite group begun under Walter Harbich was melded in with the main body of the Legion. They were moved to Belgium and then to the southwestern coast of France to help with the defenses against the expected Allied invasion; in 1944 they were moved again, back into Germany. As the Allied tide swept across Europe, the Legion gradually disintegrated; most were eventually captured by the Allies. They were never thrown into a major campaign against the British unlike their counterparts in Southeast Asia."

"Amongst all of the Indians in Europe, probably only Nambiar knew of the secret work of Trott. Suddenly on 20 July, 1944, there was a news flash of the attempted assassination of the Fuhrer. ... "

"The plot failed. Hitler was only slightly wounded and the attempted seizure of control of the military and of communications in Berlin and elsewhere was repressed. Trott knew that he was deeply implicated. He was arrested on 25 July, 1944, and some weeks later, tried before the so-called “People’s Court”. Nambiar attempted to help Trott, but was told that if he continued in his efforts, he too would be arrested. The main conspirators, including Trott, “…are not simply hanged, but are slowly strangulated with piano wire on butchers’ hooks…” wrote Trott’s young Russian friend in her diary.50 He died a martyr’s death. Clarita von Trott was arrested and then released; she and her young children survived the war. Alexander Werth, though next in line below Trott in the Sonderreferat Indien, and probably informed of the plot, was not arrested or directly implicated. He also survived."

"As the Third Reich wound down, the Free India Centre ended with its last broadcast on 6 April, 1945. ... "
................................................................................................


" ... For Jinnah, there was to be one Hindustan and one Pakistan. However, for Abul Hashim, general secretary of the League organisation in Bengal, it was not as simple: his version, presented in ‘Let Us Go to War,’ (1945) stated: 

"Free India was never one country. Free Indians were never one nation…Liberated India must necessarily be…a subcontinent having complete independence for every nation inhabiting it…Muslim India to a man will resist all attempts of the Congress to establish dictatorship in India…Pakistan means freedom for all, Muslims and Hindus alike. And the Muslims of India are determined to achieve it, if necessary through a bloodbath…51"

Funny, it doesn't occur to them that a retreat into past need not stop at a millennium prior but could very well be at a date five, ten, twenty millennia before their day. 

" ... The communists, following Stalin’s view on the nationality question, maintained that India was composed of many viable nations, including a future Pakistan."

And they continued being anti India not only long past partition, hounded out of Pakistan which they helped create and travelled to help set up, but till date, despite failure of their creed everywhere. 

"The Boses, though they were devoted to communal cooperation, were steadfastly against the division of India. So was the Hindu Mahasabha, one organisation that operated openly and firmly rejected “any truck with Pakistan”; as the case was put by the president of the Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha office on 6 October, 1944: “…No Hindu worth the name will support the vivisection of India…not a single patriotic Hindu of Bengal will ever flinch from fighting the move of vivisection to the last drop of his blood.”52 Sarat Bose was keen to find some solution to the communal problem. He lamented that Gandhi, Nehru, Azad and Patel had not agreed to coalition ministries in 1937. ... "

" ... Jinnah insisted that the League be accepted as the bargaining agent for all Indian Muslims, a stipulation to which Gandhi would not concede. ... "

Gordon mentions imprisonment of members of Bose clan - 

" ... Sisir was held incommunicado for some time and moved to the Lahore Fort for serious interrogation. After some months, word was sent to his family that he was in good health. Yet they remained anxious. Aurobindo and Dwijen Bose were also imprisoned during the war, as were almost all those active in the Bose-BV network."

Gordon refrains, of course, from informing his readers that they were imprisoned from time of discovery of escape of Subhash Chandra Bose, and tortured by British, without success. They stuck to the loyalty to Subhash Chandra Bose. 

"An argument continued about moving Sarat Bose back to Bengal, but the Home Department insisted that if he was returned to Bengal, he would be considered as the head of the secret network of agents and revolutionaries. So he had to remain in Coonoor. There was some reason for caution on their part, since Subhas Bose and the Japanese continued to send in parties of agents. Among them several contacted the BV network, including Sisir Bose, some were captured, and held as long as the war was on; some were executed; one, Americk Singh, escaped. ... "
................................................................................................


"As ... INA, retreated from north to south in Burma through the second half of 1944 and the first half of 1945, they still fought fiercely. But without air cover and supplies and with ammunition running low, even as determined a fighting force as the Japanese began to fall apart. For the INA, recently organised, insufficiently trained and equipped, it was even worse. ... "

"After another argument with his own officers and the Japanese, Bose was finally convinced that he should not allow himself to be killed or captured in Rangoon, the target toward which the British pressed, and therefore left on 24 April, 1945. He told those whom he left behind as well as those evacuating with him: 

"If I had my own way, I would have preferred to stay with you in adversity and share with you the sorrows of temporary defeat. But on the advice of my ministers and high-ranking officers, I have to leave Burma in order to continue the struggle for emancipation. Knowing my countrymen in East Asia and inside India, I can assure you that they can continue the fight under any circumstances and that all your suffering and sacrifices will not be in vain.55"

"Bose’s party for the retreat from Rangoon to Bangkok included members of Bose’s military and civilian staff, the Japanese ambassador, and some Japanese personnel from the Hikari Kikan. Then there was the question of the remaining women from the Rani of Jhansi regiment. Some had been sent home as early as the middle of 1944; some, including Captain Lakshmi Swaminathan, remained in Burma through the Allied victory. But several hundred who were to be sent back to Malaya and Singapore were stranded, and Bose would not leave without them. In the end, Bose and his party retreated with the Ranis. It was an arduous and dangerous trip as Allied fighters controlled the air and the Allied forces were pressing ahead rapidly behind them.

"Bose, his party, and the Ranis did not reach Bangkok until the second week of May, 1945. By then another stage had been reached in the great conflagration. Hitler had committed suicide and Germany had surrendered on 8 May. The home islands of Japan were under bomber attack. In a broadcast a few weeks later, Bose looked back and ahead:

" ... the collapse of Germany will be the signal for the outbreak of an acute conflict between the Soviets and the Anglo-Americans…In post-war Europe there is only one…power that has a plan which is worth a trial, and that power is the Soviet Union…"

Gordon here takes occasion to accuse Subhash Chandra Bose of saying nothing about victims of nazis, although he hasn't accused Allied nations of refusing to help when they could; he quotes a colleague about Subhash Chandra Bose being limited in his thinking to a single idea, independence of India, but does not mention that Jawaharlal Nehru had strongly opposed any suggestions about offering refuge in India to Jews of Europe. 

Fact also is that Subhash Chandra Bose wasn't in the know about extermination camps just because he was a political refugee, and a feted guest of the regime; but Allied governments knew far more than he could, and yet US turned back ships filled with Jews from port, because they didn't want more jews; and British did the same at Palestine despite the plan to create Israel, to appease local muslims. 

When knowledge of the camps exploded due to arrival of Allied soldiers, and subsequently Nuremberg trials, everyone was stunned, but until then, it was Allied governments - and therefore likes of Gandhi and Nehru - who knew more than Subhash Chandra Bose, who wasn't likely to have been informed by his hosts. Nevertheless it was he who had not only had Jewish friends in Germany and Europe, and advised them to leave, but also told off nazis, including Hitler, publicly and also face to face, of impropriety of their racism and of his displeasure thereof. 

He was the unique one with courage to tackle the beast in their dens when he needed them for help with independence of his country. If they were any less impressed with his sheer persona, he might have been another statistics. Had British had that honesty, that selfless courage, there might be no WWII, but instead a Czechoslovakia and an Austria, and rest of Europe too, never overrun by nazis. 

No Khatyn. 
................................................................................................


" ... The Japanese, too, were reaching out to the Russians, unaware that the latter were committed to enter the war against Japan shortly after the war in Europe was terminated.

"As the Japanese were finally driven from Burma and the Allies prepared for the invasion of Singapore and Malaya at the western end of the Japanese sphere, the Americans were pressing towards Japan’s home islands from the south and the east. Bose, during these last months of war, had his eyes on the fate of Japan, on his hopes for Soviet aid, but also on the renewed negotiations in India. As always, he was dead set against any bargaining with the Raj, for he was certain it would lead to disaster. He believed that the British had an ulterior motive in offering to reconstitute the Viceroy’s executive council. Bose commented on 19 June from Singapore: 

"The real motive underlying the British offer is…to get, with the approval of the Indian nationalists and the…connivance of the Congress, half a million troops with necessary material to fight Britain’s imperialist war in the Far East…In a fit of pessimism and defeatism some Congressmen are forgetting their life-long principles and are now reconsidering the offer which they rejected in 1942.57" 

"He believed that in exchange for places in the government, Congressmen were giving up their quest for complete independence."

Didn't they?
................................................................................................


" ... For the Japanese the choice to surrender was finally made. 

"But Bose was the head of a separate “government”, however weak, and was ready to move in a new direction. On 16 August, Bose sent the following message to the Japanese: “Along with the trusted persons of my cabinet I would like to go to the Soviet Union. If it is necessary I shall enter the Soviet Union alone…I request the Japanese Government to allow any of my cabinet members to take charge.”58"

This book was published in early to mid seventies. Was it ignored in India? How likely is that? Or did people get so incensed by his derogatory treatment of Subhash Chandra Bose, that those who cared to read it in the first place, being necessarily precisely those who cared about Subhash Chandra Bose, threw it in garbage long before this paragraph above was read?

" ... One important Japanese source indicates that the Japanese agreed to help Bose reach Manchuria and make contact there with the advancing Soviet army."

"Bose took the remainder of the funds at his disposal and distributed them to his military and civilian personnel. He also tried to see that all the women of the Rani of Jhansi regiment had been safely sent to their homes. About a month before the final moment in Singapore, he had a tribute erected to the INA which read, 

"The future generations of Indians who will be born, not as slaves but as free men, because of your colossal sacrifice, will bless your names and proudly proclaim to the world that you, their forebears, fought and suffered reverses in the battles in Manipur, Assam and Burma, but through temporary failure you paved the way to ultimate success and glory.59"

"Bose was still in Malaya when he learned of the attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Japanese surrender offers of 10 August and final capitulation on 14 August. ... "

So the claim that India's independence date was set by Mountbatten on Japanese surrender is incorrect, and that surrender date in fact is what Jinnah chose, however unwittingly?

" ... He hurriedly made his plans. Some top military personnel were left behind in Singapore, as well as key personnel behind in Rangoon to care for Indian affairs when he left. 

"On 16 August, Bose flew to Bangkok (Thailand), then on to Saigon (Vietnam) on 17 August, where he gathered together several of those closest to him through the last two years of the war. Bose hoped to take these supporters with him as he took his step into the unknown. A few other top INA and Azad Hind government personnel were shortly to arrive.

"In Saigon, however, plans had to be changed, for Bose learned that no special plane was available for his party. He also came to know that Lt. Gen. Shidei, a Japanese expert on the Soviets, was to fly to Dairen, Manchuria, where he was to take command of the Kwantung Army and work out the surrender there. Bose was at first told that there was only one place available on this plane which was to leave the same day for Taipei and then Dairen. After further negotiations with the top officers of the Southern Army staff, one more place was secured. Bose had to accept the two seats on this plane or stay in Saigon. He decided to take them, insisting that the rest of his party be sent on as soon as possible. He selected INA Colonel Habibur Rahman to accompany him. He declared that he would become a Russian prisoner, saying, ‘They are the only ones who will resist the British. My fate is with them.’60"

"Others of Bose’s party were unhappy, but the Japanese decided who were to go. There was a problem about the luggage because the plane, a twin-engine heavy bomber of the 97-2 (Sally) type, was overloaded. They could not take all of Bose’s luggage. He discarded a good deal. Then two heavy suitcases possibly filled with gold and jewellery were brought to the plane, and, after Bose’s insistence, they were loaded on.

"On the plane, besides Bose, and Shidei, were also several Japanese military and air staff officers, among them Lt. Col. Tadeo Sakai, a staff officer of the Burma Army; Lt. Col. Shiro Nonogaki, an air staff officer; Major Taro Kono, an air staff officer, who was sitting behind the pilot and assisting him; and Major Ihaho Takahashi, a staff officer. The crew was in the front of the aircraft and the passengers were wedged in behind, some, like Bose, with cushions, because there were no proper seats on this aircraft. The plane finally took off between 5.00 and 5.30 p.m. on 17 August, 1945. Since they were so late in starting, the pilot decided to land for the night at Tourane, Vietnam, then start early the next morning. Tourane later became famous as the huge American base of Da Nang and is an air field in the People’s Republic of Vietnam.

"Bose already knew Shidei and was introduced to some of the other Japanese officers, all of whom had heard of him. Bose and the others spent the night at a hotel serving as an army hostel in Tourane. While they were resting, the pilot and Major Kono, who had noticed the difficulty in taking off at Saigon due to overloading, did their best to lighten the cargo. Major Kono later said that they took off about 600 kilos of machine guns, ammunition and excess luggage.61

"The take-off from Tourane at about 5 a.m. on 18 August, 1945, was normal and they flew at about 12,000 feet. It was quite cold in the plane, but the weather was favourable and they flew to Taipei (Taiwan; Japanese: Taihoku). Major Kono has testified that they received information during the flight that the Russians had occupied Port Arthur, so it was essential for them to hurry on and reach Dairen before the Russians reached there too. The flight took six to seven hours and the landing was smooth. They stopped for lunch and Rahman changed into warmer clothes during the break. Bose, he said, laughed off the need for more appropriate clothing, but he handed him a sweater anyway."

So far, it's history of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose after he left Singapore. 

Next is story as told by various witnesses. 
................................................................................................


" ... His wife, his daughter, many of his relations, almost all the INA officers, and all the personnel with whom he worked have accepted his death, some later than others. ... "

The first part is a lie. His wife never did accept it, and when contacted by the then minister of government of India, asking her to sign for bringing his ashes home, threw him out and refused to see him again, decades after 1945. 

As for many relatives accepting it, those Gordon thanks most for his work, did. Suresh Bose, another older brother of Subhash Chandra Bose, did not, as a member of Khosla commission, and wrote a dissenting report, but was maneuvered by other two members and the then government who treated him badly as a consequence and kept his dissenting report out, separated from main part. 

The third commission, headed by Justice Mukherjee, was the only one to visit Taipei. There never had been an airplane crash on 18th August 1945, there was no documentation of Death or of cremation of Subhash Chandra Bose, but all other entries and documentation were in perfect order. 

Other commissions and people who applied to enquire had been discouraged strongly and told by government of India that Taipei would not cooperate because India had no diplomatic relations with them, but that was a ruse. They did cooperate when anyone enquired. 

Gordon next justifies the lag in news coming out. 

He refrains from mentioning the only possibility that is correct, which is, Japan gave out the news after Subhash Chandra Bose was already safely across in Manchuria. 

"Sarat Bose, still in Coonoor, learned of his brother’s death on 25 August, 1945, and wrote: 

"Today’s Indian Express and Hindu brought the heart-rending news of Subhas’s death as the result of an aeroplane crash. Divine Mother, how many sacrifices have we to offer at your altar! Terrible Mother, your blows are too hard to bear! Your last blow was the heaviest and cruellest of all. What divine purpose you are serving thereby you alone know. Inscrutable are your ways! 

"Four or five nights back I dreamt that Subhas had come to see me. He was standing on the verandah of this bungalow and appeared to have become very tall in stature. I jumped up to see his face. Almost immediately thereafter, he disappeared.70"

That last bit about his appearing "very tall in stature" again is defying the death story. 

"In these immediate responses of Sarat Bose there seems not the slightest hesitation in believing that Subhas died from the burns suffered in the crash. Sarat may have had doubts—quite a few did—but at first it seems quite clear that he did not. In Bombay, 25 August, 1945, was observed as “Subhas Day” out of respect for his memory."

Sharat Chandra Bose was in incarceration, and wasn't indulging later in intuition when he questioned and disbelieved the story of air crash and death. 

Gordon attempting to make him sound like a lier in questioning the story reminds one of the insistence of authorities on signatures of family of SSR on the documents needed from them for his death certificate and their refusal to provide documentation in a language the family could understand, so that later they could claim that the family did sign to having no doubts. 

"The Government of India was pretty much convinced of Bose’s death in the crash by early September and began to move on Sarat Bose’s release. Finally, on 14 September, 1945, after nearly four years of imprisonment, Sarat Bose was released. He was given an ovation from friends, family and supporters when he arrived at Howrah Station on 17 September."

Gordon does not mention Gandhi communicating to Sharat Chandra Bose to not conduct last rites of Subhash Chandra Bose, which only implies Gandhi being convinced of the story of his death by an air crash being just that - a story. 
................................................................................................


" ... During the war, the Government of India had effectively carried out the “policy of silence” and blacked out Bose, his army, and the provisional government of Free India. Although Bose sent radio messages to India frequently, few were able to hear him. Now, with the end of the war, and the release of political prisoners, the open functioning of the Congress, and the freer flow of information, the tales of the war period were broadcast everywhere. ... "

No, people did hear his broadcasts, however few, and word spreads by word of mouth in India far more effectively, never mind government blackout on news. 

" ... The British officials and the Government of India now gave maximum publicity to Bose’s work and to the way in which they dealt with the INA prisoners, and particularly their decision to put some of them on public trial in New Delhi. Had Bose lived, he could not have arranged for better promotional efforts."

Gordon seems to imply British were resorting to honesty and frankness as suits a democracy with justice and law, which is false. 

British simply had no clue that their self projected false image hadn't succeeded, that Jallianwala Bagh wasn't forgotten nor was execution of Bhagat Singh and his group and how despicable the British Government had been in each case, and people hadn't forgotten Indian heroic freedom fighters either. 

British had used the huge, two and half million strong Indian army, daunting successful and known now for valour, and assumed loyalty of subjects to a racist master by people treated like less than animals. They were wrong in the assumption. 

" ... General Arisue, one of the directors of Japanese Intelligence, described Bose as the embodiment of a samurai. In particular, Arisue mentioned that his seemingly soft exterior covered a strong heart and powerful spirit, and extolled Bose’s insistence on keeping his promises. Another Japanese of those days, an expert in the history of Japanese culture, mentioned the warrior ethic to which Bose adhered: worldly gain was unimportant, physical courage, and devotion to the cause at hand were all-important. A few Japanese military men of the war period said that Bose more fully incarnated the samurai spirit than any of their own leaders. With all of his difficulties in dealing with the Japanese, Bose did impress them and thus truly was an Indian samurai.76"

That's all very well, except Gordon still attempts to discredit by beginning that paragraph with Japanese having been unwilling to work with him, and refrains from really mentioning his much and how many Japanese not only admired him but far more.

Relevant to the matter, however, is his image in India, tremendous just then due to his feat, and growing ever since, despite all efforts to the contrary including this work, supposedly independent of government of India or Britain. 

Slant of the work, out of place but deliberate, gives that away. 
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May 12, 2022 - May 13, 2022. 
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12. ​‘Extremists Have the Upper Hand’: To Partition, 1945-47 
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Actually, there seems to have been a flaw with the Kindle copy, corrected now! So the feeling that chapter titles were mismatched was correct. We shall give corrected titles below the ones that were until now, 01:15, May 13th 2022..
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"S.C. Bose may be dead but much that he did lives still." 

"—Government of India, confidential file, 19452" 

But the then authorities, in particular the investigating officials of intelligence, weren't, in fact, convinced of the air crash story. 

"Here was Islam, his own country, more than a Faith, more than a battle-cry…he seemed to own the land as much as anyone owned it. What did it matter if a few flabby Hindus had preceded him there, and a few chilly English succeeded? 

"—E.M. Forster, A Passage to India3"

Flabby? After a thousand years of victimization by invaders, looted, massacred, and mostly poor, Hindus looked flabby to Forster? 

Was he limited to the rich invited to viceroy’s garden parties, and never, in fact, saw India? Did he never hear of history that was recent, of what stopped British from an assurance of control of India? It wasn't mughals. 

It was Maratha empire, held together by Peshawas of Pune, whose existence didn't allow British to presume control over India. 

When Nana Phadnavis died - of natural causes - the British could finally, an English historian wrote, be reassured.
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"…one must understand the evil spirit of 1946, to understand why the partition was accepted in 1947. 

"—The Indian Annual Register5"

The said spirit wasn't new in 1946 or restricted to India. It had wreaked havoc and attempted to destroy India, as it had done to Persia and Egypt, and elsewhere, destroying ancient civilisations and wiping them out in a century. It attempted in India for well over a millennium, to destroy her civilisation, and was behind genocides in Europe during WWII, before taking another swipe at India in 1946. 

If Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose had been brought back by Jawaharlal Nehru, as he could have, India could have been protected. 
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"Sarat Bose was free at last, but his health had deteriorated seriously during almost four years imprisonment. Fearing the machinations of the Boses, officials of the Raj had been unwilling to put him in his own house near Darjeeling as they had in the 1930s. ... "

British didn't fear massacres of millions - over eleven million, according to Koenraad Elst - Hindus, and therefore went on encouraging Jinnah even after Calcutta massacre of a few thousand in three days, or Noakhali massacre of 150,000 later; but British feared Bose brothers, despite their anxiety to bring about communal harmony in Bengal, and so kept them incarcerated, exiled, both? 

If that doesn't expose British, it's only to the blind fans of British.

" ... The consequence was that Sarat Bose remained in poor health for the rest of his life. He resumed his legal work in order to support his family, but his main focus was to help secure independence with unity for India. Subhas Bose was gone and Sarat was more than ever before in a crucial position as a leading Indian nationalist of Bengal."

Netaji was very much alive, could have been brought back, and benefited India immensely, but Jawaharlal Nehru chose otherwise. 

"While imprisoned, Sarat Bose paid close attention to political matters. Once freed, he reached out to the Congress as its high command stretched out its arms to embrace him again. Sarat Bose was a supporter but not a member of the Forward Bloc. Within a month or so after his release, Sarat Bose had joined the Congress and Bengal Election Boards and was strenuously working with Sardar Patel on organising the Congress election efforts, first for the Central Legislative Assembly, and later for the Bengal Legislative Assembly. He met with Fazlul Huq, and the Congress tried to help nationalist Muslims in the fight for the Muslim seats, but to no avail. ... "

Too little, too late - Gandhi having refused pleas from Subhash Chandra Bose about helping against communal politics with advise of minority in Bengal learning to live with majority, his general advice to Hindus (but neverto muslims) wherever they were in minority. 

" ... While Sarat Bose had been in prison, there had been a big shift to the Muslim League in Bengal and he gradually came to see that to deal with the Muslims, he now had to talk to the League rather than to Huq and the Krishak Praja Party."

"The decision for elections to the provincial and all-India legislative assemblies had come in the wake of the debacle at Simla, wrecked, as the viceroy Archibald Wavell saw it, by the unbending stand taken by Jinnah for the Muslim League. After this collapse and the summer elections in Britain which put the Labour Party in power, the new government moved for elections in India."

A Brit actually placed the blame where it belonged, if only equally with general British policy and conduct of two centuries? Rare. 
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"Sarat Bose had other important matters with which to deal: namely, the Indian National Army; the Azad Hind movement in Southeast Asia; and the legacy of Subhas Bose. Now that the war was over, Bose met with INA and Azad Hind government personnel, and identified the movement with the Congress and mainstream Indian nationalism as an effort to secure India’s freedom. As the British were bringing some of the INA officers to trial, he joined the large Indian chorus that shouted that no retribution must be taken against these patriots."

Notice the anti India slant there - "chorus", "shouted", ... ??????

If anything, it was a ground swell that British hadn't foreseen, exploding with a dull roar until there was a tremendous explosion, which woke London to communications from India being facts, not imaginary fears. 

Had they foreseen it, they would have not brought INA prisoners to India for public trials. The hubris, the blindness to their own reality, imagining India to be not human, was what had them lose India. 

"Besides Sarat Bose, every Indian nationalist—indeed, every political actor, Indian or British—had to come to terms with the INA in the fall and winter of 1945-46. ... "

In terming it "come to terms", Gordon is speaking of British attitudes, and imposing it on India, as British then did; India saw them as patriots, heroes, India's own army set to free India, and the setback of defeat and capture didn't diminish their glory. It hadn't in case of Queen Laxmibai of Jhansi, and now it didn't for Netaji. 

" ... The INA movement made a powerful impression on the Indian public in the months after its capitulation. Among Indian nationalists, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru—both of whom had been extremely critical of Subhas Bose from 1939 to 1945—found it easier to deal with him in death than in life. When Gandhi first learned of Subhas Bose’s death, he wrote: ‘Subhas Bose has died well. He was undoubtedly a patriot though misguided.’7 Later Gandhi thought that Bose was still alive until he talked with Habibur Rahman and allowed Bose to rest in peace. ... "

Gordon is either wrong, which implies his research was faulty, or lying, which implies that this work was paid for to support the lie of death of Netaji. 

Fact is, after Gandhi had met Habibur Rahman, his remark was to the effect that the man was very loyal. In the context of questioning him about the air crash, that only makes sense as his having stuck to the story he was asked yo, but not exactly coached word by word, to tell.

But even long before he met Habibur Rahman, he'd sent a message to Sharat Chandra Bose to not conduct last times of his brother yet. Since this isn't about leaving a dead body unattended and ignored, it can only be about the brother being alive. 
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"As the British Raj moved to put some leading officers of the INA on trial for treason against the King-Emperor and other charges, Indian nationalists closed ranks to defend them. ... "

This was no different from congress appropriations of other philosophies and slogans of national heroes they pushed under without giving credit - mist recently, Bhagat Singh and his group, while slogan "Inquilab Zindabad" had been taken over by congress, as well as socialist program (but more in words than action, until later), while Gandhi did an all out effort by his Salt March, to wipe out the tremendous impression created by Bhagat Singh and his group with their revolutionary act and thinking. 

So congress defending INA was their only chance to pull limelight onto themselves, and wipe out memories of their mistreatment of Bose. Once they'd achieved that, they went right back to bsdmouthing Bose, ill treatment of INA, persecution and hounding of Bose clan, and far worse. 

" ... The Raj made it easier for all Indians to identify with the defendants by choosing to try together a Muslim, Capt. Shah Nawaz Khan; a Hindu, Capt. P.K. Sahgal; and a Sikh, Lt. G.S. Dhillon. ... "

Gordon is desperate to assign credit anywhere, everywhere other than where it belongs - the fact that India perceived truth of INA as valiant soldiers for freedom of India led by a hero of quality that belonged to legends. But the detractors of Netaji perceived this all right, and set out yo nalign Netaji, discredit ina and take credit to themselves, whether by defending them and later claiming it as charity, or as in case of British, calling it a mistake to have tried them, and having tried these of diverse communities together. 

" ... Nehru spoke about the INA in a speech demanding the release of Jayaprakash Narayan: 

"The I.N.A. trial has created a mass upheaval. Wherever I went, even in the remotest villages, there have been anxious enquiries about the I.N.A. men. There are profuse sympathies for these brave men, and all, irrespective of caste, colour and creed, have liberally contributed to their defence…The continuance of the trial is sheer madness undermining the position of the British in this country. The trial has taken us many steps forward on our path to freedom. Never before in Indian history had such unified sentiments been manifested…9"

All true. 

And yet, in 1946, when he had a communication about Subhash Chandra Bose being in Russia, he chose to promptly inform the then PM Clement Attlee, and forever later lie about his having died in the air crash - which never did take place, on that day in Taipei. 
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" ... What followed was a surprise to Viceroy Wavell, Commander-in-Chief Claude Auchinleck and the British military establishment. An example of British military thinking is the view of General O’Connor writing to Auchinleck during the trial: ‘Everyone knew the INA were traitors…Now they…say they were patriots…How can we expect to keep loyalty if we don’t condemn disloyalty?’10"

When they said "Everyone knew the INA were traitors", they were only counting their own race, not Indian people, who hadn't forgotten Jallianwala Bagh, brutal treatment of Lala Lajpat Rai resulting in the elderly beloved leader's death, or execution of Bhagat Singh and his group and horrible conduct of British in chopping up the dead and trying to secretly burn them on river bank without proper funerals; for that matter, they hadn't forgotten British killing the young Queen Laxmibai of Jhansi who didn't want to give up her kingdom, or her rights to adopt a son. And just because India had yo tolerate being treated with racist abuse, first mean India thought it was fair, just or proper. 

British were pretty idiotic if they really were surprised, but just as likely, that surprise was a lie, and the reality was they'd expected to get away by terrorizing India again via the trials and executions. 

"These military leaders had not counted on the fact that Subhas Bose was a renowned patriot who could not be labeled a mere “Japanese tool”. Furthermore, although there were many opportunists in the INA, there were also quite a few devoted patriots and they had a formidable lawyer: Bhulabhai Desai. He was considerably to the right of the Boses in the Congress spectrum, but he mounted a keen defense backed by legal and political precedents and parallels from British, American, French, Latin American and Asian traditions. ... "

Beginning right with George Washington would have been hitting the nail on head. 

" ... The kernel of Desai’s defense was the following: ‘Modern international law has now recognised the right of subject races which are not for the time being or at the moment independent, to be so organised, and if they are organised and fight an organised war through an organised army…’11 Desai pressed his case that the Government of Azad Hind was a recognised belligerent opposing Britain and the British Raj and that the former’s army was operating under the Indian National Army Act. He claimed that the British had turned over the Indian prisoners in Malaya and Singapore to the Japanese and that these Indians could then take an oath to a new Indian government which superseded their oath to the King-Emperor. He differentiated Indian subjects of the King from British subjects and said that Bose’s government claimed and received the loyalty of Indians resident in Southeast Asia. Among the precedents for insurgents becoming a recognised belligerent power, Desai cited the American colonies in North America and included a recitation of the Declaration of Independence in his final speech along with a host of legal citations."

"The rallies and the impact of the INA on the Indian army, navy, and air force were one factor influencing the British to quit India. ... "

Gordon lies again! - "one factor"???? There was none other. Clement Attlee said as much, in response to a query while on a visit to India, specifically about why British left India. 

As another source points out, South Africa with its nonviolence succeeded only in 1994. 

" ... General Francis Tuker, GOC of the Eastern Command covering the region up to Delhi, has noted that, ‘During 1946 there were serious cases of mutiny in the Royal Indian Navy, less serious in the Royal Air Force and Royal Indian Air Force and minor troubles in the Indian Army.’16 The most serious of these was the Royal Indian Navy mutiny in Bombay, February 1946, which was shortly put down by determined repression and with calming words by Sardar Patel and Nehru."

Lies again - about "shortly put down" and about the"soothing words". Fact is British authorities desperately needed someone to make the naval men stop and surrender, and Nehru and Sardar Patel were the only options available under the circumstances. Indians believed them, but they didn't play fair, asking the Indians to surrender and promising further. 

As per Clement Attlee, this mutiny was the chief reason British were terrified enough to decide to leave. 
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"Sarat Bose had several areas of difference with Nehru, including one on the issue of China. In an interview in Blitz in September 1945, Sarat Bose called Chiang Kai-shek, “the Arch-Fascist tyrant of China”, and continued, ‘I accuse Chiang Kai-Shek…of indulging in numerous bloodbaths in China, with the sanctification of foreign powers and the financial help of foreign capitalists.’17 Bose then went on to praise Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese Communists. Nehru wrote to Sardar Patel, saying Bose’s opposition to Chiang Kai-Shek was harmful: 

"…Chiang Kai-shek…happens to be the head of the Chinese State and so far as India is concerned his attitude has always been very friendly. For my part I have kept up friendly relations not only with Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Government but with many of his critics in China. I do not want this controversy with Sarat, but to remain silent became impossible for me.18"

And yet, the moment tables turned in China, Jawaharlal Nehru did too - not only he dropped Chiang Kai-shek like a proverbial hot potato, but did the same to Tibet and Dalai Lama too, and moreover, adopted the policy of appeasement of China at cost of interests of India, spouting ethics!

"In his statement to the press on 29 September, 1945, Nehru suggested that Sarat Bose was not very well informed after his years in prison, that he did not speak for the Congress, and that it was no business of the Congress to criticise the heads of friendly states. He reiterated his thanks for the warm hand which Chiang had extended to Congress nationalists during the war. Yet, although Sarat Bose may have been intemperate, he had a more accurate view of what was to come in China than did Nehru. When the Chinese Communists came to power in 1949, Sarat Bose immediately sent off a congratulatory telegram to Mao Tse-tung. Mao thanked Sarat Bose for his greetings to the People’s Republic. 

"While Sarat Bose was full of praise for the Chinese Communists who, he said, were “true nationalists”, he did not have the same positive view of Indian communists—on which point he was in full accord with Nehru. In fact, he saw Indian communists in the CPI and M.N. Roy’s Radical Democratic Party as enemies of Indian nationalism for their collaboration with the Raj during the Second World War. In a speech to students in Patna on 1 February, 1946, Sarat Bose said:

"The Communist Party and the Radical Party are all branches of British organisations. When the Congress went to jail, the Communist Party found the field open, entered it and raised the false slogan of “People’s War” to mislead their countrymen…these parties which thrive on British patronage can never serve the interests of the Indian people which are diametrically opposed to British interests.19"

And Sharat Chandra Bose was right, then and in later decades.
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"What Sarat Bose called “the debacle” came in the Muslim constituencies. The Muslim League swept all six and beat the nationalist Muslim candidates as badly as the Congress had humiliated the Hindu Mahasabha. This sweep was strong evidence of the popular backing that the Muslim League had achieved during the war. The polarisation of Hindus and Muslims had grown and a popular Muslim party independent of the League no longer existed. The elections for the Bengal Legislative Assembly also demonstrated the same polarisation: the Muslim League won 113 out of 121 total Muslim seats; the Congress won a great majority of the non-Muslim seats.

"When Jinnah, for the League, rejected a “small Pakistan” (five provinces, but with Bengal and Punjab partitioned) and said, ‘Pakistan without Calcutta would be like asking a man to live without his heart,’24—the Cabinet Mission was led to issue its own award: the famous three-tier plan. Under the plan, there were three levels: the provinces; the groups of provinces: (a) Madras, Bombay, UP, Bihar, CP, and Orissa; (b) Punjab, NWFP, Sind, and Baluchistan; (c) Bengal and Assam; and, finally, the Union. These three groups of provinces were to draw up constitutions and to participate in the union constitution-making process. Within the groups there was to be majority voting until the constitution-making process was complete. 

"The League agreed to grouping in sections which was compulsory; and provinces or parts thereof could not opt out before the constitution-making process by the section. Although the Congress formally agreed to the final Cabinet Mission plan, Nehru cast serious doubt on the Congress commitment by asserting in July 1946 that once the constituent assembly met, it could do what it liked. This implied to Jinnah and the League that the Congress had agreed to the plan simply as a step towards Hindu-majority rule which would follow the British transfer of power to an Indian constitution-making body. 

"To many, the whole Cabinet Mission plan was a logical, but unworkable scheme: as R.J. Moore has persuasively argued, it was only “the illusion of an agreement”.25 Besides the long-range three-tier plan, there was an immediate effort by Viceroy Wavell to form an Interim Government with Congress and Muslim League participation. At first only the League agreed to this. Wavell, seemingly belying his word that he would take in ministers of whichever party or parties accepted the proposal, refused to form the Interim Government without the Congress. By early August, Jinnah had a double grievance: the disagreement on the meaning of “grouping” and Nehru’s statement about an all-powerful constituent assembly; and what he saw as the viceroy’s duplicity on the question of forming the Interim Government. With the drift against “Pakistan”, Jinnah decided on a different move.

"For the first time in its history, the Muslim League adopted a resolution calling for “direct action”. What the League meant by “direct action” was ambiguous and when Jinnah was asked whether the action was to be violent or non-violent, he said, ‘I am not going to discuss ethics.’26 The League then announced that 16 August, 1946, would be “Direct Action Day”. Although there had been tensions and demonstrations in Calcutta, there had not been a serious communal riot since 1926. The demonstrations in the civil disobedience period and then during the 1942 Quit India movement and the 1945–46 massive rallies for the INA had not pitted one community against the other. Indeed, Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims had joined to support the INA.

"Now things were different. The Muslims, though less than 30 percent of the Calcutta population, but 54 percent in Bengal as a whole and in control of the ministry, wanted to show that they controlled Calcutta and Bengal. On the Hindu side, the Hindu Mahasabha circulated handbills asking the Hindus to break the Muslim League-declared hartal. Kiron S. Roy, the Congress leader in the Bengal Assembly, also told the Hindus not to observe the hartal. A leader of the small Sikh community of Calcutta said that if there was rioting, the Sikhs would support the Congress and “give the Muslims a good thrashing”.27

"What followed was not wanted by anyone. Muslims returning from a huge meeting in central Calcutta began to attack Hindu shops. The violence escalated on 16 August, 1946 into the worst communal riot in the history of Calcutta. The police were at hand on the main streets, but they often appeared passive in the face of brutal attacks by one side on the other. The army was ready, but it was decided they were not needed. What neither the police nor later the army could deal with were cowardly murders and attacks in the small lanes and byways of the city. The rioting lasted for four days, but isolated incidents continued for months. No area and no section of the population was spared. Both sides suffered grievously, but the Hindus may have had the worst of it. By most accounts at least 5,000 people died, likely many more, during those four days. The wounded were at least five times the number killed. In north Calcutta, Tuker noted, “…many were horribly mutilated”.28"

Gordon seeks to equalise the one way massacre of Hindus ordered by Jinnah and executed by muslims of Calcutta. He's also avoiding exposing the role that Bengal CM, Suhrawardy played, allowing Hindus to be killed. 

"It was within this context of increasing bitterness and alienation that Lord Wavell went forward with his plans to install the Interim Government. Only the Congress was agreeable to join in August. It had persuaded Wavell to drop an earlier requirement that there be parity between the Congress and the League in the cabinet. The Congress nominated a slate of ministers which included Sarat Bose. 

"Sarat Bose was a minister for about six weeks, but he took his job seriously. He told family members that he was aghast at the widespread corruption in the Government of India, and was moving to combat this stigma, when he was asked for his resignation in mid-October. This move was taken to allow Muslim League members to join the Interim Government. Some Congressmen had to leave and he dutifully submitted his resignation. But Sarat Bose remained a member of the Working Committee of the Congress and was elected to the Constituent Assembly.29"
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Here's proof of partisan attitude of the author, and perhaps of the fact that this work wasn't independent, but written according to instructions. 

"The real problem to be faced in the fall of 1946 was the spreading communal violence. From Calcutta in August, the focus of the dreadful carnage moved to Noakhali District in East Bengal. What appears to have been a carefully planned attack by a Muslim force on the small Hindu minority was infact, systematically carried out. In the rural areas where one community often greatly outnumbered the other, when there was violence, it became a pogrom. The Hindus were nearly defenseless. Leaders of Hindu resistance were killed, some were forcibly converted to Islam, including some Hindu women whose marriages and lives were broken."

What he's not mentioning, apart from numbers - 150,000 massacred - is that the murdered were not only male, but Hindus of all ages including babies, and in that the last bit he's refraining from mentioning mass rapes of Hindu women. 

Also, he refrains carefully from mentioning the dates or the time, saying only "fall of 1946", which is as racist in the context and as fraudulent as it gets. 

Fall is at best terminology of Nordic latitudes, more of USA than of England. Indian seasons - six, not four - have a fall, but its in February, roughly, not in accordance with Nordic calendar. Since this book can only have overwhelmingly, predominantly Indian readership, this terminology is deliberately racist, imposing seasons non-existent in India on India, and attempting to wipe out Indian seasons from India's mind. 

Far more racist is the attempt to wipe out Hindu culture, in not mentioning that the massacre was perpetrated quite deliberately during Hindu sacred month-long festival days observed majorly in Bengal during first ten days, but hugely throughout India, for most of the month. 

This assault by muslims, in such atrocities bring perpetrated during this time, has continued with Pakistan usually taking this opportunity to assault, and China too did the same in 1962. 

In global terns, it's comparable to say, Chingiz Khan - or Attila the Hun - attacking everywhere from Rome to California on or day before Xmas. 

This genocide, this pogrom perpetrated against Hindus by muslims had been in abeyance only most of the time during British rule, but in fact was a resumption of the over eleven centuries long continuous, unprovoked assaults against Hindus by islamic invaders. 

Even in early twentieth century there was the massacre of well over a thousand Hindus in Kerala by muslims disappointed with failure of Khilafat, kept out of media by British, and commented by Gandhi only to the effect that he trusted Hindus to not react. But subsequent massacre of Hindus in NWFP by muslims had Gandhi express admiration for muslims and clear statement that he despised Hindus for this. 

At Noakhali too, he later came to do a hunger strike - to calm down Hindus, but staying well away from the area where massacre of Hindus had been perpetrated. 
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" ... Amidst the rising violence, it was difficult for a tolerant voice like that of Sarat Bose to make itself heard; that of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, however, became louder. "

The latter probably had far more truth, but notice how hordon muzzles his voice by not mentioning his words. 

Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, after independence, was a victim of a deliberately perpetrated murder, but unrecognised as such; he was imprisoned for stepping across border into Kashmir, despite Kashmir then being part of India, and had within a month been reduced to a state of being at door of death, despite having been in perfectly good health when he had stepped across the "border". Some sources allege that thus incarceration resulting in his death, after whatever atrocities were perpetrated, was with accord of the then PM, Jawaharlal Nehru. 

"In late November and early December, 1946, Sarat Bose made a tour of Noakhali and Tippera to see the results of the devastation and to talk to survivors. ... "

"Sarat Bose continued the effort to have a political orientation that overarched communal identifications. Sarat Bose was unhappy that “peaceful and sober elements among the Muslims failed to control other Muslims who were attacking Hindus”.33 But this did not lead him into stereotyping all Muslims. He said, ‘I shall admit that the disturbances which began from 16 August have made a large number of Hindus think in communal terms. But I believe it is only a passing phase.’34 ... "

Well, considering it's lasted most of seven decades, calling it passing was inaccurate at best, and proven wrong - by muslims of Bengal - more accurately. Northwest achieved their ethnic cleansing much earlier, by perpetrating atrocities and massacres at time of partition enforcing an almost complete exodus. 

" ... Although he did not think “in communal terms”, he was too sanguine about many of his fellow Hindus. He was also too ingenuous in thinking that preaching socialism and freedom to the masses of Bengalis would turn back the rushing tide of communalism."

Funny how Gordon selects Sharat Chandra Bose for the sarcasm and quotes his comments for the purpose, despite Gandhi’s being the obviously atrocious comments and conduct in the context of every time atrocities were perpetrated against Hindus. Gordon blinds it out, and keeps his references to Gandhi limited to what can be contrasted with Bose, or quoted for its worth as comments against Bose - whichever Bose brother it be. The only time Gordon deviates from his bashing of a Bose in what's supposedly a biography of the Bose brothers, is when he can bash up other Hindus thereby. 
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"From Noakhali, the communal spark set off new violence in Bihar. This time the majority Hindus slaughtered the minority Muslims. The Bihari Hindus believed that they were avenging their fellow Hindus in East Bengal and the torch was passed to UP and the Punjab. While violence was spreading at the grassroots, deadlock became the password of the Interim Government once the Muslim League joined, making the operation of the Interim Government a nightmare for the Congress. Nehru and Patel began to ask themselves if life without the League might be easier; would they be able to govern at all in combination with the Muslim League? 

"The policies of the Clement Attlee government and viceroy Wavell were stalled. The Constituent Assembly met, but the Muslim League did not attend. The League and Congress members of the Interim Government were increasingly at loggerheads. Wavell’s latest proposal was totally unacceptable to the British Cabinet. In a new effort, Indian party leaders were invited to London so that they could come face-to-face with the India Committee of the Cabinet. Nehru agreed and he went along with representatives of the Sikhs and the Muslim League. No progress was made. The British government issued a statement, 6 December, 1946, giving their view of grouping: that Sections should make decisions by a majority vote of representatives in the Sections, a position agreeable to the Muslim League. The Congress maintained, instead, that the power of decision should rest with the Provinces. The stalemate continued.

"The 6 December, 1946 statement of the British Cabinet persuaded Sarat Bose to change the direction of his political efforts. The decision of the AICC on 6 January, 1947 to ratify the Working Committee’s acceptance of the British government view of grouping was the last straw for Bose: it seemed to disregard provincial autonomy and give a simple majority control in the sections. He resigned from the Congress Working Committee. He said in his statement of 6 January, 1947: 

"The resolution drafted by the Working Committee stultifies the Congress, makes the Constituent Assembly a subservient body, irreparably destroys the integrity of India and actually compels provinces to accept grouping against their will and to surrender provincial autonomy while giving them misleading assurances that no compulsion or interference is involved and that provincial autonomy will remain intact.35"

"He insisted that the Congress must resist the 6 December British government interpretation of grouping and feared that the statement would lead Jinnah and the Muslim League to continue to boycott the Constituent Assembly. He went on, ‘Mr Jinnah wants to have his “Pakistan” by merely sitting quiet.’36"

" ... The standstill also greatly disturbed Nehru and Patel, as devoted to the Congress ideals as Bose and Gandhi, and top ministers in its government. Patel, in exasperation at one point, asked the League ministers to resign if they could not work with the rest of the team."

"On 30 January, 1947, at a meeting of INA personnel and others in Calcutta, Sarat Bose announced the formation of the Azad Hind Party. It listed many noble objectives including the complete independence of India, the establishment “in this country of a Union of Socialist Republics”, a common language for India, equality of the sexes, “sovereignty and freedom of development…guaranteed to all the cultural and linguistic groups of India”, religious freedom, and so on.37 Bose had little support, but was seeking to work separately."
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Gordon lies again.

"The political deadlock, the frightening communal riots, the growing ineffectiveness of the police, fears about the future economic and defence interests of Britain and the Commonwealth, brought the Attlee government to agree to the transfer of power. ... "

No, it had been discussed between British authorities in India and back in London all through 1945-46, beginning with local authorities in India becoming aware of India's reaction to INA trials and to INA itself, the effect of Subhash Chandra Bose and his feats on India. 
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"The Mahasabha now wanted the division of Bengal into a Hindu-majority West Bengal and a Muslim-majority East Bengal. That solution would leave the control of at least one part of Bengal to Bengal Hindus, either in a federated India or if part of Bengal was detached to make a Bengal wing of Pakistan. Through the early months of 1947, the Hindu Mahasabha carried on a strong, vocal campaign for a Bengali Hindu homeland, matching Jinnah’s cry of “Islam in danger!” with one of “sacred Hindustan and Hindus in danger!” Mookerjee soon won the majority of the Bengal Congress and Bengal Hindu representatives in the central and provincial legislative assemblies to his side. While continually condemning the wickedness of the idea of Pakistan, the Mahasabha and Congress allies were using a parallel argument, calling for the partition of Bengal (and the Punjab) whether there was an overall partition of India or not. In so doing, they were virtually admitting the two-nation theory of Jinnah. If Pakistan had to be conceded, it seems the thinking was, then the arrangement must be such that the largest number of non-Muslims be given the opportunity to remain in India."

Gordon indicts Hindus for not contradicting Jinnah at any cost; as Jinnah had demonstrated, cost was to be lives of Hindus and not just in thousands but hundreds of thousands, possibly total annihilation, either way. 

In the event, it was over eleven million Hindus, as quoted by Koenraad Elst. It was also a complete ethnic cleansing of Hindus wiped out from Northewest, and a sustained program in East Bengal of repression, atrocities, massacres and forced exodus. 
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"Mountbatten arrived in New Delhi on 22 March, 1947, to assume his duties as the last viceroy and governor-general of India. He was related to the royal family, not only of Britain, but to all the former ruling dynasties of pre-World War I Europe, ... "

As would be any other great-grandson of Queen Victoria. He was part of what she termed the royal mob. She'd been called grandma of Europe, her son Edward VII, uncle of Europe. 

Mountbatten didn't want this assignment, because he saw it as disruption of his career, which he hoped would avenge his father Louis Battenberg, which been forced to resign at onset of WWI due to bring German. 

So Mountbatten wrapped it up in a hurry, albeit taking care of British policy of giving everything possible to Pakistan and keeping India from getting more than absolutely minimal possible. 

He used Gandhi, apart from his family, for the purpose of influencing Jawaharlal Nehru, who'd been made PM of India by Gandhi asking the elected PM Sardar Patel aside. 

Sardar Patel could maneuver around and effect good of India, in spite of them, sometimes. 

" ... Gradually, he developed a special rapport with Nehru that helped Mountbatten in working out the eventual partition plan. ... "

It's unclear who fed material to Gordon but his presentation is filled with inaccuracies. 

The two men might have met before; they not only knew one another in Southeast Asia where Mountbatten was in charge of military, but more - Nehru, invited to lay a wreath by local Indians at INA memorial, was dissuaded by Mountbatten, who preferred to destroy it instead. 

" ... Mountbatten excluded Sarat Bose because he had some residual bitterness against the Boses for the sins of the INA. The viceroy said, ‘I hated Subhas; he brought together the dregs of Indians in his army.’42"

This is deliberate lie, over and above abuse. INA did give a tough fight to British and did plant flag of independent India in Imphal, despite superior forces of allies what with US troops and air force in addition to the 2,500,000 strong Indian army consisting of volunteers of India.

If British had not been racist and arrogant in not only abusive behaviour towards Indians but perpetrated atrocities such as Jallianwala Bagh and much, much more, INA might never have existed. Or Ghadar party for that matter. 
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"Mountbatten later said that he drove Jinnah “crazy” with the view that if India had to be divided, then Bengal and the Punjab would have to be divided as part of such a settlement. ... Mountbatten wrote in his report of 17 April, 1947: ‘I regard Jinnah as a psychopathic case; in fact until I had met him I would not have thought it possible that a man with such a complete lack of administrative knowledge or sense of responsibility could achieve or hold down so powerful a position.’43 Jinnah’s insistence that “Pakistan” was the only solution led Mountbatten to the tentative conclusion, only a month or so into his tenure, that there would have to be a division. By late April, he circulated a plan for partition, explaining, for London’s ears and eyes only, that it was not what he personally wanted: 

"The more I look at the problem in India the more I realise that all this partition business is sheer madness and is going to reduce the economic efficiency of the whole country immeasurably. No one would ever induce me to agree to it were it not for this fantastic communal madness that has seized everybody and leaves no other course open.44"

"When the Unionist government in the Punjab fell in March 1947, demonstrations and riots began. Sporadic violence started up again in Calcutta in March and April. There was nothing yet to match the “Great Calcutta Killing” of August 1946, but the incidents were widespread and disturbing. Master Tara Singh, the Akali leader, said at Lahore on 12 March, ‘Punjab is drifting towards a Civil War.’ Insisting that the fault lay with Muslim League aggression, he said that the Sikhs would not be intimidated and he would not join in an appeal for peace. The League, he maintained, should halt its violence first. With such intransigence as shown by Jinnah, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Sikhs, more conciliatory suggestions such as those made by Gandhi, Sarat Bose, and even Mountbatten, made little progress. 

"In his original scheme for division, which Moore has called “Plan Balkan”, Mountbatten thought that a united Bengal was a live possibility and he sketched out the voting procedure by which this might be achieved, with a preliminary vote to be taken for independence, and a later one for partition. Later in the same report, he said, ‘I have no doubt myself that unity is necessary for Bengal; for if the Province is divided, eastern Bengal even with Sylhet will be an uneconomic entity which is bound gradually to fail, and cannot receive any help from the rest of Pakistan.’45 Up to the end of April and into early May, the door was still open for the possibility of united Bengal to enter. Each for their own reasons, Mountbatten, Suhrawardy, and Sarat Bose thought positively about it."

"Press questioners tried to pin Suhrawardy down on what relationship such a sovereign Bengal would have to Pakistan of which he previously had been a supporter. What promises had he and Mr Jinnah exchanged? He was asked: If Hindus and Muslims can live together in one Bengal, then why can’t they remain in one, united India? His answers were evasive. As the discussions went forward, Suhrawardy and others met with Gandhi. Although British officials felt that Suhrawardy had moderated his views since the Calcutta riots of the previous August, Gandhi found Suhrawardy quite an irresponsible person, and this did not help.

"Shyama Prasad Mookerjee argued with both Suhrawardy and Sarat Bose, who was associated with the latter’s proposal. Mookerjee said, ‘Suhrawardy’s picture of the paradise to come is hardly comparable to the hell that now exists in Bengal.’47 Mookerjee and many other Hindus felt that Suhrawardy’s plan was a ruse to try to bring all of Bengal into Pakistan as part of a deal with Jinnah. Sarat Bose was also meeting with Abul Hashim, secretary of the Muslim League, but the pace of their talks did not meet Mountbatten’s schedule. During the first half of May, Mountbatten took Nehru away with him to Simla to show him the draft of “Plan Balkan”. Angered and confused at this plan, Nehru wrote it was sure to bring “fragmentation and conflict and disorder”.48 Mountbatten had the plan redrafted into “Plan Partition”, a much more satisfactory proposal from the Congress high command’s point of view. In Plan Balkan, Bengal and the Punjab would have had the independence option, allowing other areas, such as the NWFP and some of the larger princely states, to have it as well. In Plan Partition, several areas, including provinces and parts of two provinces would be given the opportunity to opt out of the union of India and form “Pakistan”. The new plan had the backing of Nehru and Patel and thus the All-India Congress. It meant the death knell of United Bengal unless extraordinary and powerful backing for this alternative was to come from the main Hindu and Muslim leaders of Bengal and then be accepted by the all India organisations.

" ... A widely-noted survey of Hindu public opinion by the Amrita Bazar Patrika in early May found that an overwhelming majority, 97 percent, supported partition. Their findings were presented in an article, ‘Homeland for Bengali Hindus.’51"
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"Mountbatten returned from London at the end of May 1947. He did present Nehru and the Congress leadership with one last opportunity to preserve the unity of Bengal. Nehru said that the Congress was only willing to have Bengal remain united if it stayed within the Indian Union. Since the Muslim League would not find this acceptable, Bengal, given the likely vote of its legislative assembly, would be divided."

" ... Jinnah would get his Pakistan, but it would almost certainly be the moth-eaten, truncated one he despised, for the Hindus of West Bengal and the Hindus and Sikhs of East Punjab would certainly vote to remain in India. The Legislative Assemblies of the two provinces were not to be allowed to vote for an independent Bengal or independent Punjab option. The choices were the present Constituent Assembly (India) or the new one (Pakistan). Mountbatten, following Nehru on this, said, ‘I could not allow the Balkanisation of India.’52 When Mountbatten asked Patel if Calcutta could remain under joint control for six months after partition, Patel replied, ‘Not even for six hours.’53"

"At the same time there were rumors of bribery: that the Muslim League was paying for Hindu legislators to vote against partition. Sarat Bose’s effort was tainted by these rumours. Even Gandhi believed them, as he made plain in a letter to Sarat Bose on 8 June. Gandhi’s letter and a reference to corrupt practices in his evening prayer address brought a furious telegram followed by a letter from Sarat Bose, who demanded an open inquiry instead of snide gossip. ‘If information false, punish informants, if information true, punish bribe-givers and bribe-takers.’56 Gandhi was not prepared to conduct an inquiry and he tried to calm Sarat Babu and have him, however unwillingly, accept partition. Sarat Bose ran out of practical avenues, but his faith remained. He wrote to Gandhi: 

"My faith remains unshaken and I propose to work in my own humble way for the unity of Bengal. Even after the raging and tearing campaign that has been carried on in favour of partition, I have not the slightest doubt that if a referendum were taken, the Hindus of Bengal by a large majority would vote against partition. The voice of Bengal has been stifled for the moment but I have every hope that it will assert itself.57"

Did he, would the Hindus of Bengal, find a repetition of Noakhali erupting everywhere in Bengal, a trivial risk? A united Bengal outside India simply meant more land wrested from India, while Hindu Bengalis, like Hindu Sindhis, would be without a home state.

" ... Bengal and Punjab Legislative Assemblies were to vote on 20 June on the partition issue. In Bengal, the members met jointly and then in West Bengal and East Bengal groups. The vote in the joint session was almost wholly along communal lines. Then the members divided into two groups. Members from the non-Muslim-majority areas voted for partition; members from the Muslim-majority areas, against. The Congress-Mahasabha alliance successfully manoeuvred to keep West Bengal as a Hindu-majority province within a divided India. The Hindu Bengalis had voted to split Bengal and remain part of a larger political entity, India. A united Bengal separate from Pakistan was not a choice."
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May 13, 2022 - May 13, 2022. 
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13.​ Divided Bengal and Independent India: Hard Realities and Soft Myths 
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What's with Gordon and his lies of chapter titles, apart from lies galore through the book, spread pretty much like salt and pepper generously added to a dish of soup, distinguishable not to eye of ignorants but to those who know? 

Here he speaks of divided Bengal and Independent India - forgetting that, even if it were only Bengal that was divided, still, that's India divided! And furthermore, not only that some other parts of India too were divided, but some lost as home state completely to their residents who were ousted by fanatics. 

Actually, there seems to have been a flaw with the Kindle copy, corrected now! So the feeling that chapter titles were mismatched was correct. We shall give corrected titles below the ones that were until now, 01:15, May 13th 2022..
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"The flood of refugees coming across the border from East Bengal, now Pakistan, led Dr Roy and his Congress colleagues at the centre to strengthen the Congress cabinet in West Bengal and the Indian representation in Dacca. Kiron Sankar Roy, an East Bengali and a prominent Congressman for many years, had tried to work in East Bengal, but he was persuaded by Dr Roy to join the West Bengal ministry as home minister. Santosh Basu, once a close associate of Sarat Bose, was asked to become deputy high commissioner for India in Dacca to deal with problems at that end. Meanwhile, Shyama Prasad Mookerjee joined Nehru’s cabinet at the centre though he was not a Congressman. Nehru and Patel wanted someone from Bengal in their government. With Sarat Bose out of the Congress and in opposition, the choice fell on S.P. Mookerjee, though this did not please many."

"Bose was also concerned with the flow of refugees across the border, particularly of Hindus from East Bengal to Calcutta. Sarat Bose wrote in his newspaper, The Nation, on 3 September, 1948, that the grave economic situation and the rising Muslim communalism in East Bengal was the impetus behind “The Exodus”.4 He had hoped that a more positive relationship would be worked out."

"During the first year of independence, Sarat Bose had made speeches, issued a few press statements, and held public meetings, but these methods of communication did not reach many. To make a greater impact, he decided to start a newspaper. He had long been unhappy with the Indian press, for he felt that they ignored opposition voices. To meet the cost of the equipment, Sarat Bose took a bank loan and ran a deficit. On 1 September, 1948, The Nation was born. It was a platform for Bose from which to present his views on a range of issues.

"J.N. Ghosh suspended his high court practice and became managing director of the newspaper, while Sarat Bose, who kept up his practice since the income was essential, came from the high court to the paper’s office to write editorials. Once the paper got rolling, its circulation was about 15,000 to 20,000 and they could not print enough copies to meet the demand. The paper gained in popularity and became the first-class paper that Sarat Bose desired, but financial problems remained."

"On the international front, as well, Sarat Bose opposed Nehru and those he referred to as “fashionable internationalists”.8 Even before independence, Bose had pushed for breaking with the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth tie, he thought, sucked India into a de facto relationship with the “Anglo-American” powers and prevented true independence and true neutrality in international affairs. 

"Bose presented the case for a United States of South Asia, or a United Nations of Asia. He was much bolder than the Indian government or Nehru in arguing for Indian support for the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, a free Indonesia, and recognition of the People’s Republic of China. When Bose wanted to send direct assistance to the Vietnamese government of Ho Chi Minh, Nehru demurred that he did not want to antagonise the French."
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"Early in September 1948, the Boses suffered another personal blow when Satish Bose, the oldest of Sarat’s brothers, died. Later that year, Sarat Bose decided to take his wife and several of his children with him on a journey to Europe, which he had not visited since his student days in 1914. He also had another purpose. When the family reached Prague, Sisir Bose said to his sisters Roma and Chitra, ‘Father is calling you.’ Sarat Bose said to them, ‘We are going to meet someone in Vienna.’ Roma asked, ‘Rangakakababu?’ (Subhas Bose) ‘No,’ Sarat Bose replied, ‘not him, but his wife and daughter. They were married late in 1941. I have come to see them.’9

"On 8 February, 1943, just before he left Germany for Southeast Asia, Subhas Bose had written a letter to Sarat Bose, written in Bengali, which he handed to Emilie Schenkl. In it he introduced her as his wife and Anita, as his daughter. If anything were to happen to him, Subhas wrote, Sarat was to take care of them. After the war, Emilie Schenkl had resumed her work with the post office in Vienna and raised her daughter. She had written to Sarat Bose a few times and sent him photocopies of Subhas’s 1943 letter, but he did not receive the first letters. Finally he did receive one and wrote to her in 1948 that he was coming to see her.

"The Bose family thus met Emilie Schenkl at the city terminal. Roma found her “…very fair…[with] pink cheeks and sharp features. She was very good looking but short”. Sarat and Biva went straight up to her and she said to Sarat Bose, ‘I have been waiting for this day.’ She gave the original of Subhas Bose’s letter to Sarat Bose, thinking, ‘It is he [i.e., Subhas] only advanced in years.’ Then Emilie Schenkl and Sarat Bose broke down and he embraced her. She said to him, ‘Call me Mimi,’ and he said to her, ‘Call me Mej-da.’ She stayed with them at their hotel late into the night, talking.

"The next morning she returned with Anita. They all concurred that there was a striking family resemblance. Seven-year-old Anita spoke little English, but she loved to spend time with her relations. Sarat Bose spent ten days in Vienna and tried to persuade Emilie Schenkl to come back to Calcutta; however, she refused. But she and Anita were taken into the family circle. They were now Boses.10

"While in Europe, the Sarat Bose party also visited Italy, Czechoslovakia, France, the United Kingdom and Ireland. Sisir Bose has further described the trip: 

"…the European sojourn…fulfilled a desire that he had nursed for a long time to see something of the historical places of Europe and its culture…Wherever he went he sought out Indian students…He was particularly interested in meeting former members of the Free India Centre and the Indian Legion…11 

"In London, he searched for the Hampstead house in which Sarat Bose had lived as a student, but he discovered that it had since been destroyed. The Bose party then visited Dublin, strengthening the ties that Subhas Bose had forged in the 1930s on his visit. While the rest of the party returned to India, Sisir Bose remained in England for his studies."
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" ... Sarat Bose returned to Calcutta, when he suffered a heart attack. After consultation with physicians, he was advised to go to a clinic in a healthy mountain climate, like that of Switzerland, for a curative rest. On 16 May, he left again for Europe and headed for the Val-Mont, Clinique Médicale, Glion, Switzerland."

"On 14 June, 1949, the result was announced: the Congress candidate Suresh Das polled 5,750 votes; and Sarat Bose won overwhelmingly with 19,300 votes. The Congress felt strongly negative reverberations from this defeat: 

"This defeat shook the very foundation of the Ministry and the Congress organisation in this province which almost went underground for months thereafter…A storm was raging in the Congress circle in Delhi…over the defeat…on 16th July an emergency session of the Congress Working Committee discussed…the administrative and political problems of West Bengal.14"

"Returning to Calcutta from Bombay, on 6 August, Sarat Bose held a press conference dealing with regional and national issues. There, he said: 

"All the repressive legislations of the past are still there…we have Security Acts in every province; and one has only to read one of the Security Acts to be convinced that they are a complete negation of civil liberties…The Constitution as drafted is even worse than the Government of India Act, 1935…The wide powers…conferred on the Provincial Authorities and the Central Authorities are bound to convert our so-called democratic state into a totalitarian state.15"

"Then he was struck down again. Sisir Bose described this period thus: 

"…I learnt from mother’s letters he was overworking himself. If anybody sought to warn him about the possible consequences of such reckless action he would say: ‘I am a racing horse. I shall die galloping!’ When mother cautioned him and asked him to go slow he would say: ‘I cannot rest now, let Subhas return and then I shall retire.’ (‘Subhas ele amar chhuti’). He again suffered a major heart attack on 20th August 1949 while addressing a public meeting and thereafter he could not return to a fully active life.16"

Notice Gordon has avoided discussing Subhash Chandra Bose being alive bring known to Jawaharlal Nehru and Gandhi, and Sharat Chandra Bose never having believed in his death; and much more. 

"There was no Subhas to give him a vacation. ... "

Not in India at that moment, certainly. 

As very well known to Jawaharlal Nehru and as intimated immediately by him on his discovery thereof to Clement Attlee, Subhash Chandra Bose was in Russia. 

" ... Following Bose’s suggestion, Netaji’s birthdate, 23 January, 1950, was celebrated with mass rallies and meetings as “Anti-Commonwealth Day”."
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"The constitution completed, Sarat Bose wrote a critique identifying its fundamental flaws: “A Constitution of Myths and Denials”, published in the Indian Law Review in January 1950."

" ... He noted that if an emergency was declared—a mere supposition in 1950—all basic rights would be suspended. Under preventive detention, he argued, those held would be denied due process of law. ‘The constitution,’ he concluded, ‘is an undeclared war upon opposition, present and future.’20"

"In February 1950, new communal riots broke out in East Bengal and a renewed flood of Hindu refugees rushed towards Calcutta, where communal violence flared. In a Press statement, Bose could not help but recall his predictions that partition would not solve the problem of Hindu-Muslim relations. ... "

"The day before Sarat Bose wrote this statement, his brother Sudhir died, on the eve of the marriage of Sarat’s daughter Roma. Within a few years, Sarat had lost Subhas, Satish and Sudhir. The wedding happened as planned, but Bose relations could not attend and celebrate. Roma came to see her father every day.

"On 20 February, 1950, Sarat Bose wrote an editorial for The Nation, appealing for communal peace. He suggested: “That East Bengal as a distinct and separate State should join the Indian Union…”22 A Bengali to the end, he was trying to work some way out of the trap of communal warfare. 

"Only a half-hour later, in the presence of his son Amiya and J.N. Ghosh, Sarat Bose died at the age of sixty-one. Dr Roy came the next morning to pay a silent tribute; Jawaharlal Nehru came to see Biva. 

"In the same year, Sardar Patel and Sri Aurobindo would pass away too. The titans of modern India’s freedom struggle were leaving the stage."
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Here on, the chapter describes Shah Nawaz Khan Commission and Khosla Commission, much better source for both of which is Anuj Dhar's work. 

"Though Suresh Bose signed an initial list of findings of the committee, he refused to sign the final report, and, insisting later that his brother was alive, wrote his own Dissentient Report which he published in 1956. He claimed that the Shah Nawaz Committee did shoddy and dishonest work, deprived him of materials to write his own report, and was directed from the start to find that Subhas Bose had died in the plane crash. Its role, he wrote, was to gather evidence supporting this hypothesis and to ignore other evidence. He indicated that the direction for this line came from the top, that is, from Prime Minister Nehru. He suggested that a conspiracy existed including the other two committee members and Dr B.C. Roy, to try to induce him to sign the majority report.25 

"He resisted these pressures, he wrote, because his more open-minded approach had led him to the conclusion that there had been no plane crash; that Bose, Rahman and the Japanese had all plotted the false crash story to help Bose escape, and that Subhas Bose was somewhere in the world, alive, in 1956. Out of the 181-page repetitious document that constitutes Suresh Bose’s report, there emerges one main principle for dealing with the evidence: if two or more stories by witnesses have any discrepancies between them, then the whole testimony of the witnesses involved is thereby discredited and assumed to be totally false. Using this principle, Bose is able to dismiss eye-witness testimony of all the crash victims and medical personnel and find that there was no crash. ... "

"The story of Subhas Bose as a sadhu (1948-59) and then the Shaulmari sadhu from 1959 to the mid-1960s can be culled from the publications of the Subhasbadi Janata. Its promoters spread the message that India’s Netaji was alive, ... was carrying out a great mission, not only for India, but for the world. Transformed by his sadhana, the sadhu would raise India from her present degradation to a future glory. He would bring about a Divine Age on earth."

" ... One former associate of Bose in Germany during the war told me in the late 1970s that Habibur Rahman hinted to him that the crash story was merely concocted. This man, a respected professional in his field, said that Bose went to either China or Russia, most likely the latter, and was held in a concentration camp. The imprisonment of Netaji in the Soviet Union, he argued, allowed the Russians to hold a whip hand over Nehru. Since Bose would be a threat to Nehru’s rule if he returned, Nehru “paid” the Russians by taking their side at every turn. This relationship culminated in the Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty completed by Nehru’s daughter, Indira Gandhi."

" ... Speculation has gone on for decades about “Netaji’s treasure” ... "

Anuj Dhar is a far better source on all of the above. There are others. 

Gordon writes off every possibility of Subhash Chandra Bose having not died in the air crash that in fact never did happen, discussing it instead as mythology generated by a Bengal deprived of power it once had. He's the delusional one, in this, but the delusion is helped by racism. 

"A final question, dealt with partially above, is this: Why Subhas Bose? Why is he the hero who is desired, resurrected, not allowed to rest in peace? ... "

And there's more racism! Why assume that souls "rest in peace", or that that's the highest possible alternative? This assumption is Abrahamic and very opposite of any Hindu thinking about departed. 
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May 13, 2022 - May 13, 2022. 
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Conclusions 
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The conclusion, much like the last chapter of Gone With The Wind, seems to have been written first, after Gordon finished interviews and reading. Rest of the book is diluted form thereof, with much abuses and snide comments against the younger Bose and much lies holding up some others such as British or Gandhi. The conclusion could be read first and the rest avoided, and it too offers really nothing not known. 
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May 13, 2022 - May 13, 2022. 
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Postscript 
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Here, Gordon gives his version of Justice Mukherjee Commission. 

As before, Anuj Dhar's work is a better source. 

Much of this chapter is spent abusing Dhar, and lying as Gordon does throughout the book. 

"Dhar, a journalist, has written a lengthy, confusing account of the search for the truth about Bose’s end. He summarily rejects all the evidence for the crash and has an enemies’ list of those who are convinced by the evidence: it includes include Jawaharlal Nehru, the Gandhi-Nehru family, the Congress party, Sisir, Krishna, and Sugata Bose, Netaji’s daughter Anita Pfaff, the Shah Nawaz Khan and Khosla Commissions who concluded there was a crash, S.A. Ayer, Pranab Mukherjee, the “Ananda Bajar Patrika” newspaper. ... "

Inclusion of daughter of Subhash Chandra Bose there is Gordon going too far. Notice he refrains from commenting on Pranab Mukherjee having offered blank cheque to wife of Netaji for signing a petition to bring his ashes home, and her having thrown him out, declaring she'd never wish to see him or another representative of such a mission ever again? 

Also, notice that if government of India ever did believe that Netaji did die in the air crash, there was no reason for the sovereign nation's government to not bring ashes of the national figure back to India and raise a monument. 

The only reason they didn't, is because they knew that e then could turn up, perhaps in a televised interview in Russia, or in Chowringhee, and be recognised by India, making government of India look the knives and fools that they were. 

" ... Many, especially in Bengal, but elsewhere in India as well, have simply placed him high in the pantheon of nationalist heroes to be remembered and revered for his contributions to the freedom India gained from the British Empire."

Clement Attlee did frankly say, in response to a query about it when on a visit to India, that British were forced to leave due to the effect that Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose and his INA had on India in 1945-46, especially the mutinies of navy, Air Force and army. 

General Bakhshi has published a work quoting related documents from British archives, proving truth thereof. 

So Gordon's "high in the pantheon ...  for his contributions to the freedom India" is typical Congress obfuscation falsifying history. Clement Attlee, when specifically asked, responded about what was contribution of Gandhi in British leaving India; his answer was, "M-i-n-i-m-a-l". 

Gordon has refrained from mentioning Gandhi sending message to Sharat Chandra Bose to not conduct last rites yet for his brother,  Subhash Chandra Bose. 

Amongst many other such inconvenient materials that would go against his belittling of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, this is one more.
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May 13, 2022 - May 14, 2022. 
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Notes 
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Gordon gives photographs at the very end, but they are not mentioned in the contents. He does not discuss them, either. It's as if anyone who could possibly care for the subject is to be dissuaded from reading it after having bought it, and those who'd love the lies could use it as another weapon. 
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May 14, 2022 - May 14, 2022. 
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Brothers Against the Raj: 
A Biography of Indian Nationalists 
Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose 
by Leonard A. Gordon (Author)  
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May 08, 2022 - May 14, 2022. 
Purchased April 11, 2022. 
Kindle Edition
Format: Kindle Edition

Publisher: 
Rupa Publications India 
(1 September 2015)
Language: ‎English

ASIN:- B0859XBDP5
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Preface 
Prologue: In Search of an Indian Hero 

1. ​The Boses of Kodalia, Cuttack and Calcutta 

2. ​Subhas Bose: Good Boy and Mischief-Maker 

3. ​‘My Country Is My Own’: Into Politics, 1921-22 

4. ​Swarajists in Calcutta and Mandalay, 1923-27 

5. ​‘Rushing Along Like a Storm’: On to the National Stage, 1927-28 

6.​‘What Is Wrong with Bengal?’ 1929-32 

7.​ Ambassador of India in Bondage, 1932-36 

8. ​Deshanayak [Leader of the Country], 1936–39 

9. ​‘We Must Sail in Different Boats’: Gandhi vs. Bose, 1939-41 

10. ​Axis Collaborator? Subhas Bose in Europe, 1941-43 

11.​ An Indian Samurai: Subhas Bose in Asia, 1943-45 

12. ​‘Extremists Have the Upper Hand’: To Partition, 1945-47 

13.​ Divided Bengal and Independent India: Hard Realities and Soft Myths 

Conclusions 

Postscript 

Notes 
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https://www.goodreads.com/review/show/4714098716
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