Netaji In Europe, by Jan Kuhlmann, Christel Das.

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Netaji In Europe

by Jan Kuhlmann, Christel Das.

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This book should, with any honesty been titled "Effects on Europe of Netaji in Europe", since author avoids mentioning him as far as possible, describing actions of Germans instead, and minimises Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose and his INA, even resorting to lies if not fudging, except when he can report some Indian soldiers trained by Germans behaving unlike a nun; then he reports it in full, without contextualising it within framework of nazi treatment of occupied lands and their civilian populations.

And he mentions nothing of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose after he left for East, not even in epilogue or conclusion, which are all about Europeans.

Author seeks to establish, or at least examine the question of, whether Subhash Chandra Bose was sympathetic to fascism. This, considering his first choice in Afghanistan was asking help from Russia, which was communist, is silly. Reality is, he was seeking to explore any and every route to proceed further in his efforts towards struggle for independence of India, and he'd have been happier if it were Russia which helped, but took what he voted get without committing either himself or India in loyalty.

The book is titled deceptively, perhaps even in a vicious sarcasm or a bid to find buyers, "Netaji In Europe"; but the slant, through the book, is what would have been - of course! - considered appropriate in the era that he writes of; racist, to brink of nazi.

Worst, the book stops giving account of activities of Netaji, what little it did until then, as the story arrives at his departure East, when the most significant part began.

Throughout, the importance is given to anyone but the person named in the title, chiefly the Germans of the day, and the whole effort is to depict Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose as if he was a straw puppet in hands of Germans, with every move, every initiative and thought stemming from them.

So much so, author minimises the stupendous achievements of INA and Netaji marching from Singapore through Burma into India and planting the Indian flag in Imphal, false describing it as INA being part of Japanese troops and disheartened by failure to march into India.

That his stature couldn't have risen after he stepped down from his elected post as president of congress, steadily through his escape and later, to this day, if this depiction had any truth in it whatsoever, is perhaps something that never could occur, to either the author or those who awarded a degree to this work.

As it is, fact is, that their leader and his followers have lost any credit and face they had, if any, almost immediately, while Netaji not only rose in esteem but remains an enigma - and anyone looking looking for him won't find him in this book, minimize him as the author does.

What you will find is a bunch of burnt straw idols, stood glued by author on this glowing image of a leader of people who chose him, over and over, and followed him, giving lives for sake of a nation that has risen again, throwing off the yoke of invading looters, after centuries of being trampled, and stands not only taller than the straw idols of the era that the author seeks to reestablish, but far more.

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"This book is a translation of the main part of a German PhD thesis, which was accepted by Humboldt University, Berlin, and published by Verlag Hans Schiler in 2003. Utilization of relevant Japanese archives would certainly have been desirable. Translations of source editions are unfortunately not available, so one has to visit the archives for studying the files. The expenditure this would have entailed for language studies and research in Japan would have been out of proportion for a dissertation. The same is the case with sources in Russian archives. It was translated into English by Christel Das, retired librarian of Max Mueller Bhavan in Calcutta."

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Author wrongly compares Fascism with Hindu nationalism, in reviewing one specific source and concluding it fails to convince.

"Gianni Sofri published in 1988 a comprehensive and well-founded study on Gandhi’s visit to Rome. Mario Prayer, an Italian Indologist, has also worked on Italian-Indian relations. His essay on Gandhi and the Indian nationalism in Fascist political journalism appeared in 1988 in Storia contemporeana. His study on the reception of Fascism by Bengali intellectuals in the 1920s and 1930s is noteworthy. Marzia Casolari’s Pisa dissertation on the connections between Fascism and Indian nationalism, submitted in 1997, has not been published but its manuscript was consulted for this work. Casolari argues in it, that Fascism had a significant influence on certain trends of Indian nationalism, in particular on the forerunners of present-day Hindu nationalism. To prove her point, she compiles, with impressive precision, quotations by Indian politicians and particulars of their biographies to show points of contact with Fascism in their thinking and actions. She succeeds in proving that contacts between Indians and Fascists indeed existed. However, her interpretation that these contacts were decisive for the political development of Indian nationalism, fails to convince."

It should. This connection is as relevant as the similarity of sound of names leading to conclusion of identity, incorrectly, as done repeatedly by Ignatius Donelly claiming Rama is a Sun God because Sun God in Egypt and Babylon have similar sounding names. As for what's wrongly called Hindu nationalism, it's no different from needs of for Jews especially after holocaust, seeing the similarity of sufferings of the two communities, of centuries of persecution and genocide suffered by Hindus in India at hands of invaders of conversionist abrahmic creeds, and by Jews everywhere (except in India) from the same since Roman subjugation of Israel and Judea. In particular what's wrongly called Hindu nationalism is a natural and direct reaction to the Muslim separation politics invoked by British in a bid to divide India, which led to partitioning the nation.

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"After the Second World War, Savarkar wrote that he had advised Bose at meeting on 22 June 1940 to leave the country, to go to Europe, organize an army from Indian prisoners of war there, and with the help of Japan to march into India as soon as Japan had declared war against Great Britain.6 ... "

This is entirely in character with thinking, strategy etc al, of Savarkar, and far more credible than the haphazard accidental character ascribed to the subsequent escape and further actions by Subhash Chandra Bose.

But the author is prejudiced, perhaps due to anti Hindu prejudice furthered by Indian dominant politics of most of seven decades since independence.

" ... If one gives credence to this report then Savarkar appears actually to have been a prophet who could foresee the course of history in all detail. Therefore, doubts are appropriate. ... "

Savarkar has been a prophet in many matters, including in his prophecy that supposedly secular politicians of India would declare their adherence to Hindu practices, not just their high opinion of Hindu philosophy, when it would seem profitable.

Author quotes other sources to support his prejudice.

" ... According to Casolari, there is no contemporary reference of the talk between the two politicians. She does not consider Savarkar’s report to be authentic. ... "

Neither of the two offer any reason why they discredit this claim by Savarkar.

" ... Savarkar’s prestige had suffered in the post-war period as the public connected the Hindu Mahasabha with Gandhi’s assassination. She surmises that Savarkar wanted to profit from the newly created myth surrounding Bose by claiming to have been the source of its inspiration.7"

That's nonsense. Anyone with such fraudulent thinking would have claimed credit for a rising or top policy figure, and for that matter, would have stuck to them, not gone against the stream. Savarkar had the courage to do just that.

Besides, it fits with Savarkar advising Hindus to join British military for sake of gaining experience, fir purposes of Indian independence.

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Author quotes Gandhi’s having written a friendly letter to Hitler, not forwarded by the then British government of India, and his advice to both British and Hitler to resort to non violence, despite his own not contradicting German claim to Poland.

This last bit suits, of course, German interests, every which way one looks at it.

Who better than Gandhi to make Hitler look not guilty, and British and French wrong, in Matter of Hitler’s invasion of Poland? Worst vote to exist, it's Gandhi who loses respectability in this opinion of his being given wide publicity.

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" ... Three points were clear to him:

"Firstly, Britain would lose the war and the British Empire would break up. Secondly, in spite of being in a precarious position, the British would not hand over power to the Indian people and the latter would have to fight for their freedom. Thirdly, India would win her independence if she played her part in the war against Britain and collaborated with those powers that were fighting Britain.15"

He, and Savarkar, were correct. Attleboro later replied to a question in India on a visit, that they weren't concerned about Gandhi, but it was Bose’s influence after Azad Hind Army, INA, had arrived in India, that made UK flee.

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"Bose travelled to Rome in spite of the minister’s reservations. He arrived there on 29 May 1941 together with his secretary and companion Emilie Schenkl.73 ... "

It's unclear whether author is being racist, misogynistic or disregarding non-church weddings, but its highly inappropriate of him to omit reference to her as wife of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. She'd been recognized in that capacity by his family as soon as they knew of the fact of the relationship - Netaji had informed them as soon as he married her - and this alone is enough, unless author is willing to explicitly refer to every other married couple as only companions, unless wedded in his particular church.

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"One of the tasks of the SRI was the formation of the ‘Zentrale Freies Indien’ (ZFI), the Free India Centre. ... "

"The organization plan shows clearly that the ZFI was to be used mainly for propaganda purposes. In the same way the Foreign Office wanted to use Indian nationalists for their own propaganda activities. ... "

This was, again, German intention, gleaned by author from German documents; but he attempts more fudging.

" ... This was certainly in keeping with Bose’s ideas about the functioning of the Zentrale. ... "

No, that's a lie. But author dies more fudging.

" ... His plan for a Free India Centre also provided for using the same mainly for anti-British propaganda. Bose even wanted to let the Zentrale engage in ‘subtle propaganda in favour of the Axis Powers’. There was, however, one difference between Bose’s plans and those of the Foreign Office: Bose wanted to extend the Zentrale to be the ‘brain of India revolution’, an objective not considered in Woermann’s draft.41 ... "

There's the gap. While author hasn't supported his contention that Netaji ever agreed to function as a mouthpiece, or a lesser partner, with any focuments from any Indian source supporting such an agreement, he assumes it must be so because Germans intended it.

On the other hand, clearly intentions of Netaji and any Indians, anyone working with him, could only have been to aim for independence of India. Author presents this at a scanty, so it would seem to any racist that Indians were welching on their role as tools of Germans, which they'd never accepted being.

"A commission of representatives of the Foreign Office, the Home Office and the Ministry for Propaganda sat together with Bose to discuss preparations for organizing the ZFI. They were very surprised when Bose demanded for the Zentrale the status of a legation of a free country, complete freedom in organizing radio propaganda and financial independence. The government officials did not want to make concessions and resorted instead to threats in order to force Bose into submission. The Indian risked causing a stir and informed his negotiation partners: ‘I have not come to Europe to live an idle, luxurious exile. I know your secret service is efficient. But so is the British CID. in India, and I have risked my life to escape them. I shall not mind trying to go elsewhere if my mission requires it.’43 The officials of the German government were not used to such speeches from foreign allies and collaborators. But Bose carried his point. Keppler intervened and requested Consul General Kapp, who knew Bose from Calcutta, to come to an agreement with the Indian. Essentially Bose carried his ideas through: the Free India Centre became an independent establishment under his direction with financial autonomy, enjoyed diplomatic immunity, and was allowed to freely shape radio transmissions.44"

Indeed. One could, would, expect no less of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.

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Further signs of author's racism is evident in his descriptions of Indians.

"Bose needed to find suitable staff before the Zentrale could start functioning. The SRI helped by locating known Indian personalities. The medical practitioner Kirpa Ram Dhawan, born in 1895 in the Northwest Frontier Province, became the first staff member. He had come to Europe in 1921, studied medicine in Berlin, and had been actively involved in the Hindustan Association.45 Later on he worked at the Charité. He was the Foreign Office’s confidant for Indian matters.46 He was introduced in this capacity to Bose soon after his arrival. Emilie Schenkl and Mukund Rai Vyas were next in line."

Notice he avoids calling Dhawan doctor, avoids saying if he cometed a medical degree course and was awarded one, and gives the impression of general discrediting. This is despite dhawan having studied medicine in Germany, so if he did get a degree Germany couldn't deny it, and if he was a practicing medical practitioner it must have been officially legally so under German laws, so he must have right to be addressed in Germany as Herr Doktor Dhawan.

"N. Gopal Swami from Madras became another close associate. He was born in 1911 in Kalanivasal in the district of Tanjore and had come to Germany for studying at the Technical University in Charlottenburg. He met Bose in Berlin and also kept contact with Nambiar. ... He worked for Siemens after his final examinations as certified engineer, in order to gain some professional expertise before returning to India. He kept his position after the outbreak of war and only had to report to the police once a week. ... "

Notice, again, author seems to forget mentioning he graduated. But one may safely bet that he'd mention it if, in fact, Gopal Swami had failed to do so.

" ... Initially he refused any request from the Foreign Office for assisting in propaganda transmissions. Government officials introduced him to Bose in mid-August. Swami resigned from his job and started working for Bose.48"

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" ... Trott could not make any promises but told him to first start working in Berlin. His conditions would then be met. Schedai refused to be part of the German activities related to India under Bose’s direction. He did not want to give up his Italian backing and demanded therefore the founding of an Italo-Germano-Indian Committee.106 Bose refused to oblige. Schedai also met the Near East expert Hentig who was to be nominated as ambassador to Kabul. This posting could not be effected though because of British objections.107 ... "

Author seeks to pretend, or make a reader think, that the two were comparable. He forgets that people aren't fools.

Not even Pakistan mentions Schedai whom the author has so assiduously described, but legend of Netaji grows, if anything, in stature.

"Nonetheless, the Italians stuck to Schedai. ... The Italian India-politics differed from the German one in as much as the Italians concentrated on the Muslim inhabitants of the subcontinent. This line of thinking was in direct contrast to Bose’s political ideas. He desired the Indian nation’s unity. Bose was therefore for the Italians not a very desirable partner. Schedai as Muslim was better suited for their concept.119"

One can only surmise that this preference by Italy was due to Rome thinking it's easier to convert an abrahmic to church, while church finds it daunting to view, much less comprehend, the living ancient knowledge that's India.

Author fudged again by referring to fanatic separatism as religious wing of independence movement.

" ... Schedai belonged to the Islamic wing of the independence movement and liked to work together with Islamic nationalists of other countries.

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" ... Hitler finally declared his refusal to have a declaration regarding Indian independence issued. He explained to Himmler that he considered independence of the country not only inopportune but in addition also unfair towards the British: ‘I agree here with the opinion of the British Tories: if I subjugate a country only in order to grant it freedom again—why all this? Those who have shed blood also have the right to rule. Indian freedom would not even last for twenty years. […] England exploited India, but English rule has also benefited the country.’92"

Nobody credited him with brain, much less prophetic powers, least of all India.

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"Not only the Tripartite Powers, but also the British had their difficulties with a declaration regarding India. So far, the British had not thought it necessary to make any concessions to India, but now Japanese advances forced them to take pains in getting Indian political leaders to cooperate.

"The British War Cabinet formed a committee for drafting a declaration regarding India. This provided for the formation of an Indian Union as the established aim of British politics, which as a dominion of the Commonwealth would have the right to withdraw from the same. The question whether the provinces or princely states should have the right not to join the Union remained unsolved. The recognition of this ‘local option’ would have made the formation of a separate Muslim state Pakistan possible. The viceroy of India, Lord Linlithgow, declared his resignation in case a declaration with such a clause was publicly issued.93

"In this situation, Sir Stafford Cripps, known for his socialist ideas and for being an opponent of Churchill, offered to fly to India in order to discuss in the name of the War Cabinet the declaration regarding India with the leaders of the Indian parties. Actually he had very little scope for negotiations. He could only make an offer, which could either be accepted or rejected. Cripps arrived in New Delhi on 23 March 1942.94 The Cripps Mission provided a new starting point for the Axis propaganda. Ribbentrop asked Bose to publish an open letter to Cripps in order to induce the Indians to ignore the compromise offer. This became a dilemma for Adam von Trott. Cripps was his personal friend since their common Oxford days. It bothered him that as expert advisor for Indian matters he had to do his utmost to spoil his good friend’s chances of succeeding in his mission.95"

Strange, that congress, led by Gandhi and Nehru, did exactly what Germans asked Netaji to tell India to do, despite their supposed opposition to fascism and disapproval of Netaji, and general false accusations later against him by their followers, of his having been pro violence and pro Fascist.

Author is desperate to portray Netaji as a mere puppet, and it's only the authors racism that's exposed in this.

"Maybe it was due to his influence that Bose initially refused to write the required letter. ... "

He's unable to see that Netaji couldn't have been the man he was, with so much instant, electrifying and more effect, on every Indian, without a quality of mind and soul and personality, that he was accorded instant reverence. Netaji refused to write such a letter, because he didn't agree, as simple as that. If he were a puppet kind of a person he'd have had it very easy to be an ICS officer and rise to the top of British administration in India. Having fought British, he wasn't going to be a puppet of Axis just because they were far more racist, if anything.

"The British started worrying about the impression Bose’s propaganda might have on the American public. The secretary of state for India, Leopold Amery, feared that the allies might get the impression that England had lost her grip on India. Already more and more press comments demanded immediate independence for India. ‘The fear of a breakdown of Indian morale is being worked to death by the American press as an argument for the grant of Indian independence without delay,’ Amery warned the viceroy of India. The Associated Press had reported that Bose had the maximum number of followers exactly in the regions from where the Indian army recruited most of their soldiers, namely Punjab, Maharashtra and the Northwest Frontier Province.112 The viceroy declared this to be absolute rubbish and tried his best to downplay the effect of Bose’s broadcasts. They had created rather more curiosity than interest outside Bengal. Some Indians even had denied that it had been Bose’s voice they had heard, as they felt ashamed to see that such an eminent political leader had joined the enemy camp.113"

It's unclear if the last few sentences, beginning with curiosity, are authors statements or those of the viceroy. But they are quite silly. Most of India had solidarity with freedom fighters of India, whatever their particular line of philosophy, and nobody of India thought of bose as having joined the enemy camp, for the simple reason that enmity was between various western powers. For India they were all alike, racist.

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"While Azad and Nehru had been prepared to accept Cripps’s proposals, Gandhi rejected them from the beginning. The majority of the Congress Working Committee followed his example so that the Congress party’s negative stand was decided upon.124 ... "

Author seeks to attribute this to influence of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, which would be strange if it were true, since Gandhi was so very against him. But its unlikely, and one may safely bet that author, as other Germans before him, mistake mere subsequent nature of the two to be causal relation.

"Naturally, Sir Stafford Cripps did not have a good opinion of Bose. When Orwell asked his opinion of Bose he called him ‘a thoroughly bad egg’. Cripps presumed correctly that Bose had escaped via Afghanistan and now pursued his propaganda from Germany. However, he countered Orwell’s remark that he considered Bose to be ‘subjectively pro-Fascist’ with: ‘He’s pro-Subhas. That is all he cares about. He will do anything to help his own career along.’130"

Cripps was bitter. A little thought would have told him that Subhash Chandra Bose could have had an excellent and safe career by sticking to his father's plan, instead of jumping into freedom struggle. Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose was fighting for freedom of India, and risking his in life every moment.

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"The Japanese considered the time suitable for a joint declaration regarding India and the Arab countries when the failure of the Cripps Mission was to be expected. They presented a draft but let it be known at the same time that they were open to negotiations regarding individual formulations. The slogan ‘India to the Indians, the Arab countries to the Arabs’ had been taken over from the previous German drafts. The declaration did not contain an explicit guarantee for an independent India. It stated simply: ‘Japan, Germany and Italy do not have the ulterior motive to replace Great Britain in India and the Arab countries.’ The text concluded with the vague promise that the three powers would ‘gladly render all possible support to the Indians and the Arabs if they were allowed to assist them in gaining their independence.’131"

"Ribbentrop argued skilfully: a declaration by the Tripartite Powers for Indian independence did not mean that England should give up India; it stated only that Germany, Italy and Japan would not make any claims on India. He knew that Hitler had nothing against British rule in India if England only gave him a freehand in Eastern Europe. Therefore, he presented the declaration as a means that would eventually force an agreement on the English. Bose would have been horrified had he known about this argumentation."

That last bit is doubtful. Netaji wasn't a naive dreamer trusting Germans any more than he did other powers outside India, but a realist who nevertheless was idealist fighting for independence of India. He probably would have not even been surprised, given the delay in support and very little Germany had offered for India.

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"To begin with, Bose was asked on 27 May 1942 to meet Ribbentrop who explained to him why the German Reich could not issue a declaration on India for the time being. ... Bose should remain patient and wait until German troops had reached south of the Caucasus.153 Naturally, Bose knew that this was hardly to be expected. The only interesting information for him was that he could meet Hitler in the afternoon. ... "

Does the author deliberately state here flatly that Netaji knew naturally that German troops ever reaching South of Caucasus were to not be expected?

Or was that a slip, since obviously the author was born long after the debacle of Germany in Leningrad, where Hitler refused to allow forces to surrender, or retreat, thus causing the Germans to be butchered heavily, in his effort to reach Asia?

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" ... During his talk with Ribbentrop on 1 May 1941, Bose suggested for the first time to bring the Indian prisoners of war, who had surrendered to the German army in North Africa, into action in the fight for independence. ... "

Author should have mentioned this when the timeline was right, not as almost an afterthought, having rambled on and on about discussions between minor German officials while making it seem as if Netaji sat in Berlin doing little. This, after all, was the stupendous work he did, raise the army to march into India.

" ... Bose’s soldiers, together with the rebellious tribes of the northwest frontier as well as deserters of the Indian army, would march into India. ... "

Author goes on to describe this as Indians joining German army; in reality, Indian National Army raised by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, INA, stood separate, and mainly is known for marching from Singapore to and into India, against not only British army but Aldo aerial bombing by allies.

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In addition, author uses another technique of fudging, and one suspects it's deliberately done.

Having wasted previous chapters on tangles of Axis politics instead of the subject of the thesis, and retraced from 1943 to the moment Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose left finally for East, author then retraces again to what he was doing while waiting for Germans to come to senses and make a proper decision. It's a mind-boggling variety of activities, but again the author prefers the tangle of his favourites, everybody who was out to contradict Netaji, and even describes Iqbal Schedai as his rival!

Is the author really that stupid, or merely racist? Could be both, of course, one due to other.

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Later, author compares Gandhi with Hindenburg and claims that bise saw him in that light, without any quote to substantiate this claim.

Fact is, whatever the success of Hindenburg, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose succeeded in forcing British to leave India, as the UK PM Attlee later said in a reply to a query when on a visit to India after independence. He specifically said that the British weren't worried about handling Gandhi.

So, unlike the then regime of Germany which failed spectacularly despite early successes and all the latest weaponry of the era in plenty, it was the lone man Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose who succeeded against the British, with only people of India with him in spirit and expatriates fighting in and with INA.

And thus the comparison of Gandhi with Hindenburg by the author doesn't hold - it was Hindenburg and Netaji who were successful, while supposedly the successor of Hindenburg, the nazi regime and its leaders, were spectacular failures.

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"The colonial masters soon retaliated brutally. Police and the military opened fire in 548 cases on unarmed people. Even low-flying planes shot on demonstrators. ... "

Author doesn't inform the unaware reader here, that this shooting, of unarmed civilian populations, was chiefly practiced by German military in Europe against people fleeing German invasion, from East Poland to West France, each flight of the civilians being in direction opposite to that of arriving German military.

Thus targeted by German planes, the fleeing populations of Europe consisted, chiefly, of women and children, including babies, and old people - males of military age having stayed to fight, if they weren't already at front.

" ... The British took hostages, imposed penalties of a total of nine million rupees, tortured suspects, and burnt down entire villages. More than 60,000 people had been arrested by the end of the year. ... "

Compare this with German military advance in East in Russian territories beyond Poland, from Belarus to Moscow, where whole villages were massacred, burnt alive and shot dead if seen escaping, total numbers amounting to two million.

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"In Bengal it was rumoured that Subhas Chandra Bose and Rash Behari Bose were prepared to march with 10,000 soldiers into India.109 The government of the Central Provinces and Berar reported that the Indian news of the enemy broadcasts had found enthusiastic listeners among intelligentsia.110 Even those not hostile towards the colonial government would pass on the news of the enemy broadcast.111 The government threatened to confiscate radio licenses used for ‘undesirable purposes’ to prevent gatherings of people for listening to the transmissions.112 The government of Orissa reported that the enemy broadcasts were particularly valued as source of news about the course of the uprising. Here, too, the police started confiscation of radio sets,113 just like in Bihar.114 The following report came from this province:

"Reports from several sources emphasize the great harm that is being done by enemy broadcasts which are responsible not only for prolonging resistance to the steps taken to quell the Congress ‘rebellion’ but also for the many false and defeatist rumours which are prevalent. These broadcasts are freely listened to everywhere with their stories of bombardment of Assam, aeroplanes flying over Calcutta and ‘national’ armies waiting on the frontiers of India.115"

This is where the book is exposed as horrible and racist to the core. As the reader is waiting to read about Netaji marching from Singapore to Imphal through Burma, author uses such reports to talk of India listening to "enemy" broadcasts, again treating India as being of no importance as humanity, only as fodder for Europe.

India was listening to, and for, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, his broadcasts and news of his whereabouts. It was about India.

" ... The British radio network could not but react to Bose’s propaganda in its programmes for India. George Orwell commented:

"‘If we look at the Axis propaganda especially directed towards India at this moment, it boils down to the pretence to be fighting against imperialism. For Germany to call Britain imperialistic is at best the pot calling the kettle black.’117"

Entirely correct, except that Netaji, and for that matter all of India, had every right to call Britain imperialistic; Axis propaganda was another matter, but people suffering under British had every right to say it.

Author again makes a comment incorrect in several places.

"The tie between Indians and the British was finally severed after the Quit India Movement and the August uprising. There was no looking back for the national movement. The demand for independence was no longer an alternative choice. The subject of each further negotiation with the colonial rulers now could only be the transfer of power. The credit to Bose was, as it were, that he took over leadership at a time when the Indian leaders were sitting behind bars."

He's describing a subjugated nation, not a love marriage; so the opening sentence is as askew as a belt used instead of a tie around the neck.

As for negotiations, they'd have been ignored in future as they were until then, except for effect of Netaji and INA marching into India, which the author is ignoring, talking nonstop about axis broadcasts, as if Netaji and his broadcasts were entirely a matter of German control, and Netaji was only a button they pushed, which is in accordance with nazi thinking, but entirely wrong in truth from beginning to end.

As for the British, and negotiations with leaders then in India, British could ignore them forever, Attlee said, if it weren't for effect throughout India of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s march into India.

But leaders in India weren't "sitting behind bars" as author describes them stupidly, as if they were on a holiday in Bora-Bora paid by British crown.

Incarceration isn't a joke at best of possibilities anywhere, but these leaders worked at whatever their normal routine, reading, writing, and more, unless incarcerated under especially horrendous circumstances and treated horribly.

Whatever effect they had while in prison may be compared with what effect Netaji had when in Germany, as the author portrays him even now as if completely controlled by German government and blocked at every stage.

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If the author only intended getting a doctorate from Germany, he need not have used cheating to sell the book. If he intended selling the book, his only possible expectation of readership could be India and those eager to read of the subject of the title, in which case he's deliberately torturing the readers by describing Hamburg, after saying Netaji left for East and making one expect to read of his march through Burma to India.

Such fraud is entirely in accordance with nazi treatment of concentration camp inmates, of course, which the author must have been sad to have missed being in charge of. But author's tone is getting explicitly more racist as he goes on.

"Bose was somewhat annoyed that the German-Indian Association was arranged as a purely German affair without any Indian in its administration. ... Bose could note with pride that the saffron-white-green flag of the Indian freedom movement was waved like a symbol of an independent state, equally entitled, besides the swastika flag127 and that the chamber orchestra of the German radio station Hamburg performed the song ‘Jana gana mana’ as Indian national anthem for the first time.128"

" ... The First Lord Mayor of Hamburg, Carl Vinzent Krogmann, mentioned in his speech ‘the identity in many ways’ of the Germans and the Indians: ‘We are called the nation of poets and thinkers. Your people also are a nation of poets and thinkers who have given the world immortal monuments in literature and philosophy.’130 Bose spoke in a similar vein, mentioning the interest German intellectual giants showed in the cultural achievements of ancient India. He delivered his speech in excellent German:

"When the British conquered our land, they did their best to depict everything Indian as inferior as possible. In this psychological moment when India needed moral assistance, German poets and thinkers discovered India and her culture. This is a fact we can never forget, and it is this cultural tie, free from all egoistic and material interests, that has furnished, until the present, the foundation for German-Indian relations.131

"The speech was also broadcast to India via the German Hindustani radio network.132 The solemn functions appeared to have been extremely harmonious and were conducive to German-Indian collaboration. ... "

"By the middle of 1942 the Sonderreferat Indien started worrying about the motivation of the Indians working together with the Foreign Office. Finding suitable lodgings had become difficult in the third year of war. ... "

Author refrains from saying whether it was due to racism, or RAF bombings.

" ... Possibilities for leisure-time activities were also limited. ... "

Why would German government worry about that in reference to Indians, unless they - the Germans - were controlling, as usual?

" ... In this situation Keppler made an application to the main building inspector for Berlin, Albert Speer, for a building as ‘homestead’, where the Indians could meet their compatriots and German acquaintances in their leisure time. He considered a villa with ten to twelve rooms to be appropriate.135 Unfortunately, his endeavours were in vain. At a chance meeting with Professor Walther Wuest, rector of the Munich University, at the Führerhauptquartier where he had accompanied Bose to an audience with Hitler, the idea came to him to make use of the SS-headquarters ‘Ahnenerbe’.136 Keppler had in the Berlin building of ‘Ahnenerbe’ some rooms arranged for the ‘Indo-Germanische Arbeitsgemeinschaft’ (Indo-Germanic Study-Group).137 The inauguration took place by the end of 1942 in the presence of Wuest. The Indians did not quite accept the new establishment, as they had not been involved in the preparations. Thereupon the rector lost interest and cancelled all further functions.138"

Reminds one of Three Men On A Bummel, by Jerome K. Jerome, where he describes Germans controlling birds, streams, rivers, waterfalls, and foreign travellers in Germany.

What idiots would expect Indians to be comfortable using rooms in an SS building?

................................................................................................

"Schedai remained a thorn in the flesh for the Germans: in October 1942 the German embassy finally managed to persuade Ciano to suspend all his activities.153 Schedai saw himself above all criticism and suspected Bose of intrigue, accusing him of being jealous of his success.154 Lanza d’Ajeta complied reluctantly. He was evidently embarrassed at having to yield to the pressure of the Axis partner. He claimed in a cable to Kabul that it was only a temporary disruption due to Schedai being indisposed.155 As a matter of fact, a few months later Radio Himalaya was on the air again. Schedai immediately made himself unpopular in Berlin again, for he now started to propagate Pakistan’s division from India.156"

Did Rome even complain about, or take notice of, 1947-1948 assault against catholic nuns, who were raped by Pakistan attackers on their way to Srinagar in Kashmir, which delayed the attack on Srinagar just enough, so Indian military arrived before them and was able to repulse the attack? No such protest against Pakistan by Vatican or Italy has ever been heard of.

"Just as Indian war prisoners were kept in Italian camps, so were their Italian counterparts in camps in India. The first Italians to be taken to India were soldiers having been captured by the British during the first North African counter-offensive from December 1940 onwards. More followed after the British had occupied Italian East Africa. Though their exact number is not known, it may safely be assumed that it was anything between 80,000 to 90,000 in 1943170."

This amounted to India feeding them, apart from the British military, which resulted in British theft of India's harvest resulting in death of well over a million Indians by starvation in just one season during the war, about which Churchill remarked that it was of no importance, as he turned away at Australia the grain filled ship from US sent by FDR for aid of Indians.

"In February 1942 reports were received from different parts of India that Italian and German prisoners of war passing through to their various camps indulged in propaganda which, from the uniformity of procedure, appeared to have been carefully planned beforehand. In each case pro-Axis slogans in English, Arabic and Hindi, some handwritten and others duplicated on small sheets of paper, were placed in cigarette packets and thrown among members of the public assembled on the platforms.

"The prisoners had also demonstrated at the stations of Ambala and Jalandhar. Once, even Indians had joined them. The IPI suspected that the actions were directed from Goa. Two agents, Robert Koch and Robert Hepp, were said to have made contact via radio from the Portuguese colony with the internees and captives, and distributed propaganda literature issued by the German embassy in Lisbon. As long as Portugal remained neutral, the British decided not to interfere.172"

Again, author mentions Netaji fleetingly in context of an Italian scheme of General Garibaldi proposing joining him in Burma, making it clear that using Netaji's name in title is a cheap fraud perpetrated by a racist fir selling his book, since he has no other way of earning a living.

Again, author proceeds to describe activities of Iqbal Schedai at inordinate length, pretending an equation that never existed.

If he'd been honest, he could have titled the book Schedai, and sold all of two copies, one to himself and another to his degree awarding university.

................................................................................................

"The relationships between legionnaires and German women were a ticklish chapter. Like all soldiers in the Wehrmacht, the Indians also were allowed outings to the garrison town. Contact with the female population was unavoidable. However, too close a contact was in contradiction to the National Socialists’ race-political notions. But the officers could hardly forbid the Indians to have contact with German women because of their racial inferiority. ... "

Author has openly admitted racism here. It couldn't occur to author, or Germans then, that Indians looked down on them, of course!

All Germans needed to do was, to assure the Indians, that if they talked to any German woman, they'd be married the same day, and she'd be dispatched to the husband's home and family in India, to live with them; that'd have kept them from as much as looking at them!

" ... They would never have understood such a snub. The propagandistic value of the legion would have been lost. Therefore, the German officers hoped that German women on their part would not allow any intimate relationships.265 Nevertheless, the Saxon women were easy game for the Indian Romeos with the help of exotic titbits from the Red Cross parcels ... "

"The local NSDAP officials complained. The officers of the legion pacified them by pointing out that the Indians were after all Indo-Germanic, i.e. Aryans.267 If that did not suffice, the legion’s command always mentioned the superposed propagandistic nature of the troop as appeasement. The Indians should not be made to feel as second-class soldiers. In the end, the women were blamed.268 The Free India Centre managed in two cases in 1942 to procure the marriage permit from the Reich’s Home Office for two Indian volunteers who wanted to marry German women. It was difficult to convince the officials. They gave permission only after many hour-long negotiations, spread over one year.269"

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"When in March 1953 the Japanese army invaded India from Burma, soldiers from the INA were part of the invading troops. ... "

Author is incorrect, whether deliberately lying or mistaken.

Netaji had insisted, against the Japanese wish, that it would be, had to be, INA, not Japanese, marching into India ahead.

INA was not "part of the invading troops", but an Indian regiment marching into their own country, against British. Japanese could follow, was all.

" ... The sole intention of the Japanese for undertaking the operation ‘U-Go’, was impeding the planned Burma offensive by the Allied Powers and securing the territories occupied by them east of the Chindwin River. Bose wanted more: while the Japanese secured their positions, the INA was to march on. Bose chose the old battle cry of the 1857 mutiny: Delhi chalo! (Onwards to Delhi!) The appearance of free Indian soldiers was to incite rebellion everywhere on the way against the colonial rulers until finally Bose would march triumphantly into Delhi. The crowning finale of the march to Delhi was to be a victory parade in front of the Red Fort."

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"The Waffen-SS was supposed to affiliate all the foreign volunteer units fighting for the Germans, including the Indian Legion. Once in the Alsace, the legionnaires learned that they were now an ‘Indian Legion in the Waffen-SS’ under the command of the Waffen-SS. In November 1944 Oberst Krappe had to appear before Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler for a longer lecture. He volunteered for the Waffen-SS and could keep the command of the legion. The German officers of the legion tried their best to resist. Some, like adjutant of the legion Second Lieutenant Adalbert Seifriz, and First Lieutenant Ulrich von Kritter, had themselves transferred to the army at the Italian front. Others remained in the legion and wore the new uniforms, but refused to volunteer for the SS. The remaining ones took care that at least the obligatory tattoo of the blood group under the arm was omitted and that the changeover was not entered into their serviceman’s papers. With these measures they wanted to avoid being taken for SS-men in the case of captivity.110 Gurbachan Singh Mangat had an interestingly different attitude to the affiliation into the Waffen-SS. He interpreted it as a positive step from an Indian point of view: ‘As a token of appreciation of the Indians’ acts of valour, Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler suggested that the legion be affiliated with the crack German troops, the Waffen-SS.’111"

Author deliberately uses this "interestingly different attitude" bit derogatorily, to make it clear that he sees it as untrue, like a collar around the dog being interpreted as an honour by the pet.

How much more racist could he get? Or is it envy?

Authors attitude is clear when he goes at length into gory description now, without any context of German behaviour on the subject.

"According to Bannerth’s testimony during interrogation by the British, the Indian legionnaires initially refused to fight against the French, as after all they were not at war with France. Thereupon, the Germans allegedly promised them looting in order to incite them against the partisans. In spite of this, several Indians deserted to the maquisards. Moreover, many Indians allegedly raped French women.112 Hartog also confirms this: ‘The legionnaires could not understand that French women were still protected as after all the French had become enemies now.’113 The command of the legion appointed a drumhead court martial consisting of a German officer and two Indians. Three rapists were caught and accused. The first was sentenced to a watched-over, fatiguing pack march of a week’s duration. The second one, based on a confession, was sentenced to death because of special brutality. The third could not be sentenced as the victim in her excitement during the trial pointed to the Indian officer, sitting by as judge, and identified him as the culprit. Legion Officer Hans Franzen, a lawyer qualified for admission to the profession, stresses in his memoirs the point that the proceedings had met all principles based on law and order: ‘The protection of French women was the sole motive of the death sentence. The general problem of discipline was of secondary importance as for a long time we considered the end. We could achieve that only with the threat of a death sentence.’114

"A captain of the Indian army, who travelled through France in December 1944, following the trail of the Indian Legion, gathered information in the town of Lever. The deputy mayor and an official of the town’s administration told him that the Indians had looted every house, set five on fire, and raped eight women. The Germans had done nothing to stop them. Of course, the partisans had caught an Indian three weeks later and shot him to satisfy the people. A medical man had been able to confirm the violations. Two of the victims, Marie Joblen and her sixteen-year-old daughter Madeleine had the following to relate:

"At least eight Indians entered their house at about 2200 hours, 1st September 44, and the husband was threatened with a revolver and held in an adjoining room. Madame Joblen was carried to her room and forcibly raped by two Indians. Mademoiselle M. Joblen was in bed when her room was entered by five or six Indians all of whom raped her between 2200 hours and 0200 hours, 2nd September. She confirms that her sister also suffered the same fate. Before leaving the Indians collected together all the jewellery and suchlike articles that were to be found in the house.115"

That German soldiers, especially SS, treated citizens of even non-German countries in far worse manner in every way, is extensively documented, and not in stray episodes either; that German women were expected to not resist but welcome such treatment, too, as part of nazi doctrine, is also well documented, and known.

So perhaps the Indians weren't trained exactly to copy Germans only because they weren't seen as quite equal racially, but nevertheless, in emulating their trainers they weren't inventing their actions, is true. If anything, they were only a shame to their motherland in forgetting its culture in emulating the nazis they'd been forced to live with, due to bring sent to war by British in the first place.

"The French newspaper Le Figaro116 reported on 29 September 1944 that the Indian Legion had indulged in an orgy of murder, arson and rape. The Germans had to execute two of them in order to give satisfaction to the people. A German major general who surrendered on 16 September 1944 to the Americans, admitted that the Indians had lost control and that he had offered eight million francs to a prefect as compensation for damages and losses."

None of the German soldiers or SS, of course, were ever punished by German military or civil authorities for crimes for worse, whether against occupied lands' populations or their own citizens, disfranchised or otherwise; in fact, extensive writing about the opposite is well published.

Military authorities of Germany were uncomfortable with orders from nazis regarding horrible treatment of civilian populations of occupied lands, but were threatened with SS taking over instead, and in the event, complied with orders rather than be punished for refusing to indulge in inhuman behaviour.

"In the middle of November, the legion retreated further from the advance of the Americans. The men were billeted in private homes near Bretten in the region of Pforzheim. The locals were extremely friendly towards the Indians and the soldiers enjoyed some rest for a few weeks. Gradually, the German training officers left the legion. Whosoever could be spared was sent to the front. The company officers were now mostly Indians, only the company commander, the commanders and the members of the regimental staff were still Germans. Shortly before Christmas, the troop shifted to the training area Heuberg near Sigmaringen, where the soldiers received training in close anti-tank combat. However, they did not have to fight any more: when, in the beginning of April 1945, American and French troops advanced into south Germany, the Indian Legion had to surrender arms and equipment to other units of the Wehrmacht.119"

Author quotes a German military officer in a derogatory summary about Indians, repeating the lie about Indian soldiers of INA in fighting at borders of India. Since Germans weren't there, it could only be British lies they believed; lies they had to be, since it certainly was Netaji and his INA that caused the about turn in British determination to not let go of India.

This much can be safely surmised, even apart from question of whether the claim above regarding good treatment of Indians by Germans is true. Likely it only meant they were not sent yo extermination camps, and allowed to eat.

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Contents

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Introduction

Subhas Chandra Bose

A Synthesis between Socialism and Fascism

Bose and Germany in the Thirties

Bose and Italy in the Thirties

Bose’s Escape to Europe

Bose’s Decision to Escape

Bose’s Departure

Bose’s Stay in Kabul

The Beginning of India-Politics with Bose’s Arrival in Berlin

Bose’s First Contacts with the Foreign Office Broadcasting Plans Plans for Seditious Actions in India’s Northwest

Operating with Prisoners of War

The Action ‘British Empire’

Bose’s Journey to Italy from May to July 1941

Bose and the Operation Barbarossa

The Progress of India-Politics during Bose’s Incognito

The ‘Sonderreferat Indien’

The ‘Zentrale Freies Indien’

Radio Azad Hind

Operation Tiger

Schedai and Italian India-Politics

The Question of a Proclamation on India by the Axis

The Height of India-Politics after Bose’s Intervention

Japan Establishing Contact with the Axis Powers

Germany, Italy, Japan, and the Declaration on India

The First Action on India

The Cripps Mission

The Japanese Draft of the Declaration on India

Bose’s Meeting with Hitler

The Foundation of the Società Amici dell’India

The Formation of the Indian Legion

An Indian Fifth Column

The Continuation of India-Politics until Bose’s Departure

Negotiations for Bose’s Journey to Southeast Asia

Bose’s Activities during the Time of Waiting Gandhi, the ‘Hindenburg of India’?

The Quit India Movement and the August Uprising

The German-Indian Association in Hamburg

Problems of the Italian Propaganda

The Battaglione Azad Hindostan

The Indian Legion in Königsbrück and the Netherlands

Experiences in Intercultural Leadership

The End of India-Politics after Bose’s Departure

Bose in the Far East

Turbulences in Afghanistan

The Pakistan Controversy in the Foreign Office

End of the Free India Centre

Mussolini’s Great Expectations

Deployment of the Indian Legion

The British and the Indian Legion

Short Epilogue

Conclusion

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REVIEW

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Introduction

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" ... Partners who have nothing else in common, who perhaps not even have feelings of sympathy for each other, come to a temporary agreement of mutual benefit in order to combine forces in the fight against a common enemy. The collaboration of the Indian national leader Subhas Chandra Bose with the governments of Germany and Italy during the Second World War had this character. Bose came to Europe in 1941 to continue from there his fight for his country’s independence from British rule; the German and Italian governments granted him support because they expected some benefit from this for their war against Great Britain.

"Alliances between powers at war and revolutionary movements are not uncommon. The best-known example is the one of the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Ilich Lenin who could leave his Swiss exile and travel to Russia in order to lead the October revolution to victory there. The end of the war in the East and the peace treaty of Brest-Litovsk were the benefits the German Reich gained from this collaboration. The German government also collaborated with the Indian national movement during the First World War. They supported and financed an Indian exile government under Raja Mahendra Pratap, which wanted to invade India via Afghanistan under the protection of a German military expedition. Anti-British groups of Indian expatriates in America were supported with deliveries of arms, and Indian revolutionaries in exile in Berlin were allowed to engage in propaganda for the freedom struggle of their people.

"The German leadership also cultivated such contacts during the Second World War. They tried to establish connections in particular with the Arab world and non-Russian peoples of the Soviet Union. While they cultivated intensive contact with several political leaders of the Arab countries, collaboration with the peoples of Eastern Europe and the Middle East was limited to the formation of volunteer troops that fought against the Red Army with the German armed forces. The Italian government cultivated, especially, the collaboration with politicians in the Islamic regions.

"The activities of Bose in Europe between 1941 and 1943 belong in this context. ... "

"Government archives in Germany, Italy, India and Great Britain constitute the main source material consulted for this work. The files of the German Foreign Office in the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office in Bonn and the Federal Archive in Berlin are of particular interest. The India files from the German Secretary of State’s office and the files of the Sonderreferat Indien are of special importance here. The Military Archive in Freiburg provides source material regarding the India-activities of the armed forces. Admittedly, only few documents are preserved from the managing practices of the Indian Legion, but the military history section has three portfolios in its collection with records compiled for the archive by veterans of the legion. The Italian Central State Archive keeps informative files of the Italian Ministry for Popular Culture. The Historical Bureau of the General Staff of the Italian Army stores documents of the military’s India-activities in its archive. The completely preserved war diary of the Centro Militare India is a significant, though hitherto less noticed, source. The files of the Indian government are available in the National Archives of India in New Delhi. Of these, the police reports of the provincial governments, which inform on the effects of India-propaganda, are important, as are also the Bose and INA documents. Interviews with contemporaries can be looked into at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. The British Library in London keeps the files of the India Office, among them reports by the secret service about the India-activities of the Axis Powers. Some papers regarding the Indian Legion and the Wehrmacht’s activities in Afghanistan are among the documents of the War Office placed in the London Record Office. One file with a translated excerpt from the legion’s war diary had so far been under lock and key and is here scientifically evaluated for the first time.

"The utilized files, which were published in the Akten zur deutschen auswärtigen Politik (ADAP), the ‘records for German foreign policy’, and the Documenti Diplomatici Italiani (DDI), are quoted correspondingly. Joseph Goebbels’s diaries are a particularly valuable source. The collection of source material published by Reimund Schnabel in 1968 under the title Tiger und Schakal (Tiger and Jackal) is hardly suitable for scientific studies. The volume contains documents from the former Central State Archives of the GDR in facsimile depiction. Besides the fact that the more important sources from the Bonn Archives are missing, the editor has not done any editorial work. Bose’s collected works (Netaji Collected Works); the edited notes, speeches, writings and instructions by Hitler; and the Opera Omnia by Mussolini are valuable for the description of the pre-war period. Tilak R. Sareen published in 1996 a compilation of documents under the title Subhas Chandra Bose and Nazi Germany in order to make source material from European archives available to Indian students. The edition serves the purpose well, as it contains not only British but also German and Italian source material. However, the serious student will still have to visit the archives, as the texts are in English translation without the original versions.

"The memoirs published by contemporaries after the war occupy an intermediate position between source material and scientific literature. The earliest contribution of this type was This Europe by Girija K. Mookerjee, one of Bose’s assistants in Germany. It was pulished in German as Labyrinth Europa. Nehari G. Ganpuley, another of Bose’s assistants in Germany, published a report in Bombay as early as 1959. Ganpuley takes not only his own memories as basis for the report, but also the notes which German officers of the Indian Legion had compiled and which are now kept in the Freiburg military archives. Alexander Werth, at that time deputy director of the Sonderreferat Indian, published a biography of Bose in 1971, Der Tiger Indiens (The tiger of India). Lothar Frank, who had met Bose during his first European journey before the war, and some others co-authored the book. Insofar as one can ascertain, Werth’s report is in agreement with the statements of the available files and therefore assumed reliable. ... "

So far, so good.

" ... However, one cannot ignore the author’s tendency to absolve Bose from the suspicion of having sympathized with the National Socialists. ... "

Why should one ignore it, or point it out,unless one is suspicious, and why should yhe reader not deduce that such suspicions are indicative of a racist point of view?

Subhash Chandra Bose was the one, and only, person who had told of Hitler, in a meeting face to face, about hus own disapproval of Hitler’s and Nazi's racist treatment of "other"s. This certainly does not go with an approval of nazism, quite to the contrary.

If anything, it was allies, especially US, that refused to help victims of naxis, so much so US turned ships filled with Jewish refugeesfrom Europe away, citing a quota.

So any accusations of nazi sympathy must begin there.

" ... Werth has also written a report about the India-activities of Adam von Trott zu Solz that is included in the biography published by his widow, the Lebensbeschreibung."

" ... Two valuable Indian contributions are the accounts by Mukund R. Vyas (Passage Through a Turbulent Era) and Gurbachan Singh Mangat (The Tiger Strikes, The Indian National Army). Vyas was Bose’s private secretary during his stay in Germany, and Singh Mangat was one of the first volunteers of the Indian Legion. Both the works appeared only four decades after the occurrences, but all statements are on the whole reliable as the authors relate their own immediate experiences. Bose’s escape from India and his stay in Kabul can be essentially reconstructed with Bhagat Ram Talwar’s report published in 1976 in New Delhi, The Talwars of Pathan Land and Subhas Chandra’s Great Escape. Mohammed Iqbal Schedai is supposed to have left behind in Pakistan memoirs in Urdu. Unfortunately, they were not available for this work. The short memories of his comrade-in-arms Sardar Ajit Singh, however, were available in an English language edition (Buried Alive). The only memories from the circle of the soldiers of the Centro Militare I are the ones by the Italian instructor Carlo Alberto Rizzi, which appeared in 1986 in Genoa under the title I guanti bianchi di Warda Ganda (The white gloves of Warda Ganda)."

"India in Axis Strategy by Milan Hauner (Stuttgart, 1981; an extended version of his Cambridge dissertation) is by far the most extensive study published on German India-politics up till now. Hauner processes a wealth of German and British files, but not, however, the documents in Italian and Indian archives. Besides India-politics Hauner treats instead, very extensively, the German Afghan-politics, resulting in a monumental size of the publication. The book does not offer the expected understanding of the actual subject, i.e. India’s place within the Axis strategy. The author loses himself too often in details and lacks a cognitive structuring of the material. His main thesis, i.e. the Axis Powers had lost the war already in 1942 because they did not succeed in utilizing Asian national liberation movements, allows for an overestimation of the possibilities and leads to an unjust evaluation of German India-politics. Hauner’s work cannot be considered a final treatment of the subject for the simple reason that essential sources from the archives in Rome and New Delhi are missing. He gives Italian India-politics a perfunctory treatment so that he does not do justice to the title of his study. A short study on Bose, which Hans-Bernd Zöllner undertook within the framework of a dissertation about German-Burmese relations, does not provide new source material either."

"The present work is the first historical study investigating the India-politics of the Axis Powers, based on all available sources from German, Italian, Indian and British archives. So far, researchers have failed to look at Italian sources together with the German and British ones. The fundamental differences between German and Italian India-politics were consequently overlooked; whereas the present work depicts a triangular relationship between Bose, Germany and Italy, where partly united and partly opposing forces were at work, striving for different objectives. It is the first historical study to show that Hitler and Mussolini, from the very beginning, had different viewpoints regarding India and Indian independence; that both dictators in the 1930s pursued completely different cultural and economic policies towards India; and that these differences also rendered nearly impossible the formation of a common India-politics during the Second World War.

"Based on an essentially more solid source foundation as had been hitherto available for research, it was possible to produce now an almost complete documentation of Bose’s activities in Europe. Whereas Hauner supports this subject only with German and British files, the present study also utilizes archives in Italy and India. Moreover, Hauner did not have at his disposal volumes 3 to 10 of Bose’s collected works published in 1981, and other sources. The same is valid for some memoirs: those of Mangat, Vyas, Rizzi and Ajit Singh were only published in the 1980s. Since Hauner’s publication, several scientific monographs have also made a deeper understanding of the subject possible, i.e. Leonard A. Gordon’s Brothers Against The Raj of 1990, and the already mentioned works of Italian researchers. As the relevant sources and continuing literature had increased considerably in the past two decades, a revision of the subject therefore seemed greatly promising."

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April 01, 2022 - April 03, 2022.

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Subhas Chandra Bose

................................................................................................

The book gives birthrate of Subhash Chandra Bose wrong, 1987, instead of 1897!

"Subhas Chandra Bose was born on 23 January 1987 in Cuttack in the Indian province of Orissa."

But arrives soon, after a short description of his early years of education, to his political life.

"Even though he respected Gandhi very much as a political leader and comrade-in-arms, Bose clashed with him as he did not consider Gandhi’s strategy of non-violence suitable means for gaining independence, Swaraj. He commented in his book The Indian Struggle on Gandhi’s failure to gain Swaraj in one year:

"But Svaraj is still a distant dream. Instead of one, the people have waited for fourteen long years. And they will have to wait many more. With such a purity of character and with such an unprecedented following, why has the Mahatma failed to liberate India? …He has failed, because the false unity of interests that are inherently opposed is not a source of strength but a source of weakness in political warfare. The future of India rests exclusively with those radical and militant forces that will be able to undergo the sacrifice and suffering necessary for winning freedom. …Mahatma Gandhi has rendered and will continue to render phenomenal service to his country. But India’s salvation will not be achieved under his leadership.1"

This was prophetic, but both yhe prophecy and its eventually coming true was hidden by a false propaganda under the lie claiming opposite, by the party that ruled India for most of those seven decades.

"The British arrested Bose many times because of his activities in the struggle for freedom. When he was in the Madras jail, his health had deteriorated so much due to the imprisonment and repeated ill-treatment, that the medical commission recommended to release him on medical grounds. The British government offered him a direct trip to Europe straight from prison at his own expense. Bose left India for Austria on 13 February 1933 for medical treatment."

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April 05, 2022 - April 05, 2022.

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A SYNTHESIS BETWEEN SOCIALISM AND FASCISM

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" ... In The Indian Struggle written in 1934, he opposed Gandhi’s one-sided partisanship against Fascism:

:Unless we are at the end of the process of evolution or we deny evolution altogether, there is no reason to hold that our choice is restricted to two alternatives. Whether one believes in the Hegelian or in the Bergsonian or any other theory of evolution—in no case need we think that creation is at an end. Considering everything, one is inclined to hold that the next phase in world-history will produce a synthesis between Communism and Fascism. And will it be a surprise if that synthesis is produced in India?2

"On closer acquaintance with Fascism and National Socialism he distanced himself from this basically positive evaluation. After his election as president for the Congress party in 1938, an Indian journalist requested him to elaborate upon his opinion of Fascism as expressed in his book in an interview. Bose replied that since then his political views had developed further:

"What I really meant was that we in India wanted our national freedom, and having won it, we wanted to move in the direction of Socialism. This is what I meant when I referred to ‘a synthesis between Communism and Fascism’. Perhaps the expression I used was not a happy one. But I should like to point out that when I was writing the book, Fascism had not started on its imperialist expedition, and it appeared to me merely an aggressive form of nationalism.3

"Fascist Italy had shown herself to be an imperialistic power with the invasion of Abyssinia. Bose did not like to be openly interested in Fascism. He now affected a socialistic profile. After the break-up with Gandhi, he and his followers left the Congress party and founded the Forward Bloc. Bose gave this new party a radical socialistic image:

"Forward Bloc will rally all progressive, radical and anti-imperialist elements in the Congress, whether they be Socialists or not. Through this consolidation, the people will equip themselves for the anti-imperialist struggle that will bring India her birthright of liberty. But the attainment of political Independence will not mean the dissolution of the Bloc. It will only mean a new phase in its life and activity. And that phase will undoubtedly be a Socialist one.4"

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April 05, 2022 - April 05, 2022.

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BOSE AND GERMANY IN THE THIRTIES

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"After Bose had gained renewed strength in Vienna he sought contact with people sympathetic to the Indian freedom struggle or who were in a position to support the same. At first he met politicians and businessmen in Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland. Later on, he visited nearly all European countries. He studied the national movements of various peoples with particular interest. Particularly Ireland, where he befriended Eamon de Valera, appeared to him to be a model case for India as Ireland had already gained independence from British rule.6 ... "

Notable, this model was followed by UK in partitioning India as they did Ireland, along supposedly religious lines but in reality separating a more UK friendly block, so the newly independent nations Ireland and India were left to bleed for foreseeable future.

" ... The developments in Turkey under the leadership of Kemal Atatürk were also of great interest to him, as the experiences gained there could be partly transferred to India. He compared the freedom movements of various countries and formed the conclusion that there was no insurmountable obstacle there. ‘The force that has driven other nations to their freedom will also lead us irresistibly to the same goal. The only serious drawback that we have is that we have not yet the right leadership; but that will come before long.’ 7

"Bose arrived in Berlin in July 1933. The Foreign Office had earlier requested the German-Indian Association to look after the visitor. Bose also met Alfred Rosenberg, the chief ideologist of the German Nazi movement. The racist did not come to an understanding with the Indian.8 On the contrary, he managed to annoy Bose so much with his remarks that subsequently Bose wrote a very unfavourable article for a newspaper that caused anxiety to the German office as it found great attention among Indian nationalists.9"

Something always ignored conveniently by those seeking to accused and brand Subhash Chandra Bose fraudulently of sympathy with Axis Powers.

"On 28 March 1934, Bose went to the Foreign Office to call on Hans-Heinrich Dieckhoff, head of the ministerial department III. He complained about anti-Indian articles in the German press and racist abuses of Indians in public. For a few months it happened that children shouted ‘nigger’ at Indians and even threw stones at them. This had never happened before. He then mentioned the draft bill of a penal law by the Reich’s minister of justice, according to which any relationship between Germans and people belonging to a different race was forbidden. This would mean that Indians also were classified as a sub-race. It would be highly desirable that this bill not be passed. Dieckhoff pacified Bose, asking him not to give too much importance to each and every newspaper article and not to get so upset if children indulged in calling names in the streets. He, on his part, did not get upset either about each foolish publication in the Indian press or each faux pas by Indians against Germans.11 As a follow-up, Bose submitted, a few days later, a memorandum demanding a stop to the anti-Indian propaganda in the press. The German government had to openly express a favourable opinion about India, and the proposed race bill as well as race education in schools and at universities had to be changed in such a way that Indians were not discriminated against.12

"Franz Thierfelder, director of the German Academy in Munich, supported Bose’s objections. Dieckhoff noted in handwriting under a letter by Thierfelder which stated Bose’s objections: ‘Much is correct but much is exaggerated.’13 Bose remained unsatisfied. He later sent a letter to Thierfelder in which he wrote that the racial ideology of the National Socialist government in Germany had spoilt the atmosphere for Indians living in Germany and he hoped that those responsible would endeavour to improve the matter. ... "

"In December 1934 Bose had to leave suddenly for India as his father was on his deathbed. But a few weeks later he was again in Europe. In May 1935 he complained in a letter to the Foreign Office about an article in the newspaper Völkischer Beobachter, in which Indians were called bastards. ... He mentioned some more examples of anti-Indian propaganda and finally observed: ‘From the observations that I have made during the last two years I am driven to the conclusion that the greatest obstacle in the path of Indo-German understanding is being created by the exponents of the new Racial Science.’17

"Bose returned once more to India in April 1936. He was soon arrested. After ten months, however, he was taken to Dalhousie, a hill resort in Punjab, for health reasons. He travelled again to Austria in order to continue his medical treatment. At the end of 1937 he again approached the Foreign Office with a letter, which was handed over to Werner Otto von Hentig by the Indian journalist Habibur Rahman. In the note Bose elaborated the conditions under which a collaboration with Germany might be feasible in his opinion. He demanded nothing less than that Hitler, Hermann Göring and Alfred Rosenberg should tender an apology for negative utterances about India. The race theory ought to be changed and henceforth be based upon the works of an Indian ethnologist. The racial equality of Indians with Germans should thereby be acknowledged by permitting mixed marriages and deleting all discriminatory references against Indians from the German race laws. Bose expected further that the German press publish only friendly articles about India now and that German firms allow practical training to Indian students. In return for these concessions he would permit German propaganda in the Indian press and appeal to Indians to buy German goods. Otherwise, however, he would consider Germany to be an enemy country.20"

" ... Bose’s talks with Germany’s political leaders were disappointing for him. He came face to face with arrogant racism and could not find the support he had hoped for in his fight against British colonial rule in India. Thus he wrote to Thierfelder:

"When I first visited Germany in 1933, I had hopes that the new German nation which had risen to a consciousness of its national strength and self-respect, would instinctively feel a deep sympathy for other nations struggling in the same direction. Today I regret that I have to return to India with the conviction that the new nationalism of Germany is not only narrow and selfish but arrogant.23

"However, one should not fail to recognize that during his stay in Europe Bose laid the foundation for his later activities in Germany. He was now known in the Foreign Office and the party, and had been able to make contacts. ... "

"The Congress party elected him as their president in January 1938. Bose returned immediately to Calcutta to take up office. During his term he tried to give the Congress a radical direction aimed at complete independence. He placed himself in opposition to Gandhi but was re-elected against Gandhi’s wish. His conflict with the Mahatma, whose moral authority determined Indian politics at that time, led to his resignation in April 1939. His followers formed the Forward Bloc and had to leave the Congress party along with him."

He was pushed out actively, by the leader with his non cooperation methods that only ever worked those who cared, but never against anyone who didn't.

" ... On 22 December 1938 he invited Oswald Urchs, head of the Landesgruppe responsible for British-India and Ceylon in the foreign organization of the NSDAP, to his home. The meeting lasted several hours. Bose complained again about German racism and the bad press India had in Germany. Urchs tried to relativize these matters. Bose made it clear that he was disappointed about the abolition of all democratic, international and socialistic ideas in Germany and expressed his anxiety about German foreign policy, which was obviously aimed at a closer relationship with England. He finally demanded a friendlier attitude towards India from the German press, and that one of the leading personalities of the Third Reich, if possible the Führer himself, should express a fundamentally friendly opinion about Germany’s relationship with India. Bose expressed the desire to meet leading personalities of the Third Reich during his next visit to Germany. He also wanted the status of Indians in Tanganyika of the former German East Africa to be clarified in case the colony should fall back to the Reich. In addition, he suggested, that the collaboration of leading Indians with important Germans should be made easier by arranging for a central office to which Indian politicians could be recommended in case of a visit to Germany.

"If these points were clarified to his satisfaction, Bose finally said, the attitude of the Indian press towards Germany would also change. The result would be a better cultural and economic collaboration. ... "

"As the report of this meeting distinctly shows, Bose had clearly recognized that with the Third Reich a power had risen that could create great difficulties for his opponent, England. As a realistically thinking politician he could not but again and again seek contact with his enemy’s enemy. On the other hand, Bose’s dislike of Nazi ideology can also be noticed. The form of government of the Third Reich did not correspond with his ideas, and the racial policy hurt his national pride. It must be noted that Bose did not discuss a possible escape to Europe with Urchs. It may be assumed that at that point of time he himself did not consider leaving India. In spite of all his criticism of the Reich’s racial policy, Bose, however, did not hide his admiration for Hitler’s political success. He carefully observed developments in Europe and the expansion of the Third Reich. After the German armed forces had entered Norway and Denmark, he wrote in a leader of his paper Forward: ‘Germany may be a fascist or an imperialist, ruthless or cruel, but one cannot help admiring these qualities of hers—how she plans in advance, prepares accordingly, works according to a timetable and strikes with lightning speed. Could not these qualities be utilized for promoting a nobler cause?’25"

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BOSE AND ITALY IN THE THIRTIES

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" ... The Italian Fascists, however, showed interest and cordiality towards him. When Bose reached Venice on 6 March 1933 in a steamship of Lloyd Triestino from India, the local governor had seen to it that the entry into the country, unloading of his luggage and the stay in the city were made as comfortable as possible for him.26 He did not have to go through the customs and could drive straight to the hotel. The policemen on duty at a checkpoint saluted him. He wrote in a letter to a friend: ‘Returning the salute, I began to wonder how strange it was that a man who had been harassed and persecuted by policemen in his own country should be saluted by policemen in a foreign land, where he is a stranger.’27 The reason for this attentiveness was a recommendation by the Italian consul general in Calcutta, Gino Scarpa. He had read in the newspaper Liberty of 22 March 1933 an open letter by Bose to a group of students, written from the vessel Gange, praising the comfort of the vessel with the recommendation to travel with Lloyd Triestino rather than with the British shipping line P & O.28"

" ... In December 1933 Bose travelled again to Italy. He was in Nice when he received an official invitation to Rome to attend the oriental students’ congress. ... "

" ... After the congress, Bose stayed for nearly two more weeks in Rome in order to gain friends for the Indian freedom struggle. He noticed that only a few Romans were interested in India and that the people in general did not know much about the country, but had no prejudices against it either. ... "

" ... Bose had attracted the Foreign Ministry’s positive attention because he had opposed efforts to turn the congress into a predominantly Muslim affair, and because of his support for the decision to establish the headquarters in Rome. On his wish, the Foreign Ministry arranged an audience for Bose with Mussolini. It had to be kept a secret, though, in consideration for British sentiments.32

"At 5 p.m. on 6 January 1934, Bose met Mussolini for the first time.33 Nothing is known about this meeting. It seems Bose abided by the agreement to keep the meeting confidential, as neither in his personal letters nor in his book The Indian Struggle does he mention details of his talks with the Duce. In the second supplemented edition he writes only that Mussolini had received him several times between 1933 and 1936.34

"The newspaper Giornale d’Italia published a picture of Bose on the front page, introducing him as mayor of Calcutta and head of the nationalistic youth of India. Bose announced in an interview a new and active phase of the struggle for independence, without compromises. He dissociated himself from Gandhi’s methods. He also did not cut down on praise for his host: ‘We admire in particular in Fascism the young spirit: the creative enthusiasm.’35 It seemed the British ambassador, Eric Drummond, felt alarmed by Bose’s public appearance and sent a dossier to the secretary of state in the Italian Foreign Ministry, Fulvio Survich, in which he depicted Bose as a communist agitator.36"

"In January 1935 Bose was once more in Rome and did not neglect to call again on Mussolini. The Duce received him for the third time on 25 January 1935 at 6.30 p.m.40 Prior to the audience, the Foreign Ministry presented an interesting note to Mussolini. It shows the kind of impression the Italian diplomats had, in the meantime, formed of Bose. The note mentions Bose’s ‘indirect contribution’ at the students’ congress in 1933 where he had prevented the congress turning into a predominantly Muslim affair. Then followed an evaluation of his political point of view: Bose was a revolutionary spirit whose ideal would be achieved by a harmonizing of communism and Fascism. He had depicted his ideas in his book The Indian Struggle. From communism he borrowed anti-democratic, anti-liberal and antiparliamentary tendencies, from Fascism the ideas for state-building and economic policies.41 British and Indian newspapers had reported in September 1934 that one Narain Prasad Arora fom Cawnpore had founded a Fascist party in India and asserted to having the support of Bose. Henceforth, the Italian Foreign Ministry considered Bose a possible leader of an Indian national movement inspired by fascistic ideas.42

"During his stay in Rome, Bose gave interviews to various Italian newspapers in which he also mentioned his audiences with Mussolini. This induced the British ambassador to write a personal letter to the secretary of state in the Foreign Ministry, pointing out a dossier from the previous year in which he had described Bose as a communist agitator. He requested to pay attention to this warning.43 ... "

"Bose was guest of honour of the Italian government when he came again to Rome in March 1936 on his return journey to India. The Foreign Ministry paid for his stay in the Grand Hotel.48 The diplomats knew how to appreciate the fact that due to Bose’s influence the tendency of reporting on the war in Abyssinia in the Indian newspaper Forward, which was close to Bose, had turned in favour of Italy.49 On 27 March 1936 at 5.45 p.m., Bose had his fourth audience with Mussolini50 before he started his voyage on 29 March 1936 from Naples on board the Conte Verde.51

"Twenty months later, Bose was again in Italy. His KLM plane landed in Naples on 21 November 1937. The Italian authorities committed an embarrassing faux pas: the border police arrested Bose on arrival. His luggage was opened and thoroughly checked. He was of course released at once and a representative of KLM apologized to him, but Bose was annoyed. He complained to Major Rapicavoli and threatened never to come to Italy again and to inform the Indian press about the incident.52 He continued his journey to Austria by train. He had to undergo the same procedure again at the frontier station Tarvisio. Bose now presumed that the British government had slandered him, and the treatment meted out to him by the border police was a sure sign that the British had gained proximity during his absence.53

"The British were indeed behind this: the British ambassador’s dossier from 1933, describing Bose as communist agitator, had not been taken seriously by the Foreign Ministry but was still lying with the Ministry of the Interior. In October 1936, a Doctor Modrini, of whom nothing else is known, had warned against Bose as a terrorist. Consequently, the Ministry of the Interior had listed Bose’s name in February 1937 in the frontier register.54 However, the Foreign Ministry intervened and his name was at once deleted. Instead, all border police personnel were instructed to treat Bose politely and obligingly on reentry. Bose was satisfied with an apology by the Foreign Ministry and requested another audience with Mussolini, which had to be kept a secret after the Corriere della Sera had printed a photo of his landing in Naples and had mentioned an impending audience with the Duce. Mussolini agreed.55

"Bose’s stay in Italy at the end of January 1938 provided an opportunity for the meeting. He was again a guest of the Italian government on his return journey to India. An apartment in the Albergo Quirinale, a car at his disposal, a train ticket for the journey from Rome to Naples, a flight reservation from Naples onwards, a room in the Albergo Excelsior in Naples—everything was taken care of. The meeting with Mussolini, the fifth, was to his satisfaction. He could also meet the Japanese ambassador in Rome. The date of this meeting is not recorded in the files of the MAE but may be deduced from Bose’s letters to Emilie Schenkl.56 It must have been approximately 19 or 20 January 1938.57"

" ... By granting him the audiences, Mussolini showed his appreciation of the Indian politician. He appreciated therewith the role Bose played at the congress of the oriental students and his differentiated stand in the Abyssinian war. Concrete agreements were apparently not made. The personal relationship, however, which was formed with the Duce during this time, proved to be extremely valuable during the war years. The Italians, after all, made his escape from Kabul possible, and it was Mussolini who again and again took Bose’s side, against Hitler in the discussions regarding a declaration of the Axis in support of India’s independence."

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Bose’s Escape to Europe

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"The outbreak of war in Europe changed the situation in India as well. After the British declared war against Germany, Viceroy Lord Linlithgow announced on 3 September 1939, that India too was at war. Bose came to know of this when he delivered a speech in Madras at a gathering of about 200,000 people. Someone handed over a newspaper to him. Bose was thrilled, ‘The much expected crisis had at last come. This was India’s golden opportunity.’1 But much to Bose’s dismay, other Indian politicians expressed different views. Gandhi announced after a meeting with the viceroy, that India should stand by England at this time of danger. Also Nehru used his influence not to attack the British just then. When on 8 September 1939 the working committee of the Congress met in Wardha, Bose was invited even though he did not belong to this panel. Bose insisted on starting the freedom fight at once and threatened that, if need be, the Forward Bloc would also act on its own. Finally, the politicians decided to offer their collaboration to the British, but only as a free country.2"

" ... In October 1939, an anti-imperialist conference took place in Nagpur. The months-long propaganda of the Forward Bloc cumulated finally in March 1940 in a mammoth demonstration in Ramgarh. It was called the All-India Anti-Compromise Conference. The Forward Bloc started a countrywide campaign of civil disobedience in April 1940. Many members were incarcerated.4"

Gandhi cooped this by his 1942 Quit India movement, just as Jawaharlal Nehru had persuaded him to adopt Bhagat Singh's Inquilab Zindabad slogan, for the same reason - pulling back the followers of these alternatives for leadership of infrastructure amongst freedom fighters. Gandhi himself had admitted having conducted the Salt March to wipe off the deep influence of Bhagat Singh.

"Bose met Gandhi and tried to persuade him to give a call for passive resistance. ‘But the Mahatma was still non-committal and he repeated that, in his view, the country was not prepared for a fight and any attempt to precipitate one would do more harm than good to India,’ ... Bose had additional talks with Muhammed Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim League, and Savarkar, the president of the Hindu Mahasabha. According to Bose, Jinnah could not be won over to fight the British, as he was only interested in the formation of a Muslim state, Pakistan. Savarkar did not bother about the international situation but was only concerned about the military training of Hindus in the Indian army.5"

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BOSE’S DECISION TO ESCAPE

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But the author is prejudiced, perhaps due to anti Hindu prejudice furthered by Indian dominant politics of most of seven decades since independence.

" ... If one gives credence to this report then Savarkar appears actually to have been a prophet who could foresee the course of history in all detail. Therefore, doubts are appropriate. ... "

Author quotes other sources to support his prejudice.

" ... According to Casolari, there is no contemporary reference of the talk between the two politicians. She does not consider Savarkar’s report to be authentic. ... "

Neither of the two offer any reason why they discredit this claim by Savarkar.

Besides, it fits with Savarkar advising Hindus to join British military for sake of gaining experience, fir purposes of Indian independence.

This last bit suits, of course, German interests, every which way one looks at it.

" ... When Bose violated the assembly ban, they arrested him in 2 June 1940 and threw him into prison. When he was accused of having acted against the Defence of India Act, he knew that he would remain imprisoned until the end of war.14 He pondered in his prison cell over the political situation. Three points were clear to him:

"He realized that first he had to get out of prison. He started a ‘fast unto death’ to force the government to release him. He succeeded and was finally set free after he had fasted for seven days.16"

British had learned after Bhagat Singh's incarceration, fasts and their mishandling of bodies of the hastily executed trio, although the British wouldn't admit such mistakes or learning.

" ... In 1940, he sent Lal Shankar Lal, general secretary of the Forward Bloc and his confidant, to Japan. Bose’s nephew Dwijen Bose helped Lal obtain a passport under the name of Hiralal Gupta and he travelled on a Japanese vessel to Japan. There he met Rash Behari Bose and talked to government officials. It is not known whether this mission yielded any result.19"

" ... owing to the international situation prevailing at that time, the Soviet Union was very cautious and did not want to embarrass the British. But the border posts were instructed if he (Bose) comes to give him a safe passage. At the same time, they were feeling that there might be complications if the British, in that case, come to know that Bose is in the Soviet Union.24"

" ... Presumably it made no difference to Bose whether he would be exiled in the Soviet Union, Italy, Germany or Japan as long as he was able to continue with his political work there. Practical reasons may have played a role towards the end of 1940: the Soviet Union was the only foreign power maintaining a functioning ‘Fifth Column’ in India, namely the CPI. National Socialists and Fascists had no organized native party members in India, diplomatic representations had been closed since the outbreak of war, and the German and Italian nationals in India who might have been approachable for establishing contacts were kept in internment camps. It was therefore natural for Bose to utilize the structure of the communists for his purpose, i.e. to escape the clutches of the British. He did not hesitate to contact the embassies of Germany and Italy in Kabul soon after having reached there."

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BOSE’S DEPARTURE

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" ... The secretary of the Forward Bloc in the northwest provinces, Mian Akbar Shah, came to Calcutta personally to inform him that all preparations for his escape had been made. He took the opportunity to purchase clothes suitable as camouflage for Bose in a Muslim shop in Calcutta.29"

" ... He got down in Peshawar and booked a hotel room. Mian Akbar Shah was waiting at the station. He watched Bose’s arrival from a distance. He sent Abdul Majid Khan, a lawyer, to the hotel on the following morning to pick up Bose. He was now accommodated in a house belonging to Mian Feroze Shah.32

"On 21 January 1941, Bose met Bhagat Ram Talwar who was to take him to Kabul. Bose, who could not speak the local language, was now supposed to be Ziauddin, a native deaf and dumb Muslim divine. Bose and Talwar started their journey on the same evening with a local guide. They drove 18 kilometres by car to the British military camp Khajuri Maidan and proceeded from there on foot to a Muslim holy place situated in tribal territory. Partly on foot, partly riding on a mule and finally on the rooftop of a bus, they followed a route south of the Khyber Pass until Jalalabad and from there to Kabul. They proceeded mostly on paths through fields and found shelter with hospitable natives. Bose is reported to have danced for joy after he had finally set foot on Afghan soil. ‘What a beautiful country,’ he shouted. The surrounding bare hills and withered fields held a special appeal for him: they were free from British rule.33"

" ... Only on 26 January 1941, one day before he was in any case supposed to appear in court, his family decided to announce his disappearance. The very next day the news was published in Anandabazar Patrika and Hindusthan Standard. All-India Radio immediately countered with a canard; the fugitive had been captured near Dhanbad.35 Gandhi sent a telegram to Bose’s brother Sarat Chandra: ‘Startling news about Subhas. Please wire truth. Hope all is well.’36"

" ... The deputy commissioner of police in Calcutta wrote in a memorandum:

"He must have realized that it would be a hopeless proposition to continue the struggle on the same old lines, but he would never, I think, cease to strive his utmost to achieve what has been his life’s aim—the complete independence of India. I do not therefore believe that […] he has renounced the world and become a Sannyasi. He has, as I say, absconded for some definite purpose. He may yet be trying to bring about a mass revolution from within. The other alternative that he is attempting to obtain foreign aid is, however, equally possible.37"

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BOSE’S STAY IN KABUL

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His efforts to contact Soviet embassy in Kabul being not fruitful due to the regime suspecting a British agent in form of Bose, he tried the only other route open.

"He had no option but to search for another host country. The Axis Powers were the only option open to him in this situation. Together with Talwar, he went to the German legation on 1 February 1941.41 As luck would have it, on the way to the legation they noticed a car stuck in the snow, displaying a Soviet flag. As the person on the back seat appeared to be the Soviet ambassador, Talwar approached him and asked about Bose’s name for admission. The ambassador deliberated briefly and drove away without uttering a word.42

"Bose was luckier in the German legation. Minister Hans Pilger received him. Bose explained his plan of promoting the Indian independence movement from Berlin and requested him to facilitate his journey to Berlin in association with the Soviet embassy. Pilger immediately sent a telegram to Berlin and urgently requested instructions on how to proceed. He also informed his Italian colleagues. He pointed out that Bose was in great danger of being arrested by the Afghans and handed over to the British authorities.43 For this reason, Bose should not contact the embassy directly as several locals were employed there, but keep in touch through a certain Mr Thomas who was the local representative of Siemens.44"

"Weizsäcker informed the legation in Kabul in spite of this rather unfavourable depiction that Bose could come to Germany if the Soviet Union would issue a transit visa for him. The Germans were evidently very interested in this Indian freedom fighter. Bose’s known critical attitude towards National Socialism evidently did not stand in the way. At least since December 1940, preparations were afoot at the Foreign Office for expanding India-specific propaganda. An entry in the diary of Marie ‘Missie’ Wassiltschikow, who worked as secretary in the Foreign Office during the war years, proves this. She notes on 23 December 1940, after an interview with the scientific assistant in the Foreign Office, Adam von Trott zu Stolz, ‘He does many things at the same time, all camouflaged under the official title “Free India”.’48"

" ... The diplomats had the country’s importance as a future export market in view. They decided, at the end of January 1941, to send Carl Rasmuss to Kabul. Rasmuss had been commercial attaché in Calcutta until the outbreak of the war. Stationed in Afghanistan, he was supposed to gather information about the industrial and inner-political situation in India.49 Bose’s sudden appearance must have been extremely convenient for the German diplomats who until then did not have an Indian confidant of calibre. This explains the prompt reaction."

"Bose and Talwar reported to Mr Thomas on 5 February 1941. Thomas was now in a position to let them know that the German government was making preparations for bringing Bose safely to Berlin. Details had not yet been worked out. Bose should report again in three days’ time. The two Indians were delighted that the Germans showed more interest than the Russians. However, they were afraid of being discovered by the Afghans if they had to wait much longer.51

"The Italians also showed interest in Bose. ... "

" ... Meanwhile the Italian minister in Kabul tried to find a solution and suggested a journey to Italy via Iran.58"

"On 3 March 1941, Count von der Schulenburg finally cabled to Berlin that the Soviet foreign commissariat had given the information that Bose could receive a transit visa for his journey to Germany.61 Woermann informed the Italian chargé d’affaires and added, as it were, by way of consolation for the trouble the Italians had taken in vain, that after all, Bose could establish contact with Italy from Berlin.62"

" ... Bose took up the identity of an Italian legation employee in order to be able to leave Afghanistan incognito. The fact that he was given an Italian and not a German passport is presumably because Pilger exercised caution. He thought all German diplomats were too well known in Kabul.66

"It was very important for the German legation in Kabul that the Afghanistan government did not come to know of the undertaking. The travel route should remain a secret even after safe arrival.67 Bose reached Moscow on 31 March 1941 together with a travel companion, an engineer by the name of Wenger, and two Lufthansa employees. He called on the German ambassador there and continued his journey to Berlin on the same day. ... "

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The Beginning of India-Politics with Bose’s Arrival in Berlin

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"Bose’s arrival in Berlin marked the beginning of German India-politics. To begin with, Bose met the important personalities of the Foreign Office. Even the Reich’s foreign minister himself received him. At the start, the collaboration seemed very promising for both sides. Together they drew up plans for a propaganda action called ‘British Empire’. The German government was to publicly acknowledge India’s independence within this framework. However, the action was cancelled at short notice and the declaration remained unannounced."

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BOSE’S FIRST CONTACTS WITH THE FOREIGN OFFICE

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" ... Hans Queling from the department for radio politics attended to him after high officials from the protocol department had at first welcomed him on his arrival on 2 April 1941. The German government booked him into the noble Hotel Excelsior.1 ... "

"Woermann received him on the following day. Bose laid out his plans before the undersecretary of state. First of all, he wanted to form a government in exile and expected the support of the Axis Powers for this. Further, he wanted to fan rebellion in India through corresponding propaganda. Finally, the Axis should march into India with a force of 100,000 men to liberate the country from British rule. ... Woermann would have liked to engage Bose at once for German propaganda. His idea was that radio and press should announce Bose’s presence in Germany in a grand get-up. Thereafter, the Indian could start with his Hindustani and English broadcasts.2

"Bose wrote a letter to Emilie Schenkl on the same day and asked her to come to Berlin as his secretary.3 Bose had met Emilie already in 1934 during his first visit to Europe. According to Bose’s nephew Sisir Kumar Bose, they secretly married on 26 December 1937. She was one of the first to know about his presence in Europe. Soon after his arrival in Germany, Bose could also engage the student Mukund Rai Vyas as private secretary. ... Vyas narrates how in the evening of 4 April 1941 two sinister-looking men wearing knee boots and long overcoats called at his lodging and took him away without giving his worried landlady any explanation. The men did not take him to jail, though, as his landlady had feared, but took him to the hotel Esplanade. ‘As I entered, I stood dazed right at the door. I could not believe my eyes! Right in front of me stood Subhas Chandra Bose! It was a wonder of wonders,’ he recalls. He could hardly believe that he stood face to face with the famous politician: ‘If anyone else had told me that Subhas Bose was in Germany, I would have treated it as a big joke. But there he was.’ ... "

" ... He suggested forming a free Indian government in Europe. ... "

"The demand for diplomatic recognition of a ‘Free Indian government’ occupies first position already in this first draft of Bose’s goals. According to Bose’s arguments, establishing Indian legations would convince the Indian people that ‘the fact of India’s independence has already been acknowledged.’ This was already an indication of Bose’s desire for an official declaration by the Axis Powers in support of India’s independence, which in the following months would determine his negotiations with Germany and Italy. ... "

" ... Woermann’s reaction shows again that the Foreign Office mainly wanted Bose for their broadcasting propaganda. All further plans that might influence German foreign policy were to be ignored. It seems Bose saw through their intentions because he refused to appear in public via radio and newspapers unless an agreement had come about regarding his plan of actions. Bose threatened to go back to Afghanistan and fight in the Indian border territory if an agreement could not be made.9"

" ... The decisive sentence reads: ‘Germany therefore recognizes the inalienable right of the Indian people to have full and complete independence.’ Skilfully Bose included some of his own ideas regarding a future Indian social order: ‘But it is only natural that Germany, in keeping with her own traditions, would like to see in India a united nation, in which every individual is guaranteed food, work, necessities of life and equal opportunities of growth, regardless of religion, class or any other consideration.’10"

" ... Ribbentrop asked Bose some questions regarding the situation in India, Gandhi’s and the princes’ attitudes, the political organization of the Indian nationalistic movement, and the military strength of the British in the country. The minister’s question regarding India’s attitude towards Germany prompted Bose to complain once again about the National Socialists’ racism. Ribbentrop tried to avoid a clear answer by remarking that National Socialism was only for racial purity and not for domination of other races. But Bose did not accept this evasive reply. He declared that it was easy for the British to instill fear of a German rule into Indians. In order to win the Indian masses over to collaborate with the Axis Powers, they would have to first of all acknowledge India’s independence through a public proclamation. Bose, who by now had apparently understood that the Germans regarded him more as a promising propaganda figure than an ally to be taken seriously, obviously wanted to make such a proclamation a condition for a collaboration."

" ... Ribbentrop tried to make it clear to Bose that the Indians had hardly any chance to drive out the British on their own. Bose should rather consider influencing developments in India through propaganda. Bose disagreed. It was certainly possible for the revolting tribes of the northwest frontier and the civilian population to drive them out. For the first time he suggested deploying the Indian soldiers of the Indian army, held captive in German prisoner-of-war camps, to fight against England. This suggestion set the formation of the Indian Legion through the German Wehrmacht in motion. ... Again he wanted to put Bose off with the prospect of propaganda activities. He now offered him a clandestine radio station so that he could give his inciting broadcasts to the Indian people independently from the official German shortwave transmitters. But Bose refused to be diverted: any propaganda would be effective only in combination with an India-proclamation by the Axis Powers. The meeting ended with the stipulation that Bose’s presence in Germany should remain a secret for the time being.11"

" ... Bose promised as reward for their engagement in the Orient ‘a long chain of friendly pro-German countries’ from North Africa to Japan. Though he could have not known about the impending ‘Operation Barbarossa’, Bose pointed out how important it was for Germany to have the sympathies of the oriental people on her side in case a conflict with the Soviet Union and Turkey became unavoidable.12"

" ... Woermann wanted to find out whether the Afghan urge for expansion could somewhat be reconciled with Bose’s goals."

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April 05, 2022 - April 05, 2022.

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BROADCASTING PLANS

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" ... The Italians were already ahead: Iqbal Schedai was already broadcasting propaganda programmes via his transmitter Radio Himalaya to India, albeit with dubious success."

"At this time, the German short-wave transmitter was broadcasting daily a half-hourly programme in Hindi. ... Seemingly objective news articles were broadcast which, however, had a distinct anti-British tendency. Bose told Rühle that the German broadcasts enjoyed more credibility in India than the ones from London.15

"Rühle suggested broadcasting through illegal transmitters as supplement to the official ones. He cited the station Radio Himalaya in Rome from where Schedai sent his broadcasts to India as example. ... Rühle elaborated on the intended effect (and gave thereby an exact summary of the aims of German India-politics):

"In this manner it will be achieved that India loses her present importance for British war conduct as material and human reservoir. Over and above, British-Indian troops that could be deployed at African and oriental fronts, would be tied up in India if the broadcasts have the expected effect. Finally, the broadcasts could also be instrumental in increasing the present disturbances in India to an open uprising, thus considerably diminishing British military force in general.16

"The pirate radio should pretend to broadcast from Indian soil. Transmission was of course possible only through short-wave transmitters in Germany, the occupied territories or friendly countries. Rühle favoured particularly the 100-kilowatt Dutch radio station Huizen that was specially constructed for transmissions to Dutch colonies in India. ... "

There were problems, since few had short wave receiving radios in India, and a medium wave transmitter had to be close. Bose suggested sending one to Kabul, whence it could be secretly transported to NWFP via one of his agents.

" ... Rühle did not have any illusions about the efficacy of the radio propaganda. He confessed at the end of the report: ‘Starting a rebellion in India solely with broadcasts might well be impossible considering the small number of listeners.’ Nevertheless, German propaganda for India received an enormous impetus in the time to come."

But later Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose did transmit from Azad Hind Radio, which was very influential with people in India.

" ... Iqbal Schedai was now broadcasting with Radio Himalaya since 14 February 1941.17"

Author gives a short sketch of him, from birth in 1892 in Sialkot to imprisonment by British for freedom struggle activities to leaving for Europe and being European representative of Gadar party consisting of non-resident Indians of Canada and US, for most part, who were active in independence struggle for India.

" ... He claims to have met Arnaldo Mussolini, the Duce’s brother. He also claims to have introduced Nehru to leading Fascists.19 The Fascist Party, however, wishing to avoid any diplomatic problems with Britain, refused to cooperate with the Ghadr Party.20

"Schedai worked for the Italian Foreign Ministry as an informant in France and Switzerland. The Foreign Ministry regarded his reports on British activities as useful and reliable. When Italy entered the war, he was invited to Italy in 1940. ... Like in Germany, the Italian propaganda work for India only started when Subhas Chandra Bose appeared surprisingly.21

"On Radio Himalaya, Schedai told his listeners that he was transmitting from Indian soil or close by. The Indian police, however, found out through careful listening that the actual location had to be Rome. ... "

Iqbal Schedai wasn't effective, author states, due chiefly to being abusive towards most Indian leaders.

" ... his revolutionary appeals were not effective. The criminal police in Pune reported that people refrained from listening because of the bad reception. ‘Others who managed to tune in were disgusted with the filthy language used and deprecated the false and anti-British propaganda.’ Police stations from other provinces wrote similar reports. Schedai could win over some faithful listeners only in Assam and Hyderabad.25

Hyderabad is understandable, but Assam is surprising. Unless, of course, author indicates - without being aware of the difference - tribals of bordering areas, encouraged to disassociate themselves from India by British and by missionaries.

Continuing with Italians, author mentions -

" ... They drafted a detailed plan of action for propaganda in India in April 1941 entitled ‘Schema di lavoro per l’India’.26 The drafting of the plan was caused by a remark made by Leopold Amery, the British secretary of state for India, that India had to send ten to twenty million soldiers to the front. The authors warned it was imperative to eliminate India as a British supply base and thus bring about the fall of the British Empire. However, Bose’s arrival in Europe may have been the actual background for the growing interest in the Indian freedom movement."

" ... Radio broadcasts in the political field were supposed to incite the Indian population to labour revolts, sabotage and terrorism, and guide them in these activities so that war production would be impeded. A nationalistic-revolutionary Indian committee was to be founded in Italy with the objective of forming a nationalistic-revolutionary Indian government after the troops of the Axis Powers had reached the Levant.

"The political-revolutionary part of the plan envisaged an intensified collaboration with the rebellious tribes at the Indian northwest frontier. For this purpose the rebels were to be supplied with arms and equipment. Some military technicians were to assist the Fakir of Ipi in manufacturing weapons, equipment and ammunition and to teach him maintenance and handling of the same. In addition, all Indian prisoners of war in North Africa were to be transported to Italy so that soldiers suitable for political, technical and military training could be selected from their numbers. These could then be brought to the rebellious tribes in the Indian northwest frontier—if possible by submarine or plane—for working there as political agents or technical trainers. In case a sufficient number of Indians were willing, an Indian troop could be formed and used for action at the front against the Indian army.

"Propaganda pamphlets in Indian languages were to be dropped over units of the Indian army in North Africa, appealing to the soldiers to desert or go over to the other side. The authors of the plan also thought it would be possible to supply arms to India with submarines, speedboats, or planes after the troops of the Axis Powers had advanced to the Red Sea and the coasts of the Indian Ocean. Indian revolutionaries could use these arms to start a violent uprising. The military was supposed to finance these actions. Accordingly, a military person, Colonel Giovanni Tavazzani, was to be entrusted with the realization of the working plan. Tavazzani had been interested in India for a long time. He had also kept in touch with Indian nationalists in Italy and so the Italian Foreign Ministry considered him to be an expert on India.

"The Foreign Ministry was not the only authority to dwell on the subject. The Ministereo della Cultura Popolare, the Italian propaganda ministry, evolved a plan for establishing a propaganda centre for India in Afghanistan in the guise of Missione Archeologica. They were supposed to print publications and smuggle them into India. The project failed though due to lack of funds. Nevertheless, a large number of propaganda cards, brochures and pamphlets were printed with editions of up to 150,000 pieces. This material was to be taken into India via the embassy in Kabul.27"

" ... In those days Mussolini was not interested in India. He was surprised when Ribbentrop at a meeting with the Duce and Ciano on 14 May 1941 in Venice, mentioned Bose’s presence in Germany.30 Actually, Mussolini should really have been aware of the Indian’s escape; after all, his ambassador in Kabul had kept him constantly informed.

"The group of Indian revolutionaries in Rome on which the action plan was based consisted of three persons, namely Schedai and two of his compatriots from Punjab: Ajit Singh and Labh Singh—according to the British, two of the most important men of the Ghadr Party. ... "

Author fails to connect, or discuss, whether this Ajit Singh could be the same as an uncle of Bhagat Singh who was abroad due to his activities in freedom struggle of India.

"The Indians were very particular to be considered revolutionaries in exile and not agents of the Italian government. In order to document this status, Schedai informed the Italian Foreign Ministry on 7 May 1942, that a branch of Azad Hind (Free India) Republican Party had been formed in Italy offering collaboration with the Italian government in the fight against England. Ajit Singh was president of the party, Schedai general secretary.32"

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April 05, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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PLANS FOR SEDITIOUS ACTIONS IN INDIA’S NORTHWEST

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"The Axis Powers had already tried inciting rebellion against the British in India’s northwest before Bose’s appearance. ... Axis diplomats tried gaining influence with Bose’s followers through Talwar and his people after Bose’s departure."

"Hazi Mirza Ali, known as the Fakir of Ipi, was the leader of the mountainous tribes of Waziristan in the Indian-Afghanistan frontier region. A representative of the Fakir of Ipi came to the Italian embassy in Kabul in September 1940 and requested support in their fight against the common enemy.33 Quaroni suggested financial aid in his report to his ministry. The Fakir would at least be in a position to start disturbances in the frontier province and thus keep the British occupied.34 Rome accepted the proposal.35 Afghani agents handed over to the Fakir a larger amount of money in February 1941; half of it came from the Italian, the other half from the German embassy. The Fakir agreed to collaborate with the Axis Powers provided they gave him generous financial support.36

"First Lieutenant Dietrich Witzel started work in Kabul in May 1941 as intelligence agent of the Wehrmacht’s secret service. He reported that with the help of some money one could incite rebellion in the northwest frontier at any time. It was not even necessary to supply arms and ammunition. He proposed training Bose’s followers in sabotage and suggested to start preparations for large-scale sabotage activities connected with rebellion at the northwest frontier.37 Witzel wanted to accompany the Italian councillor of the legation, Enrico Anzilotti, on a journey to the Fakir. Quaroni, however, rejected the proposal. After a brief dispute the Germans relented and the Italian proceeded alone in June 1941. After Anzilotti’s return, Quaroni concluded on the basis of his report that the Fakir would not be in a position to start general rebellion at the frontier. His influence was limited and the number of his followers not large enough. Besides, they could only fight under the protection of the mountains and did not have sufficient weapons. It was also not possible to supply them with rifles as the passage through the Soviet Union was now closed. For these reasons Quaroni thought it best to support the Fakir with money only and nothing else, as long as the Axis Powers had not reached Iran.38 The Germans were more optimistic. As the Italians did not wish to cooperate, they tried on their own to establish contact with the Fakir.

"Meanwhile Rasmuss had arrived in Kabul to start his work as secret agent of the Foreign Office. On 6 May 1941 he had a meeting with Quaroni, Quaroni’s wife, Anzilotti and Talwar in Paghman, a spa situated 40 kilometres away from Kabul. Talwar had just returned from Calcutta. He had brought two comrades from India along, Sodhi Harmindar Singh and Santimoy Ganguly who wanted to undergo training in Afghanistan in underground combat. Axis diplomats and freedom fighters got to know each other without, however, agreeing on a common mode of action. Talwar explained that he would be prepared for joint activities only after corresponding instructions from Bose.39

"Rasmuss and Quaroni did not know that, following Talwar’s instructions, Sodhi continued trying to establish contact with the Soviet embassy. They were communists and had guided Bose to the border only because they presumed he would go to Moscow. They had no problem keeping contact with the Axis Powers as well, as long as they thought of the Soviet Union and the German Reich as allies owing to the ‘Hitler-Stalin Pact’. However, they were faced with a severe loyalty conflict after the German attack on the Soviet Union. Should they continue to be on Bose’s side and collaborate with the German and the Italians or should they now consider him to be a traitor?

"Talwar met Sarat Chandra Bose in Calcutta who asked him to stay in touch with the embassies of the Axis in Kabul so that they could pass on his messages. Back in Kabul, Talwar received a message from Bose via the Italian embassy. Bose asked Talwar, in collaboration with the Axis Powers, to continue organizing an anti-British movement in the tribal regions. Sodhi meanwhile had managed, in a drastic manner, to get in touch with the Soviet embassy in Kabul: ‘He had just gate-crashed into the Soviet embassy and now contacts had been established.’40 From then onwards Talwar played a double role: he took money from the Axis Powers and as agreed handed it over to the Indian revolutionaries. At the same time he kept the Soviet diplomats informed of his activities.41 He mentioned to a comrade-in-arms that he intended only to exploit the Germans: ‘They were helping us to build an organization here which they thought would be useful to them to defeat the British when the time came. But that time might not come for them at all. But this organization of ours would certainly be immensely useful when time came for us to drive away the British.’42"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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OPERATING WITH PRISONERS OF WAR

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"Many Indians serving in the British army were taken in German captivity in the wake of military successes of the German Africa Corps. The first interrogations of Indian officers showed that some of them were definitely prepared to work together with the Germans. They cited as reasons condescending treatment and poor provisions by their English superiors. The Information Divison of the German Foreign Office saw at once the opportunity to make use of the Indian soldiers’ dissatisfaction.43

"Gurbachan Singh Mangat reports that British comrades had subjected the Indian prisoners of war in the Italian camps to discrimination. Thus the Indians had been unfairly treated in the distribution of food supply: ‘The discriminatory attitude of the British undermined whatever of the Indian loyalty to the crown was left by those days.’ Captain Sher Jang Panwar complained about this to the Italian camp superiors. The Italians reacted at once and turned the tables. Now the British had to clean the Indians’ latrines. The Indian viceroy’s commissioned officers (VCOs) had been put on a par with the British king’s commissioned officers (KCOs).44 As a result, one of the VCOs is said to have sent a petition to Mussolini offering to fight on the side of the Axis Powers against the British until these had been driven out of India.45 Bose came to know on 14 April 1942, that of the 40,000 Allied soldiers taken captive in North Africa, 15,000 were Indians, and that some of those had bitterly complained about the unfair treatment meted out to them by their British officers. German and Italian officers were immediately instructed to treat the Indians with utmost consideration.46

"On 16 May 1941, twenty-seven members of the Third Indian Motor Brigade, who had been selected after interrogations by German officers, were moved from the prisoner-of-war camp Barce near Benghazi, to Catania in Sicily. Alexander Werth, scientific assistant in the Information Division of the German Foreign Office, and Kirpa Ram Dhawan, a close associate of Bose hailing from northwest India like most of the prisoners of war, were there waiting for them. They questioned them intensively about their political inclinations. After that, the prisoners of war travelled on to Germany. Twenty men were brought to camp Annaberg, which was to be the central camp for all Indian prisoners of war. They were supposed to assist the camp authorities to learn about Indian food habits and other peculiarities. The remaining seven Indians were shifted to the Schlieffenufer barracks in Berlin.47 The Germans needed their language skills. Some of them received training in telecommunication in the Foreign Office; others worked for the radio.48"

" ... Colonel Giovanni Tavazzani was put in charge of working with the Indian prisoners.49 50 Schedai was included in these operations. He was to act as Indian confidant. Schedai met Tavazzani on 26 April 1941. He was at once prepared to take up political propaganda among the Indian soldiers. He urged the officials of the Foreign Ministry, who took part in the discussion, to allow him to meet the prisoners of war, but they still had some reservations.51"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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THE ACTION ‘BRITISH EMPIRE’

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" ... Bose and the experts of the German Foreign Office were to work out the text of the declaration together. In addition, everything was to be prepared in the matter of propaganda. They even considered arranging for a medium-wave transmitter in the Indian frontier region.52 The head of the Foreign Office was in charge of propaganda action against the British Empire. Ribbentrop discussed the action with Ciano and Mussolini during their meeting in Venice on 13 May 1941. The protocol of the meeting notes that the Duce had agreed, without further discussion, that Italy together with Germany would ‘stand up for the liberation of all peoples under British oppression’.53

"The declaration on India to be proclaimed together with Italy was to start a large-scale action under the name ‘British Empire’. It was further planned that faked enquiries at the press conference would provide an opportunity to the Foreign Office to recognize also the independence of Ireland and the South African Union. A repetition of the already proclaimed declaration of independence for the Arab countries was to be the high point of the action.54 The ‘Proclamation for a liberated India’ had already been drafted. It was the abbreviated translation of a draft by Bose. It contained the sentence that Germany and Italy recognize ‘solemnly the irrevocable right of the Indian people of complete and unlimited independence’. Based on Bose’s draft, the proclamation further mentioned the exploitation of India through British imperialism, the right of Indians to chose their constitution, and the unity of the Indian nation. The German revisers added a reference to the Indian soldiers who ‘have to shed their blood on the battlefields in Europe, Asia and Africa…’

"The last sentence of Bose’s draft underwent a small but significant change. While Bose had written: ‘Germany […] waits for the day when independent India will have her own national government, Germany will gladly recognize that government and establish friendly relations with it,’ the German draft read: ‘Germany and Italy […] await the day when an independent India will have her own national representation.’ The Germans did not want to give the promise to Bose of recognizing an independent India.55"

Without doubt, Netaji must have been aware of the not so subtle differences; He forged his way ahead, not in friendly alliance with Axis Powers, but with the aim of freedom of India in view, despite the differences, and as evident later when marching from Singapore, kept Indians ahead in his movement, even though Axis Powers wished otherwise.

" ... Bose proposed now the building of a landing place in the tribal territory so that weapons and equipment could be brought into this region. A training centre for Indian officers should also be established there. He urged the formation of a ‘Free Indian Legion’ that should fight against Great Britain and later be sent to India.56

"The Foreign Office found Bose’s plans well suited to their plans. Ribbentrop was prepared to be generous in his support for the Indian. He granted the proud sum of one million Reichsmark for his work. ... In spite of the detailed planning, the action ‘British Empire’ never took place. Trott called Bose in the third week of May and explained that there would be a small delay. The Indian was surprised: ‘The speed with which the Führer had acted earlier, appeared to be out of step with this new attitude.’60 The delay turned finally into a refusal."

" ... Woermann informed Bose on 24 May 1941 about Ribbentrop’s decision that a declaration on India would not be proclaimed for the time being. However, preparations should be made for establishing the ‘Free India Centre’. Bose had no option but to agree to the delay.62

"It is not clear from the sources why the German Foreign Office first planned the large-scale propaganda action with considerable expenditures, only to cancel it again at short notice. Arvinda Katpitia presumes the reason to be a connection with the flight of Rudolf Hess to England on 10 May 1941: Hess had intended to offer Great Britain a ‘peace settlement’. A declaration on India would have been inconvenient at that time.63 Andreas Hillgruber also writes: ‘There seems to be a connection when viewed upon axiomatically with Hitler’s foreign policy in mind.’64"

"The department of the Foreign Office—for matters concerning India—seemed to look upon the plan of a declaration on India as delayed only and not as cancelled. They even planned to proclaim an Indian government in exile. Bose was to be ‘President’, ... "

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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BOSE’S JOURNEY TO ITALY FROM MAY TO JULY 1941

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"Just before the cancellation of the propaganda action against the British Empire, Bose had received an invitation by the Italian government which he readily accepted.68 Woermann was in favour of this journey to Rome.69 Ribbentrop though had reservations. He demanded a report from Woermann about the way Bose had been treated while in Germany. In particular he wanted to know which person attended to Bose constantly, what financial means he had at his disposal, and whether he had been allotted a house in the meantime.70 It seems he was worried that Bose would prefer to work with the Italians after the disappointment of the cancelled declaration on India. Woermann tried to reassure the minister that Bose’s Italian journey had been planned from the very beginning. The Indian did not plan to stay longer than a fortnight in Rome. He intended to work together with the Germans also in the future. In order to motivate Bose, Woermann suggested an audience with the Führer.71 Ribbentrop, however, remained cautious. He requested Woermann to prevent the journey. Yet he did not want to rule out the prospect of a meeting with Hitler.72"

"Bose travelled to Rome in spite of the minister’s reservations. He arrived there on 29 May 1941 together with his secretary and companion Emilie Schenkl.73 ... "

" ... German embassy in Rome was instructed to keep a check on the Indian and to see to it that he returned to Germany as soon as possible. ... "

" ... When Bose had not reported to the German embassy even after having been in Rome for eight days, Ambassador Otto Christian Prince von Bismarck Anlass thought it necessary to send a telegram to Berlin. On the occasion of his first reception by the Italian foreign minister Ciano on 6 June 1941, the responsible official experts drew Bose’s attention to the German embassy’s desire for contacting him.78

"Bose responded and called on Bismarck on 11 June 1941. Bismarck requested him to return to Berlin soon. Bose declared he was not under the impression of being urgently needed in Berlin but clarified that he had no intention of moving the centre of his activities to Italy.79 80 He promised to return to Germany shortly. Berlin was satisfied with this information. The embassy in Rome was now instructed not to bother Bose any more about a definite date of departure. ... "

" ... The Italian foreign minister met his German counterpart in Venice on 15 June 1941 when they also discussed Bose. Ribbentrop explained that he wanted to support Bose’s anti-British propaganda but considered a declaration in support of India’s independence too premature. ... "

"It is also possible that Ciano was influenced by Schedai in his reserved behaviour towards Bose. Bose had several meetings with Schedai and his followers during his stay in Rome. Schedai pulled his fellow countryman to pieces in his reports to the Foreign Ministry: ‘We absolutely refuse to cooperate with him and he has not gained our confidence,’ he let them know. Two days before Bose’s meeting with the foreign minister, Schedai questioned in a letter Bose’s importance as political leader and warned against cooperating with him:

"He has no organization of his own in India which is really a revolutionary one. […] I have told you that all parties in India are against Mr Bose and especially the All-India National Congress which expelled him from its ranks for three years. It is a pity that none has faith in him. He has some followers in Bengal but most of the Bengalis are against him. […] ... "

"It is not surprising that Ciano did not take Bose seriously as he had read this letter before the meeting. Actually Schedai must have been well informed about Bose’s real political importance. However, personal rivalry made him refuse any cooperation with him and induced him to run him down before higher authorities. Schedai had worked hard at achieving the position as preferential Indian confidant with the Italian government. And now Bose arrived and might make him take a back seat. Bose was immediately received personally by the foreign minister while Schedai waited in vain for such honour.

"Bose returned to Berlin on 8 July 1941. He had not managed to achieve concrete agreements with the Italian government. A cooperation with his fellow countrymen had also not been realized. Anyhow, he had left a strong impression on the Foreign Ministry’s staff: ‘He is without doubt a strong personality of the first order whose work will be useful for us,’ the Foreign Ministry informed the German embassy.91 The three Indian revolutionaries quarrelled because of Bose: Labh Singh saw in Bose the man of the hour and preferred to accept his leadership. Ajit Singh on the other hand took Schedai’s side and took up his hostile attitude towards Bose. The disagreements resulted in a break-up that lasted until the end. Neither Ajit Singh nor Schedai went to Labh Singh’s funeral in 1943.92"

This allows us to infer that this Ajit Singh couldn't have been uncle of Bhagat Singh.

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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BOSE AND THE OPERATION BARBAROSSA

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"Bose came to know of the German attack on the Soviet Union while in Rome. ... He wrote to Woermann: ‘The public reaction in my country to the new situation in the East is unfavourable towards your government.’ However, he let himself be persuaded finally to return to Germany.94

"After his return Bose went to call on Woermann on 17 June 1941. He explained to the undersecretary of state the difficulties arising for him from the German-Soviet war. The Soviet Union had always been for the Indian an anti-imperialistic power. The Hitler-Stalin pact of 1938 had made it possible for the Indian intelligence to look upon Germany also as a friendly power. Now public opinion was more on the side of the Soviet Union. It was now easy for the British to claim Germany to be a dangerous imperialistic power also for India. Thereupon Woermann promised him the declaration on India at a ‘suitable point of time’.95

"This suitable point of time, however, was still elusive. In the coming weeks Bose limited his activities to drawing up general plans and routine contacts with the representatives of the Foreign Office. For the time being Bose decided not to contact Indians living in Germany because of the uncertainty in the wake of the German-Soviet war. In the succeeding weeks he kept himself more or less isolated and without any activities in his new residence in the Charlottenburg Sophienstrasse. His private secretary, Vyas, was the only fellow countryman he met regularly.96"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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The Progress of India-Politics during Bose’s Incognito

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"Bose refused at first to participate in the Third Reich’s India-politics without the official declaration in support of India’s independence. Thus he stayed for several months incognito in Germany. He continued to call himself Orlando Mazzotta, the name he had originally assumed as disguise only for his journey from Afghanistan to Europe, until he decided at the end of the year to revert to his own name because of the developments in East Asia. Meanwhile, the India-politics of the Axis Powers progressed considerably in spite of restrictions due to Bose’s disguise. "

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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THE ‘SONDERREFERAT INDIEN’

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" ... As a reaction to Bose’s memorandum, together with the Indian and in constant consultation with the political department, they began hunting for experts to assist them in their India-specific propaganda. The working group grew into the ‘Sonderreferat Indien’ (SRI), the Special Department India.1 Besides others, Ludwig Alsdorf and Franz-Josef Furtwängler were some of the experts to work for the SRI. Alsdorf taught Indology at the Münster University and had published a handbook on India2 that was very popular at that time. Furtwängler was a former trade union official and had written several books on India. The Foreign Office employed the writer Giselher Wirsing as German language teacher for Bose who lived secluded in his hotel room for the initial months of his stay in Germany. Bose grasped the language very fast, and he could give his public speeches later on in German.3"

"The scientific assistant Adam von Trott zu Solz was in charge of the Sonderreferat. ... His critical attitude towards National Socialism is well known. He belonged to the Kreisauer Kreis and was part of the group responsible for the assault on Hitler on 20 July 1944. Carl Friedrich Gördeles’s shadow government had provided for him the post of secretary of state in the Foreign Office because of his good contacts with the Anglo-Saxon world. Trott was executed in Berlin a few weeks after the failed coup d’état."

"Trott had already worked on an India project since the end of 1940.5 After Bose’s arrival in Germany, Trott was asked on Woermann’s recommendation to attend to Bose. Woermann wrote: ‘Trott has the necessary initiative, he speaks excellent English and would be eminently suited for Bose, particularly from the psychological point of view.’6 The India-section was in various ways important for Trott’s oppositional activities. It was possible for him to undertake various travels abroad to neutral and occupied countries where he could have contact with like-minded people.7 The Indian fight for independence fitted well into his political concept. Had the coup d’état against Hitler succeeded, the new government would have had to enter immediately into negotiations with the war opponents in order to end the war as soon as possible. Each weakening of England’s position would have meant a strengthening of the German position in negotiation. Trott did not view British rule over India sympathetically even though he had made many English friends during his time in Oxford. He shared with his English friends the notion that England’s imperialism was as detestable as the Nazi regime. The struggle for India’s freedom became Trott’s niche where he could serve the German government without having to compromise his convictions.8"

It's startling to read next paragraph, which gontrasts completely with latter half of the one before.

"Trott did not confide in the Indians with whom he worked. But they sensed that actually they were for him just the means for another aim. Vyas criticized later that Trott had not been able to hide a hostile attitude towards Bose and that he had actually not desired India’s freedom: ‘He never expressed it plainly, but behind the diplomatic expressions he frequently used, lurked the suggestion that the best India could aspire for was a gradual transition towards a ‘distant goal’ of dominium status in the British Empire.’ In spite of all differences Trott had been always cordial and never malicious and had always kept all agreements.9

"The Kreisauer Kreis was not unanimous in their attitude towards British colonial rule. Helmuth James Count von Moltke, whose mother was English, had a definite England-friendly attitude. For him the Empire was the model of a world organization and he regretted the independence endeavours of its members.10 He had an argument with Furtwängler about the future status of India. While Furtwängler stood for the independence of the subcontinent, Moltke would at most concede dominion status.11"

"The Sonderreferat India was separated from the information department and placed directly under SS-Gruppenführer (lieutenant general) Wilhelm Keppler who held an unusual position in the Foreign Office as secretary of state for special duty. Keppler had discontinued studying mechanical engineering and had been working as a businessman in the chemical industry. He joined the NSDAP in 1927, and as Hitler’s economical advisor had established contacts with industrial magnates and bankers. ... As secretary of state for special utilization, he worked mainly in special diplomatic missions. Thus he organized together with Arthur Seiss-Inquart the annexation of Austria; made preparations for establishing the Protectorate of Bohemia, Moravia and independent Slovakia; was instrumental in founding the Croatian Ustascha-State; and was actively involved in the occupation of Hungary. Keppler was considered one of the exponents of the SS in foreign policy and thought of himself more as being an SS leader than a diplomat.12

"Ribbentrop put Bose under Keppler’s care in June 1941 and transferred the overall direction of the propaganda for India to him as well. The political approach with the Indian, however, remained in the hands of Secretary of State Ernst von Weizsäcker.13 ... "

"The political attitudes of Trott and Keppler, the two personalities responsible for Bose, could not have been more different at that time: On the one hand, a man of the resistance movement and conspirator; a deserving party member and SS general on the other. In spite of their ideological differences it seemed Trott and Keppler worked together amiably. Thus Keppler used his influence when Trott was to be promoted to the civil service and later on to the position of councillor of a legation.15"

"The special fund of one million Reichsmark which Ribbentrop had granted so generously for India-related activities and which was to have been used for the action planned for May 1941, the action ‘Britisches Weltreich’ or ‘British Empire’, was still available and was now under the administration of the Sonderreferat India. ... "

"Trott made contact with Carl Rudolf Rasmuss, commercial attaché in Kabul. Rasmuss was to obtain information about India for the information department. Thereupon the SRI received most of the information from India via Afghanistan.24 Bhagat Ram Talwar, who had assisted Bose in his escape, was a confidant of the German embassy in Kabul and worked now for the Germans under the code name Rahmat Khan. The German embassy was in a permanent dangerous situation as the governments of Great Britain and the Soviet Union had considerable influence in Afghanistan. The Afghan government finally yielded to the pressure of the Allied Powers and expelled all German and Italian nationals with the exception of the diplomatic corps.25 The embassy continued to function but Trott thought it expedient to find alternative means of obtaining news from India, all the more so as they never managed to achieve regular courier service or a reliable wireless connection via the frontier territory to Bose’s followers in India.26 The embassy in Bangkok was instructed to establish a courier service to Calcutta.27 Ambassador Georg Thomas located a Bengali who had Thai nationality. This gentleman agreed to receive Bose’s confidants as his personal visitors. A regular courier service could not be established though as the British kept strict guard over the border to Burma and Malaya.28 Trott also thought of a connection via neutral Portugal and her Indian colony Goa.29"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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THE ‘ZENTRALE FREIES INDIEN’

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"One of the tasks of the SRI was the formation of the ‘Zentrale Freies Indien’ (ZFI), the Free India Centre. While only German experts worked in the SRI, the ZFI was to be managed by Indians only. At first the ZFI was to function as the ‘unofficial collecting point for all Indian national endeavours under Bose’s leadership.’ On Ribbentrop’s instruction, the ZFI was to function in public after the German government had published its declaration on India. The centre’s activities were to be constantly monitored by the Sonderreferat and it was to serve as its ‘mouthpiece’.35 Bose suggested the founding of the Zentrale for the first time in his ‘Detailed plan of work’ of 20 May 1941. Initially it was to serve as ‘core piece’ of the propaganda action ‘Britisches Weltreich’.36 In spite of the action’s cancellation the foundation was to take place.37"

Author is fudging here. Netaji couldn't have agreed to being monitored, or serving as a mouthpiece, whether himself or about an organisation of Indians of which he was any part. One nay safely bet that while Germans had such intentions, he was either not informed, or had never agreed with those, despite funding.

This was, again, German intention, gleaned by author from German documents; but he attempts more fudging.

" ... This was certainly in keeping with Bose’s ideas about the functioning of the Zentrale. ... "

No, that's a lie. But author dies more fudging.

" ... This shows once more the basic problem of Bose’s collaboration with the German government officials: the Indian wanted solely to serve the freedom struggle in his own country from Germany, while the Foreign Office wanted to use him as a propaganda figure. Bose was able to carry his ideas through when finally the Free India Centre started functioning. Keppler’s ‘Working plan for India propaganda’ drafted in autumn 1942 mentioned explicitly that planning for the new construction of India ‘was part of the objectives of the Zentrale. German government departments were even supposed to support these activities.42

Indeed. One could, would, expect no less of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.

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Further signs of author's racism is evident in his descriptions of Indians.

Notice, again, author seems to forget mentioning he graduated. But one may safely bet that he'd mention it if, in fact, Gopal Swami had failed to do so.

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Author mentions Abid Hassan in a short introduction, before proceeding to a startling description of next associate of Netaji.

"The journalist Arathil Candeth Narayan Nambiar , born in 1896 in Tellicharry in south India, was carrying on an Indian information bureau in Berlin since 1929 as representative of the Congress party. The bureau was closed by the Gestapo in 1933 and Nambiar was expelled. He stayed at first in Prague where he worked as correspondent for Indian newspapers and engaged himself actively for India’s independence. He met Bose several times and helped him with the founding of the Indian Students’ Association and the Indo-Technical Association. Nehru visited Nambiar in Prague and engaged him as Europe correspondent for the Lucknow paper The National Herald. Nambiar went to Paris after the Germans marched into Prague. There he continued working for the Indian papers The Hindu, Amrita Bazar Patrika, Bombay Chronicle and The National Herald. After the Germans marched into Paris, he fled to the unoccupied zone in the south of France. The British police had him registered as ‘100 per cent anti-Nazi’.50 Initially it was difficult for the German embassy in Paris to locate him.51 It was not easy to persuade him to cooperate because of his bad experiences with the National Socialists. Bose had to go personally to Paris in August 1941. Werth and the Indian Iqbal Schedai, who was working for the Italians, accompanied him. Nambiar finally agreed to go to Berlin with Bose. In Paris Bose had the opportunity to meet the president of the Cabinet Council of the État Français, Pierre Laval. Laval was favourably inclined towards the Indian independence movement, even as the administrations of the French colonies in India had subordinated themselves under Charles de Gaulles’s government in exile.52"

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Author goes on to mention Nahar Govind Ganpuley, from Pune, whose first name as given by author is so badly incorrect, that it's completely impossible to guess what real name has been deformed by author to Nahar. Could it have been Narayan? He mentions others, giving longer sketches of some.

"Nahar Govind Ganpuley, born in Pune in 1895, was engaged as a businessman in Germany since 1922. He represented German firms during his travels to India. He represented an electrical undertaking from Bombay and Lahore in Germany since August 1939. Habibur Rahman was born in Delhi in 1901 and enrolled as a mechanical engineering student in Berlin in 1923. He married a German in 1933 and like Ganpuley was involved in the Indian Students’ Association. He worked with Bose since 1934 as a journalist and correspondent for Indian newspapers. He accompanied Hitler on his journey to Italy in 1938 and reported on the Reichstag. After the outbreak of the war, he wrote articles about India for leading German newspapers such as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung.53 Kodavooru Anantarama Bhatta, son of a Hindu priest, was born in 1908 near Madras. He came to Germany in 1931 for studying medicine but changed his mind and taught Sanskrit instead at the universities in Tübingen and Berlin.54

"Girija Kanta Mookerjee was born in East Bengal in 1905. He came to London in 1931 and studied for some time at the School of Oriental Studies but was expelled because of political activities. He managed to get away on his journey back and returned to London. Supported by Gandhi’s friend Charles F. Andrews, he published in 1937 the book The Rise and Growth of the National Indian Congress. He was holding the post of a Sanskrit lecturer at the Prague University since October 1937. He met Nambiar in Prague. After the German troops marched in, he fled to Paris where he managed to survive as correspondent of Hindustan Times. After the French capitulation, the Wehrmacht interned him as a British subject.55 He was soon released though and told that ‘the German Reich does not consider Indians as enemies’.56 Free again, he was twice visited by Nambiar and he accepted the latter’s invitation to come to Berlin ‘because I had visions of a heated room and a warm bed as I was sure that these would be available in the stronghold of Europe’s rulers.’57

"Dattatraya Ramnath Keni, born around 1915, hailed from the Portuguese colony of Goa. He went to Berlin in 1937 and received a diploma in electrical technology from the Technical University. Like Swami and Hasan, he too was involved in the activities of the Indian Students’ Association. He was in India at the outbreak of the war but returned in March 1940 on an Italian liner.58 Ambika Charan Majumdar, born in 1905 in Bengal, had come to Berlin in 1936 as leader of a group of singers and dancers who had won a gold medal in supporting programmes of the Olympic Games. He had toured Germany with the group in 1938. He studied music in Königsberg on a scholarship until 1939. Bose knew his family in Calcutta and convinced him to join the ZFI. Majumdar initiated the cultural programme ‘Namaste India’ in the short-wave service of the Reichsrundfunkgesellschaft, the official broadcasting corporation of the Reich, from April 1942 onwards.59

"Khurshed Burjorji Mama, a Parsee, was born in Surat in 1914. After his finals at the Bombay University, he worked at the local branch of the AEG. They sent him to Berlin for training in September 1938. Ali Mohammed Sultan was born in 1905 in Hyderabad in the Deccan. In early 1931 he went to England and later to Berlin for studying botanical science. The outbreak of war surprised him when he was about to return to India. He was married to a German. Braja Lal Mukherji, born in 1912 in Midnapore (Bengal) came to Germany in 1937 to study textile dye methods. He worked in several firms of the paint industry.60

"Lekh Raj Ahuja, born in 1916 in Bannu in the Northwest Frontier Province, studied medicine in Indore in the Central Province and came to Vienna for further studies in 1938. Saidudin Swallhay, born in 1917 in Meerut (United Provinces), had studied agriculture in Aligarh before he came to London in 1931 for further studies on a scholarship by the Indian government. He received a scholarship in 1936 for his doctorate in agriculture at the Berlin University.61 He presented a dissertation in 1943 on the subject ‘The New Development of the Dairy Market in England and Wales as well as a Short Comparative Depiction of the Dairy Business Position in India’.62

"Pappu Balkrishna Sarma was born in 1910 in Puthur, Madras Presidency. After studying natural sciences in London, he came to Berlin in 1933 for practical training in a sugar factory. He worked for one year in a pharmaceutical factory in Barcelona, fled then from the civil war and started studying in Vienna for his doctorate in chemistry and physics.63 His father could not send him any money after the outbreak of war and he received a stipend for studying at the Berlin University.64"

This is a roll consisting of very well educated, intelligent people, all these chief associates of Netaji!

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"Besides Dhawan, Vyas, Swami, Hasan and Nambiar, no one knew of Bose’s stay in Berlin. Bose was very particular about keeping this a secret. The meetings with his confidants amounted almost to a conspiracy."

"Sarma remembered later that he did read about Bose’s escape in the newspapers and that he also had heard rumours about his stay in Germany, but could not see any rhyme or reason in it when one day he received a telephone call from the Foreign Office: ‘I remember exactly, it was the 8th of January 1942, all of us received telephone calls from the Foreign Office asking us to come to tea at the Hotel Kaiserhof in Berlin. We all went there, and when I came into the lobby, I saw Netaji Subhas Bose.’67

"Mookerjee remembered having received quite a shock when he received the information that he would soon meet Bose. He was a guest at a celebration in honour of Bose’s birthday on 25 January 1942 and met there some of his compatriots and future fellow travellers. He describes impressively how the politician charmed his guests: ‘How different Subhas was from our other Indian leaders! Everyone sensed his greatness but no one was overawed; he was completely natural and won over the hearts of even those compatriots who did not share his convictions.’68

"Many Indians had reservations about working with Bose. They had suffered bad experiences with the National Socialists and found it very difficult to work with them. Mookerjee reports that Bose’s repeatedly mentioned argument that ‘England’s enemy is my friend’ convinced the freedom-loving Indians. He is said to have observed that the freedom struggle remained an entirely Indian matter even though the Germans supported it. In this connection it was irrelevant what the Germans did in Europe.69

"The Free India Centre, ‘Azad Hind Sangh’ in Hindustani, was solemnly inaugurated on 2 November 1941 after the Foreign Office had arranged a function for it in the Tiergarten (Lichtensteiner Allee 2a), the part of Berlin where the diplomats stayed. The staff of the ZFI enjoyed the same status as the members of foreign diplomatic missions. Bose had so far lived in various hotels and moved now to a representative villa in Charlottenburg (Sophienstrasse 6-7).70 The Centre was financed by the Foreign Office as loan to be repaid by the government of an independent India after the war. Bose had suggested this procedure in his memorandum of 9 April 1941. As a matter of fact, the Japanese government handed over half a million yen to the German ambassador in Tokyo in 1944, a sum Bose had collected from East Asian expatriate Indians as head of the ‘Provisionary Government of Free India’ which the Japanese supported.71"

Google maps shows Sophienstrasse 6-7, but only in Berlin, none in Charlottenburg; if it exists no more but did then, author fails to mention it. So it's unclear if he made a mistake about yet another detail.

"In spite of the diplomatic status, the Germans kept the Centre and Bose under constant surveillance. Bose knew that his telephone conversations were intercepted and conversed therefore in Hindi or Bengali with his assistants. He found out that his personal belongings were repeatedly checked and that his domestic staff spied on him. Therefore he could discuss important matters in the garden only. He suffered very much because of this mistrust but was prepared to carry on in spite of these unpleasant circumstances.72

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"Four resolutions concerning Indian national symbolism were decided upon during the first meeting at the inauguration on 2 November 1941. As various religious communities in India use different forms of salutation, it was necessary to create a common salutation stressing national unity that should be used by all Indians. The salutation Jai Hind, meaning ‘Victory to India’, was selected as substitute for Namaste or Ram Ram of the Hindus and the Salam Aleikum of the Muslims. The title given to Subhas Chandra Bose was even more influenced by the German example. German government officials addressed him as ‘Excellency’. His friends chose another title for him. As Gandhi was called the Mahatma, Bose became now Netaji, a combination of the Hindustani word for leader and the suffix ‘ji’ expressing reverence.73

"The poem ‘Jana Gana Mana’ by the Indian Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore was declared the national anthem in preference to ‘Vande Mataram’ used by the Congress party. Independent India agreed with this decision and declared Tagore’s song as the official national anthem.74

"Another decision concerned the national language of India. Many different languages are spoken on the subcontinent. The official language of British India was of course English which had replaced Persian used by the Mughals. The nationalists desired to introduce a language of Indian origin as the official language. At that time Hindustani was the most-spoken language in South Asia, and it enjoys this status even today. Hindustani is the lingua franca of north India and encompasses Urdu as well as Hindi. Urdu contains many elements of Persian and Arabic. It is written in a version of the Arabic script called Nastaliq. The Persian and Arabic parts have been replaced with Sanskrit elements in Hindi. Hindi uses the Devanagari script of Sanskrit. Muslims speak mostly Urdu; Hindus mostly Hindi. Bose wanted to introduce a Hindustani using the Latin script in order to overcome these differences, thus creating a common national language for all Indians.75 Independent India later introduced Hindi as the national language. Urdu became the national language of Pakistan. Nowadays the Indian armed forces use a simplified Hindi written in Latin script.

"The saffron-white-green tricolor of the Congress party was chosen as the national flag. However, a springing tiger replaced the spinning wheel in the centre of the Congress flag signifying Gandhi’s principle of non-violence. This flag was envisaged as the battle flag and was to be replaced with a more suitable symbol after obtaining independence.76 It was hoisted over the compound of the FZI during each function.77 Later on it became the banner for the troops of the Indian Legion."

The extremely bad compromise, of using Roman script for an Indian language, has been largely due to difficulties during twentieth century of separate typewriters, and for a while due to various devices being used extensively with only Roman keyboard. But now that's out, and one finds other, original and better, scripts used on internet.

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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RADIO AZAD HIND

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"Soon the ZFI staff members were mainly busy with preparing the daily radio transmissions which the Indians could transmit on their own and independently of the Indian programmes of the German short-wave transmitter. Plans for a secret Indian transmitter had already been initiated soon after Bose’s arrival. The realization of these plans was delayed, however, as Bose and the Foreign Office could not agree on a common concept for India-related activities. Bose did not want to address the public unless the Axis Powers guaranteed Indian independence. On the other hand, he could also not sit idle for months on end. Therefore, he made an application towards the end of the year to be allowed to start the transmissions the prospect of which had been held out to him on his arrival. Ribbentrop and Joseph Goebbels, Reichsminister for mass education and propaganda, gave their consent.78 The Foreign Office defined the guidelines in a working agreement between the two offices from 22 October 1941; the production and transmission of the programmes were, however, the responsibility of the Ministry for Propaganda.79

"This ministry decided in agreement with the Foreign Office that Bose be allowed to transmit for thirty minutes daily.80 Censorship was to be the common responsibility of the representatives of the Foreign Office, the Ministry for Propaganda and the German Radio Corporation. In order not to offend Bose’s sensibilities, censorship was to be carried out ‘with utmost care so that Mr B. on no account might notice it.’81 This censorship must have been done very discreetly if indeed it was done at all. Vyas, who was in charge of radio transmissions in the ZFI, relates in 1982 that Bose could ward off any attempt by German government officials to influence the shaping of the programmes and that the transmissions were never censored.82"

" ... The Ministry for Propaganda intercepted a transmission by Radio Daventry on 13 March 1942, warning its listeners thus:

"One of the methods used by the Germans in order to spread doubt, terror, worries and disturbance, and which they use in particular for undermining trust in the government, are the fraudulent transmissions pretending to originate in the country chosen for harassment. The Germans are now busy in broadcasting transmissions stating to be the voice of free India, the voice of free Egypt, and even the voices of Australia and New Zealand.85"

"The programme of Radio Azad Hind was composed of news, commentaries, interviews and the so-called talks on political, cultural or humourous themes. The speakers were all Indians. The programmes were designed not to betray any German influence outwardly. For this reason, ‘a certain independence in commenting on European problems was permissible,’ even though the broadcasts were aimed at ‘educating the Indian listener in the German and anti-British sense.’ Any interference in internal Indian political controversies was to be avoided. Therefore, Bose was to refrain from attacking any of his political opponents in the Congress party.86"

Author again makes an unfounded accusation, against Netaji himself thus time.

"Bose accepted these restrictions with poor grace. But already during the first talks, the SRI staff member Furtwängler showed him the limitations of his possibilities: ‘You may not even dream of opposing under the protectorate of Hitler the revered aged Mahatma to whom India owes thanks for everything.’87 ... "

He hasn't shown any evidence that Netaji had any intentions of abusing or badmouthing any Indian leaders, in the first place, but even more, "accepted these restrictions with poor grace" is an unfounded accusation.

What's far more likely is that the German had to get some abusing and dictating in, as completely uncalled for as it was, because Netaji wasn't going to allow any dictating or guidance by any Germans of the program he intended to be Indian for Indians.

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" ... Initially, all broadcasts were in Hindustani, soon to be followed by programmes in Pashto, Bengali, Persian, Telugu, Marathi, Kannada, Gujarati and English with Indian accent. Four hours were alloted for these broadcasts daily.88 Bose was responsible for shaping the programme of the secret radio station and he could extensively air his own political positions, but Bose’s part in these was kept a secret for the listeners. Bose refused to have his name mentioned in connection with Radio Azad Hind as long as the demanded declaration on India was pending.89

"Pappu Balkrishna Sarma, one of Bose’s assistants, reminisces in 1971 about the working of the production department: ‘At the beginning we all used to meet practically every day in our office and discuss what sort of programmes we should broadcast and how we should set about it. Netaji and also Mr Nambiar used to give us guidelines and indicate as well the main points to be included in the talks that we had to write.’ In addition, the Indians met twice or thrice a week in the evenings in the office for night-long discussions. Bose was the integrating personality of the group: ‘Netaji also had a marvellous capacity for making us sink our differences and work as a united team.’ 90"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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OPERATION TIGER

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" ... Disguised as a commission for studying leprosy, soldiers of the training regiment Brandenburg under the command of the well-known leprosy research worker Lance Corporal Manfred Oberdoerffer, were supposed to establish contact with the Fakir of Ipi and use this opportunity to demolish some important war objects in India.91 The Italian embassy had established contact with the Fakir in February 1941. Legationsrat Anzilotti had even called on him personally. However, because Quaroni did not want any German to accompany him to the Fakir and as he also felt that a strengthening of the contact would not serve much purpose, the Germans now wanted to establish relations on their own.

"‘Operation Tiger’ was a failure. Oberdoerffer and his companion, intelligence agent Fred Brandt, chanced upon an Afghan sentry who, without much ado, opened fire. Oberdoerffer was shot, Brandt slightly wounded.92 He was captured and interrogated by an English captain of the Indian news service and then released. Back in Berlin, Brandt said that Anzilotti had not met the Fakir at all. The German embassy in Kabul, Brandt reported, was of the opinion that the Italian had kept the money meant for the Fakir and shared it with the ambassador’s wife, if not with the ambassador himself.93

"According to a report by the British embassy in Kabul, the incident happened like this: the two Germans had applied for admission to travel outside Kabul. The permission was not granted. In spite of this they left the city, together with some locals, in the night from 18-19 July 1941 and proceeded towards the south. Near Pul-i-Alam they chanced upon a police or military sentry who had been posted there especially for them. The group tried to escape and Oberdoerffer drew his gun. The sentry opened fire. Oberdoerffer was shot in the abdomen and died when he was taken back to Kabul. He was buried on 20 July 1941. Brandt was slightly wounded and taken to a hospital. He was interrogated but did not reveal anything.94 Money, documents and maps which the agents had carried were handed over to the German colony through the Turkish embassy. They kept the arms though. According to rumours, one of the Afghan agents had betrayed the operation to the government. It seems the local companions had quarrelled about the distribution of the reward. One of them had felt cheated and informed the government officials.95"

Obviously the locals were a tad more loyal to British, after having thrown them out as rulers!

"The Afghan government was annoyed about this incident and requested the Germans to abstain from such actions in future. They served no purpose and would only give the British an excuse for increased political pressure.96 The Foreign Office was not exactly thrilled about it either. Woermann made it known to the ambassador: ‘It has been determined that the intelligence in Afghanistan is not to carry out any undertakings without the prior permission of the Foreign Office, and this will not be granted until further notice.’97 Ribbentrop instructed the ambassador to see to it that all Germans kept a low profile in Afghanistan so as not to give Great Britain and the Soviet Union any reason to exert pressure on the Afghan government for severing relations with Germany.98"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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SCHEDAI AND ITALIAN INDIA-POLITICS

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" ... Soon after Bose’s return to Berlin, Schedai wrote a letter to Lanza d’Ajeta with the proposal to send a mission to Berlin, headed by the deputy head of the overseas department, Adolfo Alessandrini, for discussing a common policy concerning India, Persia and Afghanistan. ... "

"Bose would have preferred if Schedai had stayed in Berlin so that he could have him under better control. Soon after Bose’s return to Berlin, Keppler wrote a letter to the German embassy in Rome stating that Bose would like Schedai to come to Berlin ‘for detailed discussions concerning problems in India-propaganda’ and requesting him to stay in Germany.103 Schedai followed up on an invitation by Woermann and stayed for two weeks in Berlin. He was disappointed as neither Ribbentrop nor Woermann nor Keppler received him, even though the Italian embassy had asked the minister to grant an audience to Schedai.104 As Ciano had granted an audience to Bose, the Italians thought it appropriate if Ribbentrop would do the same favour to their Indian. Still, the Germans arranged a trip to Paris for him. The German ambassador organized a lunch for him on 25 August 1941 with Pierre Laval, the future minister of the Cabinet Council of the État Français.105

"It was Trott who had been assigned to look after Schedai. Trott lent a patient ear to him and his proposals: he would be prepared to collaborate if, firstly, the German government would proclaim an India-specific declaration together with the Axis states, and secondly, if his Italians assistants were allowed to come with him to Berlin. Of course Trott could not make any promises but told him to first start working in Berlin. His conditions would then be met. Schedai refused to be part of the German activities related to India under Bose’s direction. He did not want to give up his Italian backing and demanded therefore the founding of an Italo-Germano-Indian Committee.106 Bose refused to oblige. Schedai also met the Near East expert Hentig who was to be nominated as ambassador to Kabul. This posting could not be effected though because of British objections.107 ... "

Author seeks to pretend, or make a reader think, that the two were comparable. He forgets that people aren't fools.

Not even Pakistan mentions Schedai whom the author has so assiduously described, but legend of Netaji grows, if anything, in stature.

"Nonetheless, the Italians stuck to Schedai. On 4 October 1941, the Italian Foreign Office announced officially that Count Ciano had ordered the opening of a special department, ‘where under the direction of the Indian Schedai all official, semi-official and private endeavours connected with the Indian freedom movement should be combined.’114 This department functioned under the name of Ufficio India. The Italian asserted, however, that this office should remain as small and unobtrusive as possible.115 They found it difficult to recruit suitable Indians for their Indian propaganda. Besides the three Ghadr revolutionaries Schedai, Ajit Singh and Labh Singh, the Ministry for Popular Culture managed to find only two other Indians in Italy: a Mrs Sita Devi116 and a Mr Rayas Ul Hasan. But both refused pointblank to work with the ministry. After much trying, the officials could locate only one Indian with some knowledge of Hindustani. This Mr Santa Maria, however, did not have enough command over the language for broadcasting.117"

" ... Only in the event that the Germans acknowledged Bose as officially representing India, would the Italians concede the same status to their Schedai.118 Like this, the Italian Foreign Ministry made their India-politics dependent on one of the Axis partners. They did not want to lag behind in case the Germans advanced their India-politics. Schedai had to keep himself ready for this purpose, but until then, however, he was to be kept in his place. The Italian India-politics differed from the German one in as much as the Italians concentrated on the Muslim inhabitants of the subcontinent. This line of thinking was in direct contrast to Bose’s political ideas. He desired the Indian nation’s unity. Bose was therefore for the Italians not a very desirable partner. Schedai as Muslim was better suited for their concept.119"

Author fudged again by referring to fanatic separatism as religious wing of independence movement.

" ... Schedai belonged to the Islamic wing of the independence movement and liked to work together with Islamic nationalists of other countries. In spite of this, Trott formed the impression that ‘being treated according to expectation he would work with us in a loyal manner.’120 Schedai offered to come to Berlin every month for one week for broadcasting, but then Bose would have to restrict himself to writing radio speeches only. Furthermore, he wanted the orientalist and SRI assistant Freda Kretschmar to work for him, ostensibly because of her language skills.121

"Wuester, Trott and Werth had a meeting with Schedai and representatives of the Italian Foreign Ministry on 8 December 1941 in order to collate their India-politics. A compromise was arrived at: In future any propagandistic and political promotion of the Pakistan-movement, encouraging a separation of an Islamic state from India, was to be omitted.122 On the other hand, no explicit opinion should be expressed against Pakistan either so as not to annoy the Indian Muslims. ... Schedai attracted the Foreign Office’s attention again and again unpleasantly as he did not keep to the agreement by engaging in propaganda for Pakistan, calling Bose’s Forward Bloc ‘contaminated with communistic ideas’,124 attacking Bose personally in his broadcasts,125 and violating the valid language regulations with aggressive attacks against Gandhi and Nehru.126"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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THE QUESTION OF A PROCLAMATION ON INDIA BY THE AXIS

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"While the Foreign Office and the German armed forces were abler to constantly improve their India-related activities with Bose’s help, Bose himself never tired of demanding again and again from the German government a guarantee on the declaration for India’s independence. Also after he had returned from Rome, Bose remained firm in his resolve not to be part of German India-politics unless such a declaration was published. During his first meeting with Woermann on 17 July 1941 after his return from Rome, Bose was told that such a proclamation for a free India was provided for but a suitable date had not been fixed. ‘Mr Bose became quite excited here,’ Woermann recorded after the meeting. The Indian had insisted on the proclamation as early as possible as the British were busy planning reforms in India that would get public opinion on their side. Also the war with the Soviet Union had damaged Germany’s image very badly in India; Germany was now viewed as an imperialistic power."

"The foreign minister’s disinterest left a propagandistic vacuum which the Allied tried to fill. On 14 August 1941, the British prime minister, Winston Churchill, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, the president of the USA, at that time still a neutral power, together proclaimed the ‘Atlantic Charter’, in which both states acknowledged that all nations had the right for self-determination. The image of the United States as an ideal democratic state enhanced the propagandistic value of the Charter. A proclamation by Great Britain alone would not have achieved the same effect. Bose realized the new situation at once.129 He wrote a warning letter to Ribbentrop on the day of the Charter’s proclamation and asked Woermann to forward the same. The Indians, themselves deserving freedom fighters, had become influenced by the Soviet-British-American propaganda machinery, persuading them to believe that the Germans wanted to rule the world. The Americans who desired an agreement between Gandhi and the British government, would gain more and more influence in India’s internal politics.

"There is still time to save the situation in India, but if there is further delay in issuing the declaration regarding Indian Independence, I am afraid it will become extremely difficult for us to win over the Indian people to the side of the Axis. Once the majority of the Indian people go over definitely to the Soviet-British-American side, the declaration will no longer have any value for India. Further, if there is no declaration regarding Indian Independence, the nearer the German armies move towards India, the more hostile will the Indian people become towards Germany. The march of the German troops towards the East will be regarded as the approach, not of a friend, but of an enemy.130"

"Ribbentrop replied only after he had received Hitler’s decision. Hitler favoured Woermann’s opinion: the declaration on India had to be proclaimed but should be postponed to a later date. He was afraid that such a declaration given at this point of time would provide an excuse for the British to march into Afghanistan. However, it is also possible that he still hoped to come to an agreement with England. Hitler mentioned to a small circle gathered at his headquarters that he did not consider the Indians capable of governing themselves: ‘India would perish if the British were driven out.’132 Probably Hitler came to this judgment as a matter of course because of his racial worldview and feared that he would be ridiculed if he supported India’s independence in all seriousness. The Reich’s foreign minister sent a note to Bose, letting him know that he was still very interested in his plans but would have to postpone the proclamation for some time ‘until our operations in the East will start having a larger effect on the position in the Near East and South Asia.’ Only then could he prevent a possible British countermeasure of occupying Afghanistan."

"Actually, the time for a proclamation on India would have been just right as Churchill declared before the Lower House that the Atlantic Charter did not apply to India, and thus destroyed all hopes its publication had kindled there.133 The date proposed by Woermann also passed unutilized. British and Soviet troops occupied Iran on 25 August 1941. It would have been a suitable occasion for the declaration but the opportunity was not utilized even though Secretary of State Weizsäcker had proposed an ‘immediate action programme’ to the minister. A declaration in support of independence for India and the Arab countries was part of this programme. The secretary of state argued: ‘It will be difficult to again find such a plausible occasion.’134

"Meanwhile Bose had left Berlin and gone into retreat to his favourite health resort Bad Gastein. Trott called on him there and delivered the foreign minister’s decision. Bose was bitterly disappointed and wrote a cool, almost sarcastic letter to Woermann: ‘I need hardly add that though we have not yet what we have been fondly expecting, I am profoundly grateful to you for the help and support you have always given to our cause.’135"

"Bose’s position became more and more difficult in the following months. On 10 November 1941, the Indian radio network broadcast an official announcement by the British government, according to which Bose stayed in Berlin or Rome preparing, together with the Axis Powers, for the invasion of India. Two days later, the Indian Independence League cabled a solidarity declaration to Bose from Japan, the content of which was made public by Radio Tokyo.138 Keppler thereupon prepared a note for Ribbentrop, urging him to grant an audience to Bose now, as there was the dangerous possibility that the British propaganda might depict Bose as ‘Quisling’.139 ... "

" ... Woermann firmly believed that an understanding with England was possible. An expanded propaganda in favour of India’s independence, and therewith the dissolution of the British Empire, would have been counterproductive for peace negotiations. Woermann envisaged the possibility of support for Indian independence only in case the desired of object could not be achieved.142 ... "

" ... The Foreign Office considered a meeting between Bose and Hitler now appropriate, particularly as the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem as representative of the Arabic freedom movement had already been received by the Führer.143 But first he himself had a discussion with Bose on 29 November 1941.

"Bose pointed out to Ribbentrop during the talks that British propaganda tried to brand him as a traitor. He showed English newspaper cuttings to prove his point. They had to react to these attacks as otherwise his followers would desert him. Ribbentrop tried to pacify him. The fall of the British Empire was unavoidable. He then explained why he could not yet agree to a public declaration on Indian independence. German politics was not in favour of declarations that did not have any powerful backing. The failures of the German Near East politics showed that it might even be dangerous to proclaim something one could not carry through."

" ... Bose did not at all agree with these arguments. He declared that the Arab experiences could not be transferred to India. India was situated much farther away from Germany, English propaganda was much more effective there. Hitler’s remarks in Mein Kampf could be made the most of by the British if the Führer did not declare his actual intentions soon. Ribbentrop asked him for suggestions for carrying out German propaganda on India. Bose suggested a secret radio station. He himself would be in charge of the programmes but would remain incognito. He also requested to be granted an audience with Hitler to give him the opportunity for presenting his ideas.144"

" ... Keppler pointed out that Bose was ‘very unhappy’ about the non-appearance of an official proclamation on India. As he was after all a very important politician he considered an audience with Hitler appropriate.145 ... he considered a public sympathy announcement for the Indian independence movement appropriate. This was not the guarantee declaration as demanded by Bose but nevertheless more than Ribbentrop and Woermann were willing to concede."

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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The Height of India-Politics after Bose’s Intervention

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"German troops did not cross the Caucasus. On the contrary, German advances already came to a halt before Moscow in December 1941. On the other hand, a new adversary now threatened British rule in India. The Pacific War started on 7 December 1941 with a surprise attack on Pearl Harbour by the Japanese armed forces. They also started a simultaneous offensive in Southeast Asia. Within a few weeks they succeeded in occupying the Philippines, Hong Kong and Singapore. The Japanese government aimed at the establishment of a ‘Great East Asian Prosperity Sphere’ under Japanese leadership.1 India’s inclusion as part of ‘Great East Asia’ had not been clearly defined. India was situated at the margin of the planned Great Empire. It could become part of it, but an inclusion was not necessarily a must. A fight for the subcontinent was an enormous risk for Japan but also held the promise of a colossal gain. So the Japanese decided to attack India for the time being through propaganda only and not with military action.2

"The happenings in the East Asian theatre of war naturally caught Bose’s special attention. He soon realized that Japanese propaganda for India and the Indian expatriates in Southeast Asia could also influence developments in India. Groups of Indian expatriates sought his leadership. In order to be able to influence happenings at the other end of the world, he had no option but to finally intervene actively in Germany’s India propaganda. His speeches that were broadcast via short-wave band to Asia created a great stir among Indians. Germany’s India-politics reached its peak after Bose’s intervention. Since December 1941, India-politics was no longer the sole prerogative of the Axis. Now the Japanese as well were to play a decisive role."

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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JAPAN ESTABLISHING CONTACT WITH THE AXIS POWERS

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" ... Japan intended to further the Indian freedom movement by collaborating with the same and that they would be prepared to issue a declaration of support for Indian independence immediately after eruption of war between Japan and Great Britain.4 The German ambassador in Tokyo also sent a cable stating that the Japanese in that case would ‘take up anti-British propaganda in order to shake British rule.’5 ... "

"Bose in Berlin observed the Japanese advance with great attention and he could not remain inactive in this situation. He paid a visit to Woermann on 17 December 1941 and pointed out the new situation to him. The fact that Japan had already reached Burmese soil made the declaration of support for Indian independence even more urgent. He now wanted to discuss this also with the Japanese ambassador. The German diplomats had already held negotiations with the Japanese regarding the India question. Woermann now informed Bose that it had been agreed upon to inform each other prior to issuing a declaration regarding Indian independence. On the following day, Bose paid a visit to the Japanese ambassador Hiroshi Hoshima and put his request forward. The ambassador explained to him that he gave great importance to the question of a joint declaration on India by Germany, Italy and Japan, and intended to discuss this matter soon with the German foreign minister.13

"At the same time, the German ambassador reported from Bangkok that the nationally minded Indian expatriates had established there a branch of the Indian Independence League under the leadership of Rash Behari Bose, an Indian domiciled in Japan. They wanted to achieve Indian independence with the help of Japanese troops. The committee founded in Bangkok now decided to request Subhas Chandra Bose to take over the leadership, as apparently he was considered more suitable than his namesake in Tokyo.14"

Author is hellbent on making Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose seem like a puppet in German hands, and to this end, gives no account of his creating an army out of yhe soldiers in German captivity, or telling Germans off about their racist treatment of yhem; on the other hand, he takes efforts to make Netaji's future actions seem guided by a minor German.

"Keppler considered it ‘politically absolutely expedient’ to gather the nationally-minded Indian forces under Bose’s leadership. He again proposed a reception by the Führer. Bose should then formally accept the leadership of the Indian expatriates in East Asia. He expected a ‘significant backlash for the effectiveness of Indian troops under British command’ from this development, ‘that could decisively influence the position of English rule in India itself.’"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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GERMANY, ITALY, JAPAN, AND THE DECLARATION ON INDIA

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" ... Woermann presented a new draft for a declaration regarding Indian independence to be proclaimed on 26 January, the day when in 1930 the Indian National Congress had decided on the manifesto for India’s independence. The text was a stylistic redrafting of the earlier text drafted on 19 May 1941. The sentence stating that in the future constitution neither religion nor class should be taken into consideration was deleted. ... Prior to the declaration, it would also be pointed out to France and Portugal that it referred to British India only and not to French and Portuguese colonies in India. The spatial demarcation of the proclamation had also not yet been agreed upon with Japan. Neither Ceylon nor Burma, where Japan had special strategic interests, was mentioned in the draft.22"

"Most probably the Japanese had realized the real motivation of the European allies, namely, to keep Japan’s expansionist operation within limits. This was a bad bargain from Japan’s point of view: why should the Axis partners be allowed to interfere in their India-politics just for the purpose of gaining a rather dubious propaganda effect?

"It was easier for the three partners to come to an agreement regarding the Arabian declaration.25 ... "

" ... Hitler’s thinking and politics in 1942 were also still governed by the desire for a settlement with England after a victory over the Soviet Union."

" ... Hitler’s thinking and politics in 1942 were also still governed by the desire for a settlement with England after a victory over the Soviet Union.

"He explained the reasons for his expectations to the small gathering in the Führerhauptquartier: ‘The Empire stands and falls with India. India cannot be reconquered any more.’29 And: ‘There is no Englishman who does not constantly think of India now. If they had a choice to leave the continent to Germany and keep India instead, 99 out of 100 Englishmen would choose India. India has also become some sort of a symbol for the English: the fundament of their world rule.’30 It seems Hitler was afraid to lose a bargaining point for possible negotiations with the British if he committed himself to a declaration on Indian independence. Besides, he doubted the ability of Indians for self-government:

"There have been bloody revolts in India. The difficulty is: how is one going to bring the princes with the Brahmins, the Hindus and all the other castes and ethnic groups in one line? There have always been revolutions in India. Gandhi tried it in a different way. All Indians want to be free from British rule. Some would like to achieve this with Bolshevism, others with us, and again others in the very old Indian manner. The aim is the same with all of them. They do not waste a thought on the chaotic conditions that will prevail when the British go, all they want is freedom.31"

"At the same time, Germany and Japan negotiated the settlement of a military convention. The Japanese had proposed to define 70 degree East longitude as the demarcation line of the two partners’ operational zones. According to this, the entire area of India towards the East of the mouth of the Indus would come under Japanese domain; the Arabian area, however, would fall to Germany. The German military leadership had reservations about such a distribution. They quite rightly feared that the actual meaning of the distribution of the operational area was a demarcation of the political spheres of interest. The convention was signed on 18 January 1941 by Germany, Japan and Italy, though Germany still had reservations about it.32"

" ... Ribbentrop had meanwhile decided that Bose should accept the offer by the Bangkok Indian expatriates of taking over the leadership of their organization. Bose also agreed to this.33 Apparently, Bose was supposed to assist in influencing happenings in East Asia."

" ... The Japanese government would agree to issue a joint declaration regarding liberation not only of Indian, but of all ‘peoples under British yoke.’39 The Foreign Office tried through propaganda to enter the Japanese sphere of interest; the Japanese countered with the request to now have the secured right to have a worldwide say in anti-British propaganda. However, collaboration should only become concrete after the Japanese military position in Asia had reached such a stage that anti-British propaganda might be profitable to them. The time would be ripe only after operations in Burma had advanced further.40"

" ... Yamamoto explained during another discussion a few days later that an attack on India would be only one of several possibilities open to the Japanese forces after capturing the Malacca peninsula. An advance towards Australia would not be very likely; an operation against the Soviet air force in East Asia was more likely to be on the cards. Just in case Japan opted for the Indian operation, he asked Bose to explain how his organization could be used as ‘fifth column’ for the Japanese advance.42"

" ... The Germans were eager to agree with Japan on a joint propaganda on India. The Japanese, however, considered India to be part of their sphere of interest. They wanted to concede the right of involvement in this propaganda to their European allies only if they, on their part, would in return concede the same to Japan in the Arabian propaganda. This demand had to have a startling effect on Italy: the Arab countries belonged to Mussolini’s territory."

" ... It did not help either, that on 4 February 1942 the German, Italian and Japanese ambassadors in Kabul jointly demanded a declaration on Indian independence by the Tripartite Powers as a suitable moment had arrived now with the advance of the Japanese troops.46 ... "

"While the Foreign Office waited for a final answer from Japan in the matter of the India-declaration, they came to know that Japan had already started a lively propaganda on India within the territory under their power. The embassy in Bangkok reported Japan’s close collaboration with the Indian Independence League. The league was in favour of gaining India’s independence with the help of Japanese troops and was being paid and directed by Japanese military authorities. Besides that, there existed an Indian National Council that was indeed an independent organization, but was also now collaborating with the Japanese. The council hoped to gain India’s liberation through a revolution. In addition, the Japanese were engaged in very successful demoralization propaganda for Indian troops in the British army, which had already induced many Indian soldiers to desert to the other side.48"

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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THE FIRST ACTION ON INDIA

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"India-politics became again a subject of priority interest through the conquest of the British Far East bastion of Singapore on 15 February 1942, in which the Indian National Army, consisting of deserted Indian soldiers, had also taken part. ... "

"The time had come for Bose to give up his reticence and to become actively involved in propaganda on India. He now wanted to turn to the Indian people with an express opinion. He explained the motivation for this decision in a letter to Woermann. It was to be expected after Tojo’s speech that the British would instigate known Indian politicians, such as Nehru, to make a statement against the Japanese. In order to influence public opinion in his country in the opposite direction, he would now have to openly declare his willingness to collaborate with England’s enemies.51 A guarantee of Indian independence by the Axis Powers was now no more a condition for him. It had obviously become clear to him that insistence on this declaration did not further his aim."

" ... The allies in the Far East were contacted again in order to win them over for a joint action. The question of a joint declaration on India came up again in this connection. Ribbentrop now wanted the same issued as soon as possible but desired Japan’s and Italy’s collaboration.54

"In order to achieve this, the Reich’s foreign minister had a new draft pepared for the declaration. This draft differed considerably from the one that waited to be published since May 1941 in the files of the Foreign Office. The central statement, namely that the right of independence and free choice of her future political system would be recognized, remained, and was put under the catchy heading ‘India to the Indians’. For the remaining part, the text was composed in such a way as to motivate the Indians to refuse to take part in British war efforts. Thus it read:

"England is the common enemy of the Indian people and the peoples of the Tripartite Powers. The Tripartite Powers have always had friendly feelings for the Indian people, and the close cultural and economic relations they had with India have contributed further to strengthen these feelings. In spite of that, the Indian people are being forced by a foreign British government to consider themselves at war with Germany, Italy and Japan and to sacrifice wealth and blood for keeping the power of their oppressors intact.55"

" ... The action should commence with Bose expressing his opinion through Radio Azad Hind. After this, the German and allied radio networks and the press should take it up and give it great prominence. Bose’s presence in Germany should still be kept a secret. ... "

" ... For the first time after his flight, Bose spoke to the Indian people on 28 February on Radio Azad Hind. He stressed in his speech that British imperialism was the eternal enemy of India and he warned his countrymen against any compromise with the English:

"Standing at one of the crossroads of history, I solemnly declare on behalf of all freedom-loving Indians in India and abroad that we shall continue to fight British imperialism till India is once again the mistress of her own destiny. During this struggle and in the reconstruction that will follow, we shall heartily cooperate with all those who will help us in overthrowing the common enemy. I am confident that in this sacred struggle, the vast majority of the Indian people will be with us.64

"The proclamation had the desired effect. The fortnightly reports sent by the provincial governments to the home department of the Indian government reflected the prevailing mood. The Government of Bihar reported: ‘There is now a very great danger of the people getting demoralized and the broadcasts from Germany and Japan help to aggravate the panic. […] This influence is drawn from the prominence which has been given by the German radio to the speech of Mr Subhas Bose.’65 ‘Axis propaganda has again been responsible for a number of wild rumours,’ reported the Northwest Frontier Province.66 The Government of Punjab thought it advisable to take actions against 22,000 owners of radio sets who were suspected to spread fifth columnist’s rumours from the broadcast of the Axis Powers.67 A staff member of the BBC, during these months on tour in India, reported being upset that the enemy broadcasts and All-India Radio were now much more favoured by Indian listeners than the BBC: ‘The usual question when an Indian buys a wireless set, I was told by big dealers in Bombay, is “Can I hear Germany and Japan on this?”’68

"Even though Bose had not yet mentioned his whereabouts, people assessed particularly in Bengal, his native province, that the Germans and the Japanese supported him.69 Some Indians were indifferent to the powers behind Bose. A district manager from the United Provinces (UP) expressed surprise: ‘There have been anti-Japanese and anti-Axis speeches accompanied by shouts for Subhas Chandra Bose. The fact is that they do not know where they stand or whither they are going. The Forward Bloc seems to be trying to take advantage of this confusion.’70 What the colonial official did not understand was that in the war, Indian nationalists neither sided with the Axis nor with the Allied forces. They supported their leader in the fight for a free India and abhorred each and any imperialistic power.

"All-India Radio felt motivated to remark on India’s relationship with Germany without, however, actually mentioning Bose himself. Radio Azad Hind could be clearly and strongly heard in Thailand as well so that the enthusiastic Indian expatriates were able to savour each and every word.71 The Indian National Council in Bangkok printed Bose’s text in nine languages as pamphlets for distribution to the Indian population in Southeast Asia. The Japanese radio network repeated Bose’s broadcast several times.72 The German and the international press received the content of Bose’s speech on 28 February 1942 through a notification from the German news agency.73 Bose’s speech was prominently published in Germany and all occupied and allied countries.74

"When the text of the speech was read out to a mass congregation of Indians in Bangkok and created great enthusiasm there, the question came up again whether Bose should become the leader of the Indian expatriates in Thailand.75 The Japanese were not very comfortable with this idea. They had broadcast Bose’s speech in Southeast Asia, albeit on a small scale, only because Germany insisted on it. It was mainly the Indian National Council that desired Bose’s leadership.76 In this way they wanted to secure their independence from Japanese military authorities. Keppler therefore instructed the German embassy in Bangkok to see to it that any discussion regarding the leadership be avoided for the time being.77 While sympathy for Bose was desired, anti-Japanese tendencies were not.78"

"On 12 March 1942 Bose transmitted again a second statement. He drew his listeners’ attention to the Japanese victory. ... "

"Let us therefore rejoice that under the simultaneous blows of the Tripartite Powers the British Empire—our eternal foe—is fast crumbling down. Let us rejoice over the rapid and victorious advance of the Japanese forces in the Far East. Let us rejoice that the old order, which was set up at Versailles, is crashing before our eyes. And let us rejoice over the coming dawn, which will bring for India freedom and justice, happiness and prosperity.83"

" ... The declaration was immediately taken up by the German short-wave transmitter and then also spread further by the Italian programmes for India and East Asia transmitters. The circulation of the declaration in Germany and Europe was also taken care of. Bose’s proclamation was broadcast by Germany’s inland services and an additional fifteen services in occupied and allied countries.85"

" ... Bose’s second text was given even more prominence than the first one in the German daily press.86 The press department was able to fill a new file under the title ‘Latest appeal by Bose’ with newspaper cuttings of articles on Bose’s appeals published in the following days.87 ... "

Nobody credited him with brain, much less prophetic powers, least of all India.

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April 06, 2022 - April 06, 2022.

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THE CRIPPS MISSION

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Author is desperate to portray Netaji as a mere puppet, and it's only the authors racism that's exposed in this.

"Maybe it was due to his influence that Bose initially refused to write the required letter. ... "

" ... version finally read as follows:

"Since 1939, British politicians and the British propaganda machinery told us continuously that India was being threatened by the Axis, and now one even tells us India is threatened by the enemy’s invasion. Is this not pure hypocrisy? India has no enemies outside her borders. India’s only enemy is British imperialism and the only attack India has to fight is the everlasting attack of British imperialism. The British government declared India against her will to be engaged in warfare, and in addition since then has forcibly exploited India’s forces for English war-aims.99"

"British propaganda countered Bose’s activity with the announcement that Bose had lost his life in a plane crash in Japan. This canard, however, achieved the certainly most unintended effect that the Indians showed their solidarity with Bose: Gandhi sent a telegram expressing his sympathy to Bose’s mother.108 The Congress party in UP organized hartals and meetings to condole his death.109 Goebbels commented: ‘The English tactic is very transparent, one tries to create confusion in the Indian national-minded circles in order to fish in troubled waters. The English are cunning colonial politicians.’110 The démenti over the German short-wave transmitter caused a sensation in India so that even All-India Radio had to confess to the canard.111

"Cripps came to know upon arrival in India that German radio propaganda had tried to wreck his mission. Full of apprehension, he sent a telegram to the British Broadcasting Corporation that had so far paid little attention to the German propaganda. In response, the writer George Orwell, who at that time worked with the British radio on the editorial staff in charge of India, produced a series of special programmes in support of the Cripps Mission.114

"Berlin observed with great attention Cripps’s negotiations with the Indian politicians. It was expected that his endeavour would come to naught when it became clear that Gandhi and the majority of the Congress would not accept his proposals. ... "

"German propaganda did not tire of depicting Cripps’s endeavour as an attempt to betray the Indian people. It was highlighted that Cripps did not promise true independence to India but only a limited autonomy under British sovereignty that was to be realized only after the war. ... "

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April 06, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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THE JAPANESE DRAFT OF THE DECLARATION ON INDIA

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" ... Hitler and Ribbentrop entered into a discussion regarding this matter within earshot of Mussolini. Hitler declared that his position was governed by memories of the First World War. In all likelihood, Germany could have had a special peace agreement with Russia at that time had she not declared Poland to be a separate kingdom. If now the Tripartite Powers were to issue a declaration on India and Arabia, then this could easily lead to the strengthening of England’s willingness to resist, as she saw her empire in danger.

"Ribbentrop remarked now that England would make peace only when she saw herself cornered to such an extent that there were no chances left to win. Hitler disagreed; a declaration without necessary military backing would not only be useless but dangerous as well. The Japanese could certainly intervene militarily in India, but the Axis Powers only had interests of a theoretical nature there. Mussolini now wheeled around to Hitler’s point of view. Japan could issue the declaration on her own accord to which the Axis Powers would then agree. At the given time, a declaration would at the most be purely ‘platonic’ only. Ribbentrop replied that nevertheless a joint declaration regarding India would signify that the Axis Powers also had a say in this matter. On the other hand, Japan had made this proposal quite some time ago and might suspect an agreement with England if the Axis would further delay consent. ... "

"Bose travelled to Italy and together with Ciano met Mussolini on 5 May 1942. Bose managed, during the long discussion, to convince him that a declaration on India should be issued at once.144 On the strength of this, the Italian ambassador presented a note to the Foreign Office requesting a reconsideration of the decision made in Salzburg in the face of a nearly complete occupation of Burma by the Japanese. Mussolini suggested that the Japanese should, on their own, issue a clear declaration on India to which the European partners had to give consent only. Thus the Duce tried to accomplish what according to his protocol had been agreed upon with Hitler, namely, to leave the declaration on India to the Japanese and to postpone the Arabian one.

"But now it was Ribbentrop who did not agree. He did not want to go back on the diplomatic note, which he had sent only ten days earlier, so as not to create an impression of unstable politics.145 When after a week the Italian ambassador again enquired, he referred to the agreement made in Salzburg.146 With this, Bose’s endeavours concerning the declaration had failed for the time being. Each proposal in this direction, as for instance the one made by the German ambassador in Kabul in June 1942,147 was abruptly dismissed by Ribbentrop.148 Only in October 1943, when Bose founded the provisionary government of a free India, was the Axis to recognize the same on Japan’s request."

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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BOSE’S MEETING WITH HITLER

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Does the author deliberately state here flatly that Netaji knew naturally that German troops ever reaching South of Caucasus were to not be expected?

Author describes the meeting, but omits account of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose telling off Hitler about racism, and claims he was proud of being received - which is likely merely his own feeling superimposed on someone he's seemingly incapable of comprehending.

"Bose also met Himmler and Göring on this occasion. Göring displayed a jovial behaviour and promised Bose air force training. Himmler surprised Bose by talking about the Upanishads and Kalidasa’s Shakuntala. The head of the SS seemed to be quite knowledgeable in respect of Indian cultural history. He was also well informed about the current political and economic situation. Vyas notes in his memoirs: ‘Unlike the other Germans, even non Nazis I had come across, Himmler was the only man of consequence in the Third Reich, who seemed to accept India’s right to independence as a matter of fact, rather than a mere exigency.’159

"When on 29 May 1942 the Italian Foreign Ministry announced that the Duce had received Bose, the German press also came to know of Bose’s meeting with the Führer. ... "

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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THE FOUNDATION OF THE SOCIETÀ AMICI DELL’INDIA

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"On 29 April 1942, the Società Amici dell’India—Society for the Friends of India—was founded in Rome. This was the first opportunity for Schedai to publicly work as freedom fighter for India, as so far he had been allowed to carry out his campaign in secret only. He now had a title to print on his visiting card and an institution for his letterhead. The Società Amici dell’India was basically an interstate association like the Amici dell’Ungheria, Amici della Spangna and the Amici della Romania—friendship societies for Hungary, Spain and Rumania, supported by the Ministry for National Culture in the interest of cultural relations with those countries. However, the association had a far greater meaning for Schedai: it gave him an official status. This was important for him, as after all his rival Bose in Berlin held the status of ambassador and was addressed as ‘Excellency’. The foundation of the Società Amici dell’India should therefore be interpreted as the re-valorization of Schedai and his Indian colleagues by the Italians."

Notice how assiduous the efforts by author to bring down Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose and India both, seemingly equating each to objects that are, in reality, far dwarved by each.

"The Ministry for National Culture took great pains to invite foreign journalists. In particular the Japanese accepted and noted down each word of the speeches with great interest. The Grand Mufti, Gailani, and the former king of Afghanistan, Amanullah, attended the ceremony.161 Bose sent Nambiar who read out a short greeting.162 He could not come himself, as he was still incognito.163 Rash Behari Bose cabled a greeting.164 The ceremony took place in the large hall of the Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriento (ISMEO). As it were, the institute accepted partnership of the new society. ... "

"A well-known personality of Italy’s public life, Consigliere Nazionale Ezio Maria Gray, accepted the presidentship of the new society. Schedai’s comrade in arms, Ajit Singh, became vice-president. Gray was vice-president of the Camera dei Fasci e delle Corporazione, which functioned in the Fascist state as a representative of the people, and as a legislative organ. He invoked in his speech the historical ties between Italy and India, reaching back to the classical antiquities. ... "

What ties? It would have been helpful if the author mentioned if he knew or could find if any, since what little is known is a small site or so, remains of ancient Roman trading post on East coast of Southern India.

" ... He bemoaned the exploitation of the subcontinent through British soldiers and merchants and stressed the point that Italy had no political and territorial ambitions in this part of the world. ... "

Until, perhaps, a few decades later? Unless of course, one considers missions in the context, as only appropriate.

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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THE FORMATION OF THE INDIAN LEGION

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" ... Bose’s soldiers, together with the rebellious tribes of the northwest frontier as well as deserters of the Indian army, would march into India. ... "

"At times, even Hitler did not consider an advance into India by the Wehrmacht an improbability. When, in the summer of 1942, the army group A advanced into the Caucasus and got ready to invade the plains south of the mountain range, Hitler announced according to the memoirs of his armament minister Albert Speer, ‘There we can draw up our troops undisturbed and establish supply depots. Then in one or two years’ time we will start an offensive into the underbelly of the British Empire. With negligible force it will be possible to liberate Persia and Iraq. The Indians will greet our divisions enthusiastically.’ He could not be sure though of the latter assumption. After all, Gandhi had said: ‘If the Nazis come to India, the Congress will give them the same fight that it has given Great Britain.’173"

Author does come back to earth in last few words, but is distinctly off at the beginning in trying to give the impression he dies, that Germany was victorious and confident as it was ready to cross Caucasus at this point. But "army group A advanced into the Caucasus and got ready to invade the plains south of the mountain range" is the limit of stretching facts to give illusion of such an effect. In reality, Hitler had a hard time forcing his divisions keep to his dreams by ordering them repeatedly to advance or stay put, not retreat or surrender, as they were getting butchered in Leningrad, and marching south was no joke, however desired by their leader.

" ... Already by the end of April 1941, the defense officer of the cavalry, Captain Walter Harbich, received instructions to visit Bose in his hotel, the Esplanade, and converse with him on India’s geographical, political and religious questions. This meeting was followed by several more until Harbich received the order in January 1942 to start with the training of Indian volunteers in Camp Regenwurm near Meseritz in the administrative area of Frankfurt on the Oder.175

"The Reich’s foreign minister enquired from Keppler only on 16 October 1941 about ‘the range of possibilities of bringing into action Indian prisoners of war who had fallen into our hands for propaganda purposes, if need be.’ He enquired from the high command of the Wehrmacht ‘how many Indian prisoners do we actually have,’ and whether these Indians could be put into action in the Near East against units of the Indian army. He envisaged thereby using them ‘for radio purposes in case of a possible advance into the Caucasus and Iran, etc.’176 It is noteworthy that at the time of this instruction, Indian prisoners of war had already been working for the German radio for several months under the Foreign Office’s supervision. Probably Ribbentrop’s ideas extended this limited employment and he already had the formation of an Indian Legion in his mind. ... "

Again, the author attempts to create the impression that it was Germany that led and Indians fought for Germany, whereas the reality is that if it weren't for Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose who asked them to fight as INA, Indian National Army, they wouldn't lift an arm or a foot for another power of Europe, much less Germany. They had to be convinced, personally, of it being him, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, by seeing him, before they took his word and changed their stance.

Author cannot deny the truth thereof.

"December 1941 saw the first concrete steps undertaken in forming the Indian Legion. Bose was prepared to cooperate under certain conditions only, namely, that Indian soldiers should receive the same military training by instructors of the German army like German recruits.177 The legion, however, ought to remain a self-reliant unit and should not be mingled with German ones. They would fight against British forces in India only or on the way thereto. He also demanded for his men the same pay, same uniforms and provisioning as the German soldiers. The general army administration was instructed to prepare the formation of the troop in close cooperation with the intelligence service. ... "

But, as usual, he then fudges.

" ... Nevertheless, the initiative was taken by the Foreign Office. From the very beginning, the legion was not conceived as a military enforcement, but one to only serve propagandistic purposes. It should be an infantry unit and be equipped with the same arms and other equipment as corresponding German units. ... "

Well, INA fought home to victory long after German forces were thrashed to vanquished on their home front in every direction, so German training or lack thereof seems having been irrelevant, doesn't It!

" ... The legion was to be put to action at the Caucasian front. ... "

Except Germany never fid, never could get past the Russians that far, and was severely stretched attempting it, getting butchered on the way, chiefly at Leningrad.

" ... Bose objected to have the Indian troops put into action in North Africa. He wanted the legionaries to march towards India only.178 German instructors were provided for, who trained the Indians also in the handling of special weapons such as anti-tank and antiaircraft guns and light field artillery. During training the troop was to be commanded by German officers only, to be replaced later on by suitable Indian officers and non-commissioned officers.179"

"At that time, about 1,200 Indian prisoners of war were accommodated in Camp Annaburg, situated about 150 kilometres southeast of Berlin.180 They were provided with the same food rations like German soldiers and received pocket money in addition. They could also avail of the possibility of earning some additional money through work outside the camp. They received Indian food through parcels delivered by the Red Cross. In spite of these facilities, friction occurred between the Indians and the German supervising staff, who insisted on strict observance of the camp rules.181"

Author fudges again, giving the impression it was about discipline, whereas reality was Indians weren't pleased about the racist treatment and expressed their dissatisfaction in whatever ways they could, as did other prisoners of war taken by Germany, including British and Canadian and US forces. Again author plays the usual fudging game.

"When Bose paid a visit to the camp on 21 December 1941 in order to recruit volunteers for the Indian Legion, the tensions, bottled-up by the prisoners of war for the past months, were let loose. Incited by non-commissioned officers loyal to the British, who saw in Bose’s propaganda a request for betrayal, soldiers started to disturb the speech. They could not believe that it was actually the famous politician who stood in front of them, and took it for a bad trick the Germans were playing on them. The commanding officer of the camp, Major Kurt Krappe, drew the consequences. He threatened the prisoners prior to Bose’s next speech on the following day that the guards would resort to shooting should they again show indiscipline. In any case, the Indians must have thought the better of it overnight, because now they received Bose with loud cheers. Meanwhile the news had spread that one of the Indians, who knew Bose from Calcutta, had recognized him.182"

It wasn't the German threats that had any effect, but the news of recognition by someone of India who knew and recognized Netaji, that had the men cheering. Germans, the Indians didn't trust at all, except to misbehave.

" ... Recruitment picked up after vehicle arrived with a number of Sikh prisoners, who volunteered.190 Kritter could note down in February 1943:

"Recruiting improves with increasing size of the legion. […] This may be partly attributed to a certain herd instinct. On the other hand though, knowledge of the legion’s aims and tasks is increasing as well as the feeling that the legion is turning into a rallying-point for Indians in Germany. This feeling of solidarity alone can contribute greatly to the growth of the legion. A few days ago, His Excellency Bose could cable his congratulations to the 2,000th legionary.191"

And more lies there -

" ... ‘Most of the “volunteers” followed blindly like sheep, having no clear idea of what they were doing. They saw their friends already in legion uniform and were attracted by the sight of fine clothes, pretty girls and the possibility of a free social life generally.’195"

That's rather stupid, since the person quoted is applying his imagination yo what he'd expect in Germany, not what an Indian experienced then, which must have been a million times as horrible as recent decades.

No, they joined solely on strength of Netaji and his promise, that they'd be fighting for freedom of India.

"The Italian military agreed now to release 500 men. The remaining ones were needed in Italy. They would be put into action for matters of security, propaganda, or as interpreters.197 In reality, the Italians wanted to form their own Indian Legion as a rival undertaking. Bose’s rival Schedai was behind this project. He managed to win over 850 men for his troop. However, the Italian Legion was a complete failure. It was dissolved after a mutiny in November 1942 and the legionaries were shifted to Germany.198 The Italians violated an agreement with the Germans, according to which the formation of Indian volunteer troops should be exclusively in the hands of the Wehrmacht.199 For this reason, they presented their troop to the Germans as being a small special unit only.200 Of course, they could always refer to the fact that the Germans on their part also violated an agreement by forming a troop with Arab prisoners of war, and that they in their turn did not send their Arab prisoners of war to Italy either.201

"The disputed matter was left to arbitration on the ministerial level. Ciano declared to the German Foreign Office on 24 April 1942 that he was prepared to send 500 to 600 of a total of 1,100 Indians to Germany. The Italians themselves needed the remaining ones.202 Keppler, however demanded all the Indians,203 whereupon the Italians agreed to keep only 100 to 200 men.204 In reality they sent only 500 men. Protests by the OKW did not help either.205 Only after the Germans transferred 232 Arab prisoners of war to Italy on 26 July 1942, did the Italians sent an additional 500 men, having in mind the formation of their own troop of 200 men.206 Trott complained that Italians had kept the best men for themselves and ‘passed on to Germany only elements with a negative or indifferent mindset.’207

"In the beginning of 1942, the Italian Foreign Office even tried to persuade Bose to come to Rome in order to supervise the formation of the Italian Indian Legion. Bose did not entertain such proposals for several reasons. In the first place he knew that the Indian soldiers did not have a high opinion of Italian officers. Secondly, he wanted that the Indian soldiers should be instructed in the use of modern weapons. These, however, were available only in the German army. Furthermore, he knew that the Germans played the leading role in the Axis.208 The Italian Foreign Ministry refused Bose’s request of going to Libya so that he could himself select suitable prisoners of war. The accommodation of the prisoners in North Africa was not yet satisfactory and the diplomatic agent Renato Prunas, chief of the overseas department in the Italian Foreign Ministry, was afraid Bose might object to this. Schedai had warned about this.209 Apparently, this was another of his intrigues to keep Bose away from his sphere of influence."

" ... Harbich reported that the training progressed very well indeed as the Indians showed great interest and had already received a well-founded training in the Indian army. Therefore, he concentrated on riding instructions. According to Harbich, the officers and non-commissioned officers were allowed to retain their ranks from the Indian army as opposed to the Indian Legion. Thus the training unit had from the very beginning three Indian officers, two of them physicians, and a number of Indian noncommissioned officers.214

"The Indians received engineering instructions and took part in parachuting and mountain rifleman training. The latter took place in Ebensee.215 In September 1942, Swami formed another group for training in telecommunication under a Captain Ruperti, at first in Berlin and then in a telecommunication training centre of the Wehrmacht in Rösrath near Cologne. The soldiers were taught handling of radio communication sets, and receiving and sending of Morse signals.216 After the training was completed, Harbich handed over the commando in December 1942 to a staff officer of the Wehrmacht. Unless kept for special missions, the Indians were transferred to the Indian Legion in Königsbrück.217 These special missions turned out to be a fiasco. According to Vyas, the security flew eight commando troops into Asia. The British in Karachi captured one soldier. He had the secret code for communication with him and could not destroy it in time. The British captured two more troops before Berlin received news of the failed mission.218."

But INA succeeded under extreme circumstances against them, from Singapore to Imphal, when Netaji was with them. Obviously the German training and more wasn't good enough.

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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AN INDIAN FIFTH COLUMN

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"Intelligence Officer Witzel could still continue his activities in Kabul after the failure of ‘Operation Tiger’. Together with confidential agent Talwar alias Rahmat Khan, Witzel and Rasmuss carried out preparations for the event that German troops would march into India after victory over the Soviet Union. Rahmat Khan set out for his journey to India at the end of July 1941 with 20,000 rupees in his pocket for Bose’s followers, to be used for demoralizing the military, strikes, espionage and anti-English propaganda.219 According to the ideas of the Germans placing the order, they were to carry our extensive sabotage all over the country, ‘here today, there tomorrow’.220 ... "

Author mentions that Talwar did not go to Calcutta and returned instead from Lahore to NWFP, where he fid work. It's obvious to anyone with slightest knowledge of India why. Expecting someone of Northwest to blend in at Calcutta without exciting suspicious notice from British US like expecting a German to blend into Portugal or Kyrgyzstan.

"Witzel worked out a plan in case German troops advanced into India. The population should be disturbed by means of psychological sabotage. This included spreading of alarming rumours and false information, inducing panic shopping, obstruction of traffic through planned misleading of the expected refugee tracks, and impediment of the government’s functioning by creating an espionage psychosis. Disruptions of telephone connections and disturbing supply facilities were part of active sabotage. Besides this, individual larger acts of sabotage on communication lines and supply plants were provided for. Light signals were to indicate destinations and landing grounds for the German air force. German radio stations in the frontier region were to transmit reconnaissance results. Bose had held out to the German government the prospect of a general revolt in India, induced by the advance of foreign troops, but Witzel did not reckon with this. At most he thought it possibible to harm the English through individual acts of sabotage.228"

Notice that none of this mentions any shred of a reassurance of freedom or even good treatment to any Indian, only disruption of British.

"To be sure, Witzel and Rasmuss could not do much in Afghanistan and India without the cooperation of Talwar who showed less and less liking for the conspiracy with the Germans: the delivery of arms could be expected no more since the attack on the Soviet Union, and money alone could not achieve much in the Hindu Kush Mountains. Santimoy Ganguly and Sodhi Harmindar Singh waited for weeks in vain for the training in sabotage promised by the Italians. Over and above, Talwar could communicate with Bose only via the German embassy, and he suspected that the Germans manipulated his messages.229 However, Rasmuss and Witzel continued to trust Talwar. They mentioned in their reports to Berlin sabotage acts, 500 deserters in the border region, and German civil internees giving advice on sabotage to Indians.230

"Bose also thought he could use Talwar as messenger for his followers in India. He sent detailed instructions for revolutionary operations via the German embassy ... "

"Talwar however preferred not to be seen too much. Kabul became too hot for him and he kept his distance from the Germans after Uttam Chand had been deported by the Afghan authorities, in spite of—or due to—the fact that the German ambassador had used his influence in his favour.232 Trott expressed his disappointment in Berlin: ‘Attempts to establish a regular relay of messengers with the help of Rahmat Khan (Talwar) have failed so far, also all attempts to establish a radio communication across the border region with the Bose-people in India.’233 But Rasmuss and Witzel continued to put their trust in Talwar, most probably because they did not have another confidential agent in India. Thus they consulted him regarding the course of the Quit India Movement234 and planned the construction of the landing ground with him.235 On 29 November 1942, the British criminal police arrested Talwar in Lahore when he was in the process of preparing a report for the Germans about his journey to Bombay. Talwar made himself known as a double agent in the service of Germany and the Soviet Union. During interrogation, he willingly and without delay revealed details of his operations as agent and the German secret code. The police noted with satisfaction: ‘He is prepared to go back to Kabul and continue his contact with the Axis, reporting to the Russians in Kabul and to the British if and when he returns to India.’236"

"The Germans carried on with their sabotage and seditious plans in the spring of 1943 as well, and finally got into great difficulties with the Afghan government. The Afghans became more and more inclined to give in to British and Soviet pressure. The Allied would have really liked it if the Afghans had completely severed diplomatic relations with the German Reich."

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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The Continuation of India-Politics until Bose’s Departure

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Author shows the usual slant, of his racism, in saying next, that of minimising the Indian leader -

"Bose’s decision to go to East Asia was governed by the same reasons that had made him give up his reticence while involving himself actively in German propaganda for India. He presumed that with Japanese help he could achieve considerably more than in Europe. On the face of it, it seemed the Japanese military could advance as far as India. An impressive number of Indian expatriates waited for him in Southeast Asia to take over the leadership of their organizations. ...

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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NEGOTIATIONS FOR BOSE’S JOURNEY TO SOUTHEAST ASIA

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Already, in the title of this section, the author gives away the game - the Indians were all captives, and treated as such, despite the diverse living arrangements.

"When Bose celebrated his birthday with his Indian assistants in January 1942, he remarked that his next birthday would definitely not be celebrated in Berlin. He intended to continue his fight from a place nearer to India.1 In February 1942 Bose presented a plan for propaganda and sabotage activities in India to the Japanese military attaché in Berlin. At the same time he expressed his urgent desire to fly to Rangoon.2 Ribbentrop refused Bose’s departure.3 Naturally he did not want to let go of the Indian who had just declared himself willing to assist in propaganda activities as long as this action was in full swing. The Japanese on their part also had reservations allowing Bose to take over the leadership of Indian expatriates in their sphere of influence. They suspected Bose to be under German influence and that he would grant them economic privileges after India had gained independence.4 But finally they had to concede that the Indian expatriates did not accept their favourite candidate Rash Behari Bose as their leader.5 The Indian Independence League, which stood under the influence of Japan, led by Rash Behari Bose, finally merged with the independent Indian National Council, and the council wanted to be under Bose’s leadership.6 Ribbentrop, though, did not favour Bose’s plan at that particular time. He did not want to be played off against the Japanese by Indian expatriates.7"

Fact is, lack of judgment from Axis Powers and lack of their mutual trust, both exhibited most in their dealings with Indians, contributed largely to defeat of Axis, despite the INA victory against all odds in face of Germans being thrashed roundly at the same time.

" ... Bose called on Woermann the following day and explained once more the reasons for his plan. He would be able to work much more effectively from Burma than from Berlin. The majority of Indians in Southeast Asia desired his leadership and not that of the other Bose who stood under Japanese influence. He mentioned Mussolini’s offer to fly with an Italian plane in a non-stop flight from Rhodes to Rangoon. Woermann refrained from commenting on the itinarary.10 Keppler, however, declared that he considered Bose’s departure to be premature. The time was not ripe for a successful revolution in India.11 Woermann did not agree with these arguments. Bose was best able to decide on the right time, and this was the best in the Far East. ... "

"The Reich’s foreign minister told Bose at a meeting on 27 May 1942, that he was not against the journey but thought travelling by plane too dangerous. He offered transportation by submarine directly from Germany to Rangoon. He would have to exercise some more patience though as the preparations would take some time.13 Hitler, who met Bose on the same day, was also willing to make the journey possible. He too advised against taking a plane and suggested using a submarine instead.14"

" ... Air Minister Hermann Göring was strictly against it as he lacked the necessary machines; but Mussolini, who also held the position of air minister, was all in favour of the project. The Italian air force and the Linee Aeree Transcontinentali Italiane (LATI) already started planning for flights in January. Almost like a dress rehearsal a plane flew on 9 May 1942 over the capital of Eritrea and dropped pamphlets, announcing Italy’s final victory. The plane did make a safe landing in Ciampino near Rome on the following day, but all three engines failed when it was taken to the workshop, situated 20 kilometres away in Guidona. The machine crash-landed and four passengers were hurt. This incident made Hitler and Ribbentrop lose faith in the technical abilities of Italian aviation. The Italians and Japanese nevertheless made common preparations for the intercontinental flight.15"

" ... Woermann succeeded instead with his argument that Bose could work more effectively in Asia against the British. Goebbels was of the same opinion: ‘But his moving to Bangkok is more purposeful because, when he stays in Bangkok, he is not viewed so much as an emigrant as when he stays in Berlin or elsewhere in the Reich.’16"

" ... The Italian ambassador in Tokyo came to know that the Japanese did not want Bose’s presence yet in Asia.27

"The British military hoped to be able to prevent Bose’s arrival in the Far East. The Special Operations executive in a cable to the Indian government suggested instigating the Indians against Japan through newspaper articles published in China. These articles should report that the Germans wanted to get rid of Subhas Chandra Bose and that the Japanese wanted him only because they did not quite get on with Rash Behari Bose.28"

" ... The Italian foreign minister even tried hard to make the journey possible. He offered a flight to Asia. Bose could have embarked on his journey to Japan at the end of June from Rome.30 The first Italian intercontinental flight during the war to East Asia started on 29 June 1942. After touching down in Saporoschje on the Dnjepr River and in Baotou in Inner Mongolia, the flight reached Tokyo on 3 July 1942. The return flight in the same month was also successful. The Japanese, however, did not like the Italians to fly over the Soviet Union because of the Japanese-Soviet nonaggression pact.31"

" ... The Japanese government also finally signalled their agreement that Bose could come to Japan with the next Italian flight.37 The Italians and the Japanese differed on the choice of the best flight route. The Italians preferred the shortest route. The Japanese insisted on a more southern route that would avoid flying over the Soviet Union.38 Finally Ciano requested Bose to commence his journey after 15 October 1942 at a date still to be fixed, but for technical reasons alone and without luggage.39 ... "

" ... Bose waited several weeks in vain.43 The Italian Foreign Ministry informed only in the middle of November that the flight had to be postponed by three to four months as the Japanese did not have the medium-wave radar equipment the Italians considered to be absolutely necessary. ... "

"The Japanese navy was prepared to send a submarine into the Indian Ocean. A German submarine was to transfer important war materials to the Japanese.48 Bose could avail of this opportunity even though the Japanese navy superiors were reluctant at first as internal regulations forbade transportation of civil persons on a warship during wartime. Bose refuted this reservation with the argument that he was not a private person but in superior command of the Indian liberation army.49 ... "

"On 26 January 1943 Bose gave a speech at a public function on the occasion of India’s Independence Day in front of six hundred people. He visited the Indian Legion for the last time two days later. Together with Keppler, Nambiar and Werth he went to Kiel on 7 February 1943 and spent the night there. Abid Hasan, who was to accompany him on the passage, met him at night. At the crack of dawn on the following day, the two Indians boarded the submarine type IX.52 His wife Emilie Schenkl and daughter Anita, born in November 1942, stayed behind.53"

"U 180, under the command of Lieutenant Commander Werner Musenberg, reached the North Sea through the Skagerak, made a wide circle around the British Isles north of the Faroe Islands, and in the beginning of March 1943 took fuel from a submarine tanker. The submarine crossed the Atlantic in a southerly direction at a speed of 140 nautical miles per hour. On 18 April 1941, east of the Cape of Good Hope, the U 180 sunk the British motor tanker Corbis.54 Bose and Hasan watched how the crew left the ship: the English soldiers secured the only lifeboat for themselves, while the Indian and Malay sailors had to make do with rudderless floats, providing them hardly a chance for survival.55

"Bose utilized the forced leisure during the passage and translated his book The Indian Struggle. He also prepared his talks with the Japanese prime minister Tojo and discussed various problems of Indian politics with Hasan. The future of the African colonies after the collapse of the British Empire was one of the subjects; others were whether Shakespeare should still be taught in Indian schools after independence, and what type of uniform should be worn by women in the Indian National Army.56 As agreed upon, the U 180 met the Japanese sub-marine cruiser I 29 on 23 April 1943. A rough sea impeded for a few days the exchange of passengers and freight. Only four days later a rubber dinghy took Bose and Hasan to the Japanese submarine. Two Japanese engineer officers changed over to the U 180. The I 29 reached Sabang on Sumatra on 6 May 1943.57 Bose arrived in Tokyo by plane ten days later. Before boarding, Bose had cabled to Hitler, thanking him for support and hospitality.58

"An additional group with Swami as leader managed to get to the Far East in a blockade runner, the MS Osorno, that put out to sea on 23 March 1943 from Bordeaux. Three German diplomats, one engineer and a businessman who wanted to go to Shanghai, were part of the group. A submarine attacked the ship before the coast of North Africa, and she was chased at the equator by an American cruiser. She managed to escape at a speed of 27 knots. The MS Osorno reached Batavia (now Jakarta) on 20 May 1943 and proceeded from there to Yokohama. Hasan went to meet Swami there and took him to Tokyo, where he also met Bose."

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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BOSE’S ACTIVITIES DURING THE TIME OF WAITING

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Having wasted previous chapters on tangles of Axis politics instead of the subject of the thesis, and retraced from 1943 to the moment Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose left finally for East, author now retraces again to what he was doing while waiting for Germans to come to senses and make a proper decision. It's a mind-boggling variety of activities, but again the author prefers the tangle of his favourites, everybody who was out to contradict Netaji, and even describes Iqbal Schedai as his rival!

Is the author really that stupid, or merely racist? Could be both, of course, one due to other.

"Bose approached the Foreign Office with the request to permit him the expansion of his clandestine radio programmes, after he realized that the Italians would not concede to him the new possibilities for his activities. He based his proposal on the fact that now enemy transmissions for India had been started from Teheran, Chungking, Tashkent and Boston. ... "

One can only assume author made a mistake in the last one, or is he claiming Boston, MA, in US? Likely, since nor was Tashkent under German control. But he hasn't specified which particular Boston, at the very least.

" ... A Waziristan Radio with programmes in Hindustani and Pashto was to be directed towards the rebel tribes in northwest India.82

"Bose had himself spoken a few times on Radio Azad Hind and had openly sided with the Axis Powers. Now he was worried the broadcasts could have lost credibility with some of the listeners and be viewed as instrument of Axis propaganda. Broadcasts from the National Congress Radio reported on happenings in such a way as to make listeners think the broadcast came from within India.83 The name was cleverly chosen as Congress Radio, the underground transmitter of the Congress party, as if it actually existed in India. During the August uprisings, transmissions commenced from various points in Bombay and could be received up to Madras. The police managed only in September 1942 to locate it.84

"Bose could operate his new radio station by the beginning of September: Waziristan Radio was on the air daily for a quarter of an hour and National Congress Radio for half an hour. Radio Azad Hind continued to transmit daily for two hours.85 After some time the transmission times were even increased and the programmes repeated once daily, so that in August 1943 the programmes of the three stations were on the air for a total of six hours daily.86 The Italians came to know of the new stations only after Quaroni reported to have heard them in Kabul.87"

" ... Bose was able to make the acquaintance of two guests of state from Slovakia. First he met Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka and President Josef Tito. ... "

Was this Tito related to the later leader of Yugoslavia in any way?

" ... Tuka showed great interest in Indian culture and requested a copy of the Bhagavadgita. They invited Bose soon after the meeting to visit their country. This gave Bose an opportunity to undertake a short journey through Europe. He travelled to Slovakia in November 1942 and visited France, Belgium and the Netherlands afterwards. He met Pierre Laval, the president of unoccupied État Français, in France and held a press conference in Belgium with Belgian and French journalists. The round trip was completed with a visit to the Indian Legion in Holland.88"

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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GANDHI, THE ‘HINDENBURG OF INDIA’?

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" ... the officials in the propaganda ministry who were always at loggerheads with the press department of the Foreign Office were now, after the meeting, less unwilling to work together with the ZFI. Goebbels obliged Bose by seeing to it that less exotic and misleading articles about India appeared in the German press.92"

" ... Gandhi had announced in February 1942 in an article in Harijan: ‘If the Nazis come to India, the Congress will give them the same fight that it has given Great Britain.’93 Keppler had so far insisted that Gandhi should not be attacked but he suggested in the beginning of July 1942 a strategy change. He was afraid Gandhi would ask the Indians to resist a Japanese invasion and in this case might side with the British. Keppler therefore suggested warning the Indian listeners of the radio propaganda against any compromise with England as this could result in a Japanese invasion. They should not follow Gandhi should he call for a compromise with the colonial masters.94 ... "

Here author compares Gandhi with Hindenburg and claims that bise saw him in that light, without any quote to substantiate this claim.

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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THE QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT AND THE AUGUST UPRISING

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"The German diplomats’ worries about Gandhi’s attitude proved soon to be unfounded. The All-India Congress Committee (AICC) passed on 8 August 1942 in Bombay the Quit India Resolution in reply to the offer by the British government, which Cripps had conveyed. This resolution included the demand for immediate independence so that India could defend herself against the Japanese. Gandhi and numerous other Indian politicians were incarcerated after this, resulting in week-long disturbances and violent encounters between Congress followers and British security forces. The leaders of the Congress party were arrested. The people reacted with active resistance: in the six to seven weeks after 9 August 1942 people all over the country revolted. According to official estimates, in the first week after imprisonment of the politicians alone, 250 railway stations as well as more than 500 post offices were damaged or destroyed, and 150 police stations attacked. For weeks on end all trains were stopped in Bihar and the eastern part of UP. In Karnataka alone 1,600 cases of cutting of telephone wires were counted.

"The colonial masters soon retaliated brutally. Police and the military opened fire in 548 cases on unarmed people. Even low-flying planes shot on demonstrators. ... "

" ... Twenty-six thousand were convicted, and 18,000 arrested under the Defence of India Rules.97 ... "

Germany of course had no arrests in occupied territories unless one counts those sent to concentration camps, including the extermination camps.

" ... This violent outburst was in actual contradiction to Gandhi’s principle of non-violence. In spite of this he refused to condemn the rioters in this situation. He viewed the violence as reaction to the much greater violence practised by the colonial power. Gandhi’s followers argued that their violence was directed only against buildings and telegraph poles but not against people. Others candidly confessed that violence was against their principles but they let it happen nevertheless.98"

Author could just as well be describing populations of occupied territories of Europe, all members of church with supposedly inculcated creed of love and forgiveness for most of seventeen centuries, reacting naturally to German occupation.

" ... Bose read out his address on 10 August 1942 in the Hindustani programme of the German short-wave radio network. He declared his solidarity with the All-India Congress Committee and the captured politicians:

"While the British Government is professing to fight for freedom and democracy, it is casting into prison the leaders of the nation that is striving for national freedom. This should furnish the last argument necessary to convince impartial men and women all over the world that Britain is fighting for her own selfish imperialism. […] Every single Indian must take part in this struggle, no matter what the suffering and sacrifice may be. Indians in India and abroad must march shoulder to shoulder and must fight till the last British imperialist is driven out of India and the flag of independence is hoisted once again on our sacred soil.101"

" ... He had announced on 17 June 1942 in the Hindustani programme of the German shortwave transmitter: ‘About five weeks ago I addressed you last over another radio, the “Azad Hind Radio”. Since that I have travelled quite a lot and am now here in the very heart of Germany.’ He had accepted Hitler and Mussolini’s support as they were enemies of India’s only enemy, the British Empire. The dictators’ internal politics were not his business; they concerned the people of these countries. In any case, would not the British fight side by side with the Soviet Union without consideration for ideological differences?102"

" ... He explained to his listeners in a radio speech on 19 August 1942:

"Friends, when you are in the fight, you will certainly feel encouraged to hear that Indian news today are on the front page of the world press and Indian reports, however, the most interesting items of radio broadcasting all over the world. […] It is also obvious that in this fight against British imperialism, India does not stand alone. All the powers of the world that are now fighting Britain are arrayed on the side of India and in spite of all the manoeuvres of Anglo-American propaganda, public opinion throughout the world sympathizes with us in our struggle. […] If at any time you want help from abroad, you have only to ask for it. Your countrymen abroad will then rush to you with all the assistance you may need and you may ask for. […] I naturally feel unhappy today that I am not at home to participate in this campaign but it will not be long before I am at your fight again. […] It will be my duty to only utilize the international situation for the achievement of India’s independence, to keep the wide world informed of all the facts of [the] Indian situation and to secure from the enemies of Britain all the sympathy and help that India may now need."

Again, author is as wrong as the British authorities then were in India.

"The effect Bose’s appeals had can be gauged from police reports of the provincial governments. Punjab reported that urban citizens became more and more interested in the propaganda.104 It was generally assumed that the Axis Powers would win the war.105 ‘There is no doubt also that enemy broadcasts have had a very great effect,’ reported the UP government.106 They mentioned propaganda pamphlets calling people to listen to the enemy broadcasts and stating the times of transmissions. The district administrations were ordered to confiscate radio sets used for spreading enemy propaganda.107 The report from UP proves the desired effectiveness of Bose’s transmissions: ‘Subhas Bose’s propaganda has undoubtedly had the effect of identifying the Congress more and more with the Axis with the result not that sympathy with the Congress had decreased but that there is now a more friendly feeling towards the enemy.’108"

People of India were eager to hear Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, and weren't friendly towards non Indians of the racist, attacking variety, from any direction of the globe. In labelling Axis as enemies and allies as friendly, the then British authorities of India were as off kilter as the author is in this book - those labels apply to populations and countries independent, not those treated as subjects or slaves. But author is unaware of this, since he's treating India as subjects, to be ignored, or noticed at most at level of subjects, dlaves, or eirse, as British then did.

India was listening to, and for, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, his broadcasts and news of his whereabouts. It was about India.

" ... The British radio network could not but react to Bose’s propaganda in its programmes for India. George Orwell commented:

Author again makes a comment incorrect in several places.

He's describing a subjugated nation, not a love marriage; so the opening sentence is as askew as a belt used instead of a tie around the neck.

But leaders in India weren't "sitting behind bars" as author describes them stupidly, as if they were on a holiday in Bora-Bora paid by British crown.

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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THE GERMAN-INDIAN ASSOCIATION IN HAMBURG

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" ... The Indian-Central European Association remained intact besides the German-Indian Association without, however, embarking on any activities worth mentioning. Faltis even had new brochures printed by the middle of 1944, canvassing for new members.125

Author refrains from saying whether it was due to racism, or RAF bombings.

" ... Possibilities for leisure-time activities were also limited. ... "

Why would German government worry about that in reference to Indians, unless they - the Germans - were controlling, as usual?

Reminds one of Three Men On A Bummel, by Jerome K. Jerome, where he describes Germans controlling birds, streams, rivers, waterfalls, and foreign travellers in Germany.

What idiots would expect Indians to be comfortable using rooms in an SS building?

"The Chinese restaurant Kwang Tung was the social centre for the Indian students. The actress and producer Thea von Harbou invited them every Wednesday evening at 7 p.m. for dinner. It is said that she also supported the students with up to twenty thousand Reichsmark per month. The background to this generosity was her love affair with the Indian, Ayi Ganpath Tendulkar, who had returned to India after his doctorate. Thea von Harbou wanted to follow him to his native country and get married to him there. Prior to his departure, he had asked her to look after the Indians living in Berlin.139"

Again, the first name of yet another Indian, as given by author, Ayi, is so badly wrong, that it's impossible to guess what the real name could have been.

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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PROBLEMS OF THE ITALIAN PROPAGANDA

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"In January 1942, an Italian delegation came to Berlin, trying to persuade Bose to shift his headquarters to Rome. They wanted the Indian Legion to be organized and trained in Italy and not in Germany. The Italians told Bose the Germans were interested only in ‘Lebensraum in the East’. Asia’s future after the victory of the Axis Powers would be decided upon in Italy. Bose, however, did not accept the offer. He wanted for the Indian Legion the best possible training with modern weapons, and these he did not expect in the Italian army. He also saw that Germany played the leading role in the Axis. Vyas saw Schedai’s hand behind this headhunting mission: he had wanted to incite Bose to come to Rome so that he could control his relations with the Italian government.158"

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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THE BATTAGLIONE AZAD HINDOSTAN

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The author has delayed introducing the topic of INA, and of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose marching with it, and now comes at it obliquely, making it seem like a copycat afterthought.

" ... When the Italians now requested the Germans to transfer 400 Arab prisoners of war from their camps to Italy, they found out ‘with a certain astonishment’, that the Germans on their part were also busy to form an ‘Arab Legion’. Thereupon the Italian Foreign Ministry stopped the transfer of the Indian prisoners of war the Germans required for forming the Indian Legion.186 The Grand Mufti had suggested the recruiting of Arabs not only to the Italians but also to the Germans.187 After some deliberation, both sides finally agreed to send the Arab prisoners to Italy and the Indian ones to Germany. Both parties, however, kept a small contingent each for themselves. The sources do not reveal how and why the suggestion of the Arab leaders to organize troops consisting of Arabs came to include also Indians and Tunisians. It shows once more, however, that the Italians viewed their India-politics merely as an extension of their Islam- and Arab-politics."

This was entirely natural for Italy, surrounded by Arabs and Muslims on South and in Levant.

"Acting on the initiative of the Foreign Ministry, the general staff of the Italian army arranged, in March 1942, a special camp for the Indian prisoners of war—the prisoner-of-war camp no. 80—at the country seat Villa Marina in the Roman Campagna.188 At first the Indian prisoners whom Schedai had convinced during his camp visits to fight for India’s freedom on the side of the Axis were housed here. The Italian military command had used a ruse to remove the camp from the supervision of the Red Cross: official location of the camp was not Rome but the island of Elba. In case the inspectors of the Red Cross had demanded a camp inspection, it would have been refused as a journey by sea was not permissible at present for security reasons.189 The Indians were not given arms as long as they were still POW officially. Training for this reason was initially limited to sports only.190 After some time they received the uniform of Italian paratroopers.191 They marched in their new uniforms to the prisoner-of-war camp Avezzano to aid Schedai to win over new volunteers.192

"On 11 June 1942, the high command of the Italian army gave strict instructions: the selection of willing volunteers should be fast. Soldiers suitable for parachuting or close combat training, or those who could serve as informants or interpreters should be selected. At the same time, ‘fellow travellers’ should be indoctrinated through continuous propaganda to convince them that they are on the right side. The Centro Militare I should initially consist of a rifle company with machine guns, and a machine gun company. The objective was the training of the volunteers so that they in turn were able to train friendly partisans in the use of supplied weapons.193 ... "

Again, author proceeds to describe activities of Iqbal Schedai at inordinate length, pretending an equation that never existed.

If he'd been honest, he could have titled the book Schedai, and sold all of two copies, one to himself and another to his degree awarding university.

"The three special units of the Raggrupamento Centri Militari were given new names: the Arabs were now Gruppo Formazioni A, the Tunisians Battaglione d’Assalto T, and the Indians were called, most impressively, the Battaglione Azad Hindostan.200 The Indian soldiers wore collar insignia in the colours of the Indian National Congress—saffron, white and green. The cap badge depicted the emblem of the Raggruppamento Centri Militari, three arrows in a bundle.

"Immeditaely, on arrival of the first Indians to the POW camp no. 80, Lieutenant Rizzi noticed something peculiar: ‘Our Indians are in the military sense abnormal.’ Only some of them could salute properly, and talk and behave like soldiers. The others behaved like civilians, in an orderly fashion but decidedly non-militarily. They did not create at all the impression of having been close to death and in active combat for months. Most of them behaved, not only with the Italian officers but also with Schedai, without any military manners; they just displayed the deference due to a respected person.201 They were apt at learning during training, they followed politely the trainer’s commands, but did not show much motivation. They simply stopped cooperating when they lost interest. The trainers had to accept that it was of no use to insist on discipline in such cases.202

"Rizzi found an explanation for this phenomenon when he registered the volunteers. A large number of the Indians stated as their profession tailor, cobbler, driver, hairdresser, cook or kitchen help. Rizzi asked Niranjan Singh how this could be possible and was told that these men were not soldiers in the actual sense but camp followers. These followers did not take part in combat and had not been under military training. They were simply used to doing their own specific jobs and otherwise to behaving in an orderly fashion.203 The Italian trainers had to note now with frustration that not even one-third of the Indians in their unit were proper soldiers. The rest were hardly of any use in war and certainly not suitable for parachute and single combat training: ‘We realized that it might be possible to open a day hotel but certainly not organize a battalion if the number of these camp followers remained constant. The presence of these artisans instead of dedicated soldiers deferred the commencement of this unbelievable undertaking.’204"

" ... Schedai had little knowledge of military matters and was also not interested: ‘For him it sufficed to know that the Indians were forming battalions and divisions for the liberation of their country. This alone was an extremely important word for propaganda.’206 When Rizzi met Bose he observed that, contrary to Schedai, he certainly had some understanding about the art of war. Rizzi carefully broached the subject of the camp followers and was surprised when Bose told him that the German Indian Legion did not have any men in this category. Schedai listened to this conversation with studied unconcern. He obviously did not want to admit that he had selected the wrong persons. Rizzi suspected that Bose and the Germans had kept the best soldiers for themselves and left only the ‘rest’ for the Italians.207

"But the Italian personnel were also not suited for this task. Schedai critized Invrea, the commander of the Raggruppamento, that he could not adjust to the mentality of the Indians and treated them like Italian recruits. He could not see the connection of worldwide propaganda. For Invrea, there was only a battalion of volunteers whose training was a failure. The trainer could achieve much more, but they had to apply intelligence, sensitivity and tact.208 Invrea on his part critized Schedai. He was accused of having made false promises to the volunteers with regard to their service in the Italian army. He was responsible that the Indians saw their job only in marching triumphantly into their country leaving her liberation to the Axis comrades. He had lost their confidence when they realized his deceit."

Author seems to imply that deceit was normal, and it was only being found out that was a failure.

"He did not behave sincerely and honestly with the volunteers. His behaviour towards them was not correct because he did not adhere to a clear line, maybe due to lack of experience in military matters. He is a man who seems to me to be caught in narrow spiritual boundaries, limitations and most probably he will never be able to shake off his limitations.209"

And yet they, author now and Italians then, go on elevating him to a level he never could belong to.

"It seems the Italian officers did not have much of an understanding of Indian culture. Transcribing the Indian names into Roman script on registering the volunteers was already an insurmountable difficulty.210 Also the language problem could not be solved. Orders were given in English which many Indians did not understand, or pretended not to understand when they did not like it.211 Instead of letting the trainer learn Hindi and employ interpreters like the Germans did in the Indian Legion, they simply put Italian lessons on the timetable.212 Rizzi mentions in his memoirs that Invrea was never interested in the religion and custom of his recruits.213 Thus entailed a lack of understanding: ‘I think there never was a more eccentric unit as the Centro Militari I.’214 Not suprisingly, the Indians had no confidence in their Italian superiors. When the soldiers were sent to the training area Tivoli, which meant that they would be soon deployed in action, the mood worsened. They started arguing and quarrelling among themselves. Rizzi records: ‘They were all united in one matter only: they were fed up with us.’215

"The Indian soldiers of the Centro Militare I (CMI) refused on Tuesday, 10 November 1942, to form up for the morning roll call. They declared that with this action they wanted to protest against a possible deployment in Libya. Major Vidmara called the Indian noncommissioned officers and asked them whether they realized that this was a case of mutiny? When they answered in the affirmative and the volunteers continued to remain in their barracks, the major had the men give up their arms and the barracks surrounded. The Italian members of the CMI, a platoon of the Centro Militare A, and some carabinieri took over surveillance. Actually, at that point of time a deployment of the Indians in North Africa was not under discussion, but the military command was not prepared in future to exclude such a possibility completely.

"A captain of the CMI went to Tarquinia to arrange for the disarmament and premature return of the volunteers who just then took part in a training course for paratroops. Vismara had five Indian non-commissioned officers and one former non-commissioned officer of the Indian army, whom he considered to be the ringleaders, arrested at the Centro Militare T. By noontime, Lieutenant Colonel Invrea reported personally to the Commando Supremo and sent a written message to the general staff of the army. The major pondered over the motivation behind the mutiny and came to the following conclusion: There had never been any signs of indiscipline. The Indians had also no reason to complain about their treatment by trainers and superiors.

"On the other hand, rumours about a possible movement to North Africa arose simultaneously with the start of the British offensive. Gradually, they grew more and more persistent against all logic, as the English offensive proceeded. These impressionable, inconsequent and fickle people saw the war as easily lost for the Axis as they saw their victory at the time of advancing to Alexandria. Gripped by panic, they presumed it would be better for them to have the prisoner of war status again. The military situation, and only that, can have induced the volunteers to an otherwise absurd and inexplicable behaviour.216"

Again author fails to give credit where it was due, in a deliberate cheating maneuver crediting Germans.

" ... The Germans too had their difficulties with the Indians, but they tried hard. The military took the help of experts in order to come to terms with the mentality of the volunteers. They searched out Indologists and people with Indian language skills for the Indian Legion. The German instruction personnel had to learn at least a few words of Hindi. An Indian calendar of festivals existed as also, Indian cuisine, and an instruction manual in Hindustani: instruction officers like Lieutenant Rizzi had been selected only because they knew some English. Yet the Italian government had already established the ISMEO in the thirties for educating experts on Asia. That means there must have been Italians knowing Indian languages. But they were not employed where they were needed: a clear sign of faulty organization."

He's forgotten having mentioned that Indian prisoners of war were not willing to work for Germans, and were only convinced when they knew that Netaji really was before them, and were only then willing to believe that they were to fight for India, not Germany.

"The Italians depended instead on Schedai and his people, and that was the mistake. Bose also had considerable difficulties in recruiting the prisoners of war for the Indian Legion. But he succeeded in enthusing his compatriots with the charisma of an experienced politician. Not so Schedai, since he lacked this charisma. ... "

That's a lie, again. Author wishes to make it look like a magic trick.

It wasn't political experience or charisma, as much as Netaji might have had, but sheer honesty in his case, apart from his stature intellectually and more, that Indians perceived.

" ... If the Germans had not had an Indian politician of Bose’s calibre but only a confidant of Schedai’s type, then their experiment would surely also have failed."

The term is confidence trickster, not "confidant".

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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THE INDIAN LEGION IN KÖNIGSBRÜCK AND THE NETHERLANDS

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"The first solemn swearing-in ceremony of the legionnaires took place in September 1942. Accompanied by representatives of the OKW and the Japanese military attaché Colonel Yamamoto, Bose visited the camp for the ceremony.230 The Indian soldiers took the oath on his name ... "

"After the oath had been read out, Bose quickly added: ‘I shall lead the army to India when we march together.’232 Evidently, he wanted to make it quite clear, with the addition, that the command of the Indian Legion was not with Hitler. On the other hand, taking oath in the name of Hitler was necessary for including the Indians in the German Wehrmacht. Without the protection of the German Reich, their status would be that of irregular volunteers only, and they would not be any more entitled to treatment as prisoner of war in accordance with international law. Nevertheless, the legionnaires did not consider themselves German soldiers but fighters for a free India.

"They were invested in German uniforms with the national insignia of the German Reich. Like other foreign associations, the legion, however, also had its own characteristic sign. Each legionnaire wore a badge on his right upper arm in the Indian national colours orange-white-green with a springing tiger, with ‘Freies Indien’ written above.233 The legion had also its own regimental flag in the same design: a saffron-white-green striped tricolor with the springing tiger, and the inscription ‘Azad Hind.’234

"The language of command for the Indian Legion was Hindustani. As the German training officers did not know this language, interpreters were required. The interpreter department of the OKW in Meissen trained specialists for the Indian Legion. Professor Paul Thieme, professor and head of the department for Indology at the Halle University, conducted the lectures there. The English-language Hindustani Conversation Grammar by St Clair Tisdall served as textbook. Hindi was taught there until the end of February. Evidently, not many people in Germany were conversant in Indian languages at that time. Therefore, only a slight knowledge was already sufficient for enrolling in the interpreter course. The then infantryman Rudolf Hartog, for instance, relates that he taught himself the rudiments of Hindustani as a patient in a military hospital on the recommendation of his brother Hans, who served as Indologist in the legion. It sufficed for the entry test.235

"Each German training officer had to acquire a basic knowledge of Hindustani. Ernst Bannerth, chief interpreter of the legion, gave the lessons.236 The Indian legionnaires, who were called up for officers’ and non-commissioned officers’ schooling courses, were on their part obliged to learn German. German classes were arranged for them. Personal contact with the German population nearby also contributed to the fact that soon many Indians started speaking quite good German. Even the ordinary soldiers were eager to learn the foreign language. Kritter noted in his diary: ‘I often see the brown fellows sitting there in the evenings with notebooks, busy learning vocabulary.’237 The military commands had to be worked out first, as it was the first time that Hindustani was being used as command language. ... "

So far so good. But author then states -

" ... No other army in the world had used this language before. ... "

Did he think India never had any armies, or did all military personnel of India speak any other languages but Indian?

More likely, he doesn't count Indians as human, Indian history as history, Indian military as military, and so on.

" ... The staff of the legion was entrusted with translating the German commands into Hindustani. The end result was the publication in 1943 of a military dictionary German to Hindustani, which lists, on 228 pages, commands and all types of special terms in German and Hindustani. The editors explained in a foreword the principles of their work, which necessitated at times the coining of new terms:

"The already existing language of the Anglo-Indian army (Urdu) was taken as basis for the dictionary, as it is supposed to serve the military by content and size. Wherever English expressions were used in this army, and this is the case with nearly all technical and tactical terms, these were replaced with Hindustani terms. Special importance was given to keep the language as national popular as possible, and preference was given to pure Hindi. Only for those cases where the Arabic-Persian or English loan word is already commonly used, have these been retained. For some terms, new words from the existing Hindustani vocabulary had to be created the use of which has yet to be carried through (e.g. call for ‘March’ which is otherwise used only for ‘action, presentation’). Of course, the literal translation of the German term had to make place for an explanatory translation to facilitate quick understanding. […] The generally understood form of Delhi’s colloquial language has been used as pronunciation.238

"The Indian lower-rank leaders were supplied with a two-language training manual as teaching aid.239 Bannerth published a collection of private letters in Hindustani with detailed explanation of the scripts for Urdu and Hindi. Evidently, this publication was meant as aid for the postal censors.240 As textbook for the language instruction, the staff of the legion compiled an Outline of the Hindustani Grammar with a vocabulary all German training officers were expected to know. ‘Also this work is to be a contribution for strengthening the bond of friendship between the Great German Reich and the Indian freedom movement,’ said the foreword.241 The textbook Lehrbuch der Hindustani-Sprache by the two interpreters of the legion, Bannerth and Otto Spiess, published in 1945 by Otto Harrassowitz, may also be counted as one of the results of the Indian Legion’s scholarly work.242

"The regimental journal Bhaiband was also published in Hindustani. The editors were Bannerth up to July 1944 and after him Paul Thieme and Kurt Hoffmann. Bannerth had all editions printed in two scripts, Nastaliq and Devanagari. ... "

" ... In addition, the special requirements of the various religious communities were met as far as possible. As the Hindus refused beef, so also the Muslims did not eat pork. The legionnaires were provided ritually slaughtered mutton. The numerous vegetarians had to be given additional vegetarian food. The Indians received Indian spices and other food items not available in Germany in their Red Cross parcels, which were still sent to them even though they had ceased to be prisoners of war.247

"This type of provisioning was quite expensive but it was possible in this way to keep together members of various religions and ethnic groups in the same units, platoons and groups. This was a difference as compared to the British army where the individual castes and ethnic groups had their own units. It was in keeping with Bose’s political programme which saw the Indian Legion as a model for a modern India. This close living together of the various groups was of course not free from conflicts, but mutual understanding was supposed to be promoted in this way. Certain inconveniences due to the random formation of the units, not only because of various food habits but also because of different timings for prayers and festivities, were consciously accepted.248"

" ... A German non-commissioned officer wrote in a personal letter to Adam von Trott zu Solz about the Indians: ‘With us they only become spiritually uprooted half-Europeans who in the end hold nothing sacred any more.’249 Bannerth expressed himself extremely critically about the Indians’ ethical conditions during his interrogation by the British: ‘The completely new European surroundings destroyed in the minds of the Indians almost everything they had formerly revered. Bose’s policy of bridging religious differences led to the disappearance of religion generally.’250 An Indian soldier expressed himself in retrospect differently later: ‘There was complete harmony among our ranks. We respected all religions and faiths. There were full facilities for anybody and everybody to worship freely and religious functions were celebrated jointly.’251

"They saw to it that the men strictly followed all religious rules. Muslims had to abstain from smoking and partaking of food between sunrise and sunset during the month of fasting. To leave the observation of their particular religion’s customs to each individual believer might have resulted in tension between the orthodox and the less orthodox ones.252 Sikhs consider shaving the face a grave sin. When some of them shaved by emulating European habits their fellow Sikhs reacted violently. In order to keep peace in the camp, the command of the legion had no other option but to become executers of religious rules. They strictly forbade the Sikhs to shave. To offend against this ruling meant that the clean-shaven Sikh soldier was incarcerated because of disobedience until his beard had grown again.253"

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April 07, 2022 - April 07, 2022.

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EXPERIENCES IN INTERCULTURAL LEADERSHIP

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" ... The officers noticed that traditional punishments such as confinement and prison had no effect on the Indians at all. The command of the legion therefore requested OKW to permit stricter punishments. For the first time, four legionnaires who had been punished repeatedly were taken in December 1942 to the penal camp Zeitheim where Russian prisoners of war were kept. The training officers were relieved that they were permitted to inflict this hard punishment:

"The conditions so far were indefensible. If one of the gents considered duty too strenuous or if he did not like one of his superiors, he appeared in the orderly room and declared: ‘I want to go back to the prisoners’ camp.’ If such fellows were kept in the confinement cell, they rather enjoyed the few days’ suspension from duty and raked about undesirable discontent in the legion after their release. If one were to absolve them from their oath and release them to the prisoner’s camp, one would have to be afraid that more would follow this bad example and evade their duties as legionnaires in such a simple way. Therefore, a penal camp is the only possibility of a noticeable sanction, and political considerations that one might perhaps have to consider, have to take a back seat against such military cardinal problems.257"

"However, the relationship between Indians and Germans were not marked by discontent and frustration. Legion Officer Hans Franzen described in his memoirs the peculiar relationship: ‘In spite of all the trouble we had with the Indians, we loved them, their graceful beauty, their enigmatical eyes, their charm, their intelligence, their spirit. Of course, we loved them ... "

"The Indians became restless after Bose’s disappearance in February 1943. For example, fifty men of the eighth company resorted to hunger strike, Red Cross parcels excepted.259 The legion’s command was apprehensive about allowing such lack of discipline and requested the OKW to permit special punishment regulations. Indians offending against military rules and regulations should initially receive corporal punishment to serve as a general deterrent and then be put in a concentration camp. The command was of the opinion that even a military prison would not have the desired deterrent effect.260 A special company consisting of seventy Indians and twenty Germans was formed instead in the summer of 1943. Captain Franz Ludewig, who had been transferred to the legion because of his dentures and rude behaviour, was in command. The Indians wore legionnaire uniforms without badges of rank. They received sufficient provisions and sometimes a Red Cross parcel. They were allowed to write and receive letters but were confined to barracks. Instead of taking part in the instruction courses, they had to do farm and other outside labour. The special company remained in Königsbrück until the war ended.261

"Since open mutiny arose when the legion was to move to the Netherlands in April 1943. Numerous legionnaires refused to prepare for the move. When they joined the legion, they had been promised that they would be deployed only in India or on the way to India. Representatives of the Free India Centre could not dispel the soldiers’ reservations either. Bose himself could not use his influence as he was already on way to East Asia. The legion’s command decided to have the mutinous soldiers court-marshalled. They were sentenced to penal servitude and prison, but this did not end the protests. Discipline was restored after patient propagandistic persuasion. The legion’s command explained to the soldiers through confidants that their behaviour was not conducive to India’s liberation struggle. ... "

In short, they'd been deceived by Germans.

Author has openly admitted racism here. It couldn't occur to author, or Germans then, that Indians looked down on them, of course!

Author discusses more racism.

" ... Leopold Fischer, who gained close contact with the Indians due to his language skills, came to a sobering conclusion in his memoirs: ‘The legionnaires were not slow in comparing their new masters with their old, and the British came off better in this rating, because although they were oppressors by definition, British officers had at least been tactful in their relations with Indian troops, whereas the attitude of the Germans was tactless and overbearing.’275

"At the end of July 1943, the first Indians passed the sergeant’s course and were promoted. The OKW still hesitated to promote Indians to officers.276 The legion’s command, pressed by Bose, did apply for the promotion of Indians from NCO to officer. The OKW however insisted on the principle that each prospective officer would have to prove himself first in enemy fire.277 Finally, Bose carried his point through with the generals: on 1 October 1943, fourteen Indians were promoted to lieutenants, two more followed later. Two Indian medical men were nominated to the rank of medical officers.278"

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April 07, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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The End of India-Politics after Bose’s Departure

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"The Japanese submarine I-29 brought Bose and Hasan in the beginning of May 1943 to the island of Sabang, north of Sumatra. Bose proceeded by plane to Tokyo. On 27 May 1943 he called on the German ambassador in Tokyo, safe and sound.1 Two days earlier, he had already called on the Italian ambassador.2 In Japan, Bose initially kept contact with the Foreign Office and the Free India Centre through the German embassy in Tokyo. Without Bose’s participation, the India-politics of the Axis Powers declined."

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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BOSE IN THE FAR EAST

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"The Japanese made Bose’s presence in Japan known through a public communiqué only after the Japanese imperial parliament’s session on 18 June 1943. The Japanese government combined this with an acknowledgement of India’s independence. Bose could then speak over the Japanese radio to the Indians.3 The German government waived a communiqué of their own and had the Japanese one published in the German media.4 Mussolini declared on 24 June 1943 before the National Directorate of the National Fascist Party: ‘Bose, who is not starving himself, is before India’s gates,’5 alluding to Gandhi’s hunger strike with this remark. He conveyed to Tojo through the German ambassador in Tokyo that he admired his politics and combined his praise with the advice: ‘Tell him also that I consider the most concrete assistance for Bose, whom I know personally and consider capable of fulfilling the task he set out to do, as urgent and necessary.’6

"Bose organized his headquarters in Singapore where he took over leadership of the independence movement upheld by the Indian expatriates.7 He reorganized the Indian National Army (INA), the Far Eastern counterpart to the Indian Legion. Goebbels commented on Bose’s activities in East Asia: ‘He organizes his movement exactly according to National Socialist example and calls himself Führer.’8 The Japanese had founded the INA in the beginning of 1942 with captured Indian soldiers from the British army. It had grown to the strength of a division. The founder of the INA was Mohan Singh, a captain in the Indian army, who had disengaged himself from his troop on retreating and deserted to the Japanese. The Japanese made him general of the Indian volunteer troop. On 1 September 1942, Singh could form the first division with 16,300 men. By the end of 1942, 45,000 Indian prisoners of war had enrolled voluntarily. The Japanese, however, wanted only a core troop of 2,000 soldiers, whereas Singh wanted to increase the INA to 20,000 volunteers. Both sides were at variance with each other. Singh refused to be part of the Japanese commando structure, whereupon the Japanese dismissed and arrested him. The troop lost its importance after this.9

"Bose succeeded through broadcasts to enthuse Indian expatriates in Southeast Asia for the freedom struggle. Business people started donating money. Young men volunteered for the INA. He gave the demoralized officers new self-esteem and combined the various political directions and religious communities of the Indian expatriates under his leadership. After Mohan Singh’s arrest the strength of the INA had fallen to 13,000 men. Bose wanted to increase the number of men to 50,000 and was at variance with the Japanese about this. However, they were now willing to agree to a force level of 30,000 soldiers.10"

"The Foreign Office tried to keep in touch with Bose. They even considered establishing a consulate in Singapore for this purpose only.11 Bose on his part tried hard to send one of his people as representative to Rome as he feared that the Italians could lean towards the Pakistan movement that desired an independent state for the Indian Muslims.12 ... Axis Powers lost their prestige with the Indian population after their defeat at Stalingrad. The report from Sindh dated February 1943, states:

"The newspapers give full publicity to the Russian success and widespread admiration for the Russian army is expressed. The significance of the German reaction to the news has also been appreciated. One result that has been noticed is that Axis propaganda is losing its influence and listinging-in to the German radio is becoming less popular.14"

"On 21 October 1943, Bose proclaimed in Singapore to a congregation of 50,000 Indian expatriates the formation of a provisional government of free India, consisting of five ministers, eight representatives of the INA, and eight civilian advisers. The Japanese government recognized this government that immediately declared war on Great Britain and the USA. With the approval of the Japanese government, the provisional government took over sovereign rights of the Andaman and Nicobar islands under occupation of the Japanese navy. Actual administration was left in the hands of the Japanese military, but Bose was allowed to hoist an Indian national flag in Port Blair and appoint a governor. He renamed the group of islands Shahid and Swaraj Islands, i.e. Martyr and Independence Islands.19

"The German Reich recognized Bose’s government on Japanese request.20 Thus, Germany became one of the first countries to recognize a free India before her actual independence. Fascist Italy followed suit: on 1 November 1943 Mussolini as head of state of the Repubblica Sociale Italiana recognized Bose’s government.21 Therewith Bose finally had achieved what he had fought for in Europe so long. ... "

"When in March 1953 the Japanese army invaded India from Burma, soldiers from the INA were part of the invading troops. ... "

Author is incorrect, whether deliberately lying or mistaken.

Netaji had insisted, against the Japanese wish, that it would be, had to be, INA, not Japanese, marching into India ahead.

INA was not "part of the invading troops", but an Indian regiment marching into their own country, against British. Japanese could follow, was all.

"Tojo announced on 22 March 1943 before the Japanese parliament that Bose’s government would take over sovereignty of all occupied Indian territories. Moirang in the princely state of Manipur was the first town where soldiers of INA hoisted the Indian tricolour on 14 April 1943. Initially, the Japanese troops advanced rapidly, but they could not conquer Imphal, the capital of Manipur. The British sent additional divisions and their air force. The Japanese troops broke down completely with the onset of the monsoon. On 16 July 1943 the high command gave orders for retreating. Bose did not give up hope and decided to continue fighting with the INA. However, the troop was much too weak to be able to stand up to the British advance into Burma. To Bose’s horror, individual attacks resulted only in a large number of men crossing over to the enemy. The Indian soldiers on the British side did not join the INA either. Even though the greater part of the INA gave their best and fought valiantly gaining the admiration of the Japanese officers.23"

Author is lying again. Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose did plant Indian flag at Imphal and its been replanted at the memorial on the spot. Also, Indian soldiers from British army did cross over. As to the tremendous travails of that march from Singapore on foot by INA and Netaji, author mentions nothing, but lies again about state of mind of one so courageous and determined, perhaps out of shame that Germany was losing even as INA was in India against all odds.

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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TURBULENCES IN AFGHANISTAN

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"Now the British started to create difficulties for the Germans in Kabul. They had meanwhile found out that the diplomats of the Axis Powers in Kabul not only created disturbances in the tribal territories of the northwest frontier but they also incited the people of Turkestan against the Soviet Union. Therefore, the British Foreign Ministry suggested to the Soviet leaders a common protest to the Afghan government. In October 1941 the British and the Soviets had already managed to achieve the departure of all Germans and Italians from Afghanistan, except the diplomatic corps. However, at that time the Afghan parliament had explicitly guarded against breaking off diplomatic relations with the Axis Powers.30 The British ambassador in Kabul, Sir Francis Wylie, handed over on 27 May 1943 a list to the Afghan prime minister. The list contained the names of thirty-six Afghans he considered as agents of the Axis Powers. He demanded the immediate arrest of three of them, and that the remaining ones should be kept under surveillance. In addition, he gave the ‘urgent advice’ to reduce the diplomatic personnel in the embassies of the Axis Powers to a minimum, and requested to prevent the Axis Powers from procuring larger sums of Afghan currency, which they used for the support of subversive elements. The Soviet government made a similar petition to the prime minister.31

"The Afghans did arrest an Axis agent but refused the expulsion of any diplomats.32 When the British explicitly demanded the expulsion of Witzel, Doh and Anzilotti, the Afghans claimed to have known about their intrigues for a long time.33 At the same time, they pressurized the Axis Powers to voluntarily recall embassy staff not liked by the British.34 However, they waited until Wylie had left the country, in order to save face.35 ... "

" ... As if this were not enough, in November 1943 Pilger learnt from the Afghan Foreign Ministry that Quaroni had revealed all secrets of the Axis Powers to the British.42 The Italian ambassador had given the British all desired information regarding his activities on the side of the Axis, after Mussolini had been forced to resign his post and his successor Marshal Pietro Badoglio had surrendered to the Allied Powers.43"

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THE PAKISTAN CONTROVERSY IN THE FOREIGN OFFICE

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"As long as Bose stayed in Germany, India-politics on the whole was going on according to his concepts. Bose was an energetic advocate of the idea of a united Indian nation comprising all people of the subcontinent irrespective of their religion or language. Consequently, he was against the movement aiming at the foundation of a separate state Pakistan for the Indian Muslims. German propaganda on India always supported a united nation and condemned the Pakistan movement as the result of the politics of British rule following the principle of divide et impera. Italian India-politics also followed this language regulation under German influence."

"Bose did not think much of the Grand Mufti’s participation in activities related to India. He warned Ribbentrop against any further deployment of religious leaders. A mixture of religious elements in propaganda was dangerous as it might divide and confuse the Indians.55 Keppler also objected to any further attempt to let Islamic authorities broadcast to India. This was not part of his propaganda conception.56

"After Bose’s departure, the advocates of an Islam-related propaganda on India tried to carry their ideas through. Keppler had to prove his point with a detailed description of the ‘propagandistic comprehension of the Indian Muslims’. He explained that in his opinion too strong an appeal to a confessional special group could easily contribute to a hardening of the differences. Though the radio station Azad Muslim Radio did address the Muslims separately, the programmes strictly avoided religious arguments. One should not equate Indian Muslims with the Muslim League. On the contrary, the League was a tool in the hands of the British. Keppler finished his exposé with the warning: ‘Any dallying with the Pakistan movement would bring in Hindu opposition for us.’57 Press and radio had instructions to omit any praise of the Muslim League and as far as possible keep silent on the subject of Pakistan.58"

"Hans-Georg von Studnitz, the official representing the news and press department in the Sonderreferat Indien, disagreed. In spite of their minority status, he considered the Muslims the politically stronger part of India’s population that would rule the country after independence. Working together with Islamic forces would prepare a confident collaboration for post-war times. Moreover, the Pakistan project would bring unrest to India, which would be inconvenient for the British during the war. Besides, to take a stand against Pakistan would annoy all Muslims and impair Muslim politics.60 Melchers, the expert on India and the Orient in the political department, also warned against attacking the Pakistan movement that could have unforeseeable consequences for the Arab propaganda.61 Keppler defended himself. An attack on Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Pakistan movement did not go against Muslims. He always stressed the point that the Pakistan movement worked in the interest of the British. He and the others in his support did not attack the religion of Islam as such, nor did they take an open stand against the idea of a pan-Islamic block. He argued that a state based on religion as Pakistan was, contradicted the National Socialist Weltanschauung that provided for states based on nationality and race. He demanded that German India-politics should take a stand against the Pakistan movement.62"

" ... A week later the German press published articles on a meeting of the Muslim League where Jinnah had attacked Gandhi.66

"The controversy about the propaganda for Pakistan broke out only after Bose’s departure. This shows to what extent his presence determined the political line of German propaganda on India. ... India-related activities became rudderless without Bose. Keppler had so far extensively represented Bose’s ideas, but he could not execute the ideas alone. Even from the Far East Bose saw to it that Pakistan would not win friends in Europe. For instance, by the end of June 1943 he requested the Italian ambassador in Tokyo not to allow the press in his country to depict the Pakistan movement as the voice of Indian Muslims.67"

" ... However, India-related activities lost all importance later when the constant motivator, Adam von Trott zu Solz, left as well. After the assault on Hitler on 20 July 1944, Trott was arrested as one of the conspirators and accused by the People’s Court (Volksgerichtshof). His superiors, also Keppler, immediately distanced themselves from him, but Nambiar and Alexander Werth, the vice director of the SRI, stood by him unselfishly.69 However, they could not prevent his execution on 26 August 1944. Werth carried on with the SRI until Soviet soldiers took him prisoner of war on 25 April 1945.70"

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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END OF THE FREE INDIA CENTRE

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"The Free India Centre continued functioning under the management of Nambiar until the end of the war. They continued the publication of the journal Azad Hind, and distributed it in Germany, Italy, France and other West European countries. Azad Hind Radio broadcast daily for two hours in six languages, National Congress Radio daily in four languages, and Azad Muslim Radio daily for twenty minutes in Hindustani. All programmes were repeated once daily, so that the Centre’s secret transmitter functioned daily for a total of six hours. All programmes gave exact instructions for rebels in India and appealed particularly to young people, farmers, workers, soldiers, sailors and police officers. They gave special attention to Muslims and exhorted them to show solidarity with the national struggle. Bose’s declarations were given prominence in the programmes. They particularly focused on the ill-treatment of Indians in South Africa and of sailors in American and British service, as well as the food shortage in India.71 The Centre even started a new series as late as in 1943. The Heidelberg publishing house Vowinckel published its first volume, Girija K. Mookerjee’s The Indian National Congress.

"The Centre moved its office in August 1943 to Hilversum in the Netherlands as working in Berlin became increasingly difficult because of the frequent air raids. Its new location was the hotel Heidepark. The radio department resided in the Palais Moenikenberg next door. ‘Life was peaceful, almost like a holiday,’ Vyas describes the mood there.72 In spite of the move, transmissions continued without interruption. The secret transmitter could now use the strong Hilversum transmitter, which had transmitted programmes to the Netherlands Indies before the war.73

"The Centre remained there for one year. In August 1943 an air raid destroyed the Berlin office and nearly all files. The Centre was allotted new rooms in Charlottenburg. Moreover, the situation in Holland became increasingly unsafe. In the night of 26 August 1944, the Indians left Hilversum and shifted to Helmstedt.74 There the Centre used the radio station Oebisfelde until 9 April 1945 when the Americans were only 50 kilometres away. Even though the Indians stayed in a good hotel, the constant interruptions from air-raid sirens were very irritating.75 When the complete breakdown of the German Reich was inevitable, the Indians discussed their further actions. Some thought it sensible to flee from the British to the Soviet occupation zone. Fifteen of them proceeded to Leibnitz in Saxony. Three other, Vyas one of them, decided to stay in Helmstedt and wait for the arrival of the British.76 They did not know that a special unit of the British forces was already on their trail."

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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MUSSOLINI’S GREAT EXPECTATIONS

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" ... Victor Emanuel II, King of Italy, had dismissed Mussolini on 25 July 1943 after the Fascist Great Council had passed a no-confidence vote. The new government under Badoglio incarcerated the former Duce in the mountain fort Gran Sasso. The Allied Powers had occupied Sicily in the meantime, and Badoglio capitulated on 3 September 1943.

"The Americans and the Italian officials announced the capitulation only five days later. The Allied forces landed in Brindisi and rapidly advanced towards the north. The German military immediately took position north of the front line. German paratroops rescued Mussolini from his prison on 12 September 1943. He on his part now declared the king as dismissed and announced the republic, later to be called Republica Sociale Italiana (RSI). The ministerial council of the new state met on 27 September 1943. Italy was now divided: the south occupied by the Allied Powers remained a kingdom; the German-occupied north was a new Fascist state."

" ... Schedai managed to flee when the Allied forces advanced into Milan,86 the British, however, finally caught up with him.87"After the ‘March to Delhi’ had started, the Japanese ambassador enquired in April 1944 whether Mussolini would recognize an Indian government established by the Japanese in occupied territory.89 Mussolini agreed at once.90 He sent an encouraging telegram to Bose: ‘I am sure that you will achieve your goal and liberate your people from the imperialistic slavery of the British. The slogan of the RSI and the people is: India to the Indians.’91 The Duce did not forget the anniversary of the proclamation day of free India either and sent Bose a congratulatory telegram.92 Bose on his part paid his respects to Mussolini and called on the RSI embassy during a visit to Tokyo.93 When Nambiar planned to visit the units of the Indian Legion in Italy, the Duce agreed to receive Nambiar in Salò.94 However, the visit never took place because the planned dispatch of additional parts of the legion was delayed. Moreover, shortage of fuel played a part during the last six months of the war.95

"Mussolini did not just observe the happenings in India with interest while he sat more or less idle in his residence at the Garda lake. As the independence movement gained momentum, he even gathered hope that the British Empire, and therewith the power of the Allied Powers, would break down after all. In this connection, the article ‘L’India agli indiani’ ( India to the Indians) that appeared on 26 March 1944 in the Correspondenza Repubblicana, is very revealing:96 ‘The event that happened can be a decisive factor for the course of war and unforeseeable developments. The tireless and heroic Japanese armies of the Tenno, together with the Indian Chandra Bose, have crossed the eastern border of India,’ reads the introduction. The Japanese had written the slogan ‘India to the Indians’ on their banners, and with their assistance the Indians, who alone were too weak, would finally be able to shake off the British yoke. He proceeds to explain to the readers that India is a world on her own with a boundless variety of races, religions, languages, and the abundance of nature. In spite of this diversity, the independence movement under the leadership of Gandhi, Savarkar and Jinnah had united against the British. The politics of the British had increased the difficulties arising from the diversity of this huge country, but the Indians would solve these without foreign help once they had gained liberty. The text concludes with a promising outlook for the future:

"From passive resistance that could not solve the problem but only brought it to the consciousness of the world, one proceeded to attack with the force of national weapons against the foreign oppressors. These are black days for London now. Chandra Bose is a man of unusual energy. When the Anglo-American forces start retreating, which is likely to happen, the Indian masses will light the torches of rebellion. Meanwhile the Indian frontiers have been crossed. The wheel of fate is moving. The Indian phase has been inaugurated after the Pacific one, in this war full of the unforeseen and unsuspected."

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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DEPLOYMENT OF THE INDIAN LEGION

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" ... Indian Legion had grown to the strength of a regiment by 1943. It remained the ‘showpiece’ of the propaganda even though it was not of great military importance. The mutiny in Königsbrück had undermined the confidence of the superior military officials in the combat value of the legion. Moreover, the legionnaires had apparently told the Dutch during conversations, when they were stationed at the North Sea coast, that they would help the Allied Powers in case of an invasion to drive the Germans out from Holland.98 The appertaining superior command did testify in an evaluation that the legion was well trained and was probably a good combat troop, but they made it clear that a deployment might be risky:

"The applicability of the Indian battalion depends on the few German officers they rely on. If these officers become a casualty through death or wounding during action, one cannot perceive how the Indians will act. They might then possibly even fight against us. […] To use an even stronger commitment of forces of foreign formations in the Corps-range is extremely hazardous, even dangerous. The third battalion already means more of a disadvantage than an advantage.99

"The climate of the rough North Sea coast was not suitable for the Indians in the long run. On advice by the medical officers, the legion moved to a climatically more favourable section of the front after the cold and depressions became more frequent. The Wehrmacht gave the Indians the southernmost position at the west front they could offer at that time. They were allotted a section of the French Atlantic coast south of the Gironde estuary near the locality of Lacanau, which they had to protect against a possible invasion.100 The close contact the Indians had established with the Dutch population may have been an additional reason for shifting.101

"The deployment of the legion for coast protection was not in keeping with the ideas Bose had written down in a memorandum shortly before his departure. He had written that the troop ought best to be used in Iran or Iraq, but never in Libya or in Russia. He would have preferred though if the legion did not have to fight at all but only received thorough training in the handling and use of various weapons. In this way, they could form the core and leadership of the new army of a free India after independence.102

"The military situation, however, did no more permit any deployment in the direction towards India. Though the German Africa Corps had reached Egypt in the summer of 1942, and the German Caucasus offensive could reach the uppermost peak of these mountains, after the defeats of El Alamein and Stalingrad, however, it was obvious by the spring of 1943 that German troops would never reach India. The Indian Legion started moving to the south of France in September 1943.

"The entire legion had reached there on 18 October 1943 and Oberbefehlshaber West took over command. He allotted the Indians a coastline of about 60-kilometre length east of Bordeaux for surveillance. The regimental staff stayed in Lacanau. The units built ‘resistance nests’, with sand and wood along the coast, equipped with guns. The Indians worked hard and earned praise when General Field Marshal Erwin Rommel visited the western defence line of the legion in February 1944 for inspection.103"

"Only the ninth company was put to use in Italy in January and February 1944. According to a report by Captain Walter Toedt, the company commander of the unit, several legionnaires wanted combat after some had already fought with German units in Italy. In the beginning of 1944, the ninth company, strengthened with volunteers from other units of the legion, moved by train to Italy. The company consisted of 202 men, twenty of them Germans. In the region near Pescara (Abbruzzi Mountains), the 278th infantry division and the division’s light infantry battalion 278 took over command of the company. The Indians had the task of protecting and camouflaging disengagement movements and reconnaissance. In July 1944 the company had to build positions in the Apennine Mountains. In August 1944 the Indians took over the safeguarding of rearward connection lines in the Ravenna region. According to Toedt’s report, the legion proved in Italy ‘that some of the subaltern men knew their jobs as soldiers.’ However:

"The higher-ranked troop officers were not always satisfied. Moreover, various legionnaires were discontent because they realized the futility of the actions and wondered what would happen to them in case one or the other of them were captured by the Allied. These understandable thoughts created some disagreements amongst the legionnaires so that a recommendation to the authorities seemed advisable for moving the company back to the regiment formation. […] It can be stated as summary that the company proved its worth in skirmishes because of arms superiority; in large-scale fighting with heavy weapons, ... "

"In the beginning, the invasion by the Allied forces on 6 June 1944 in the Normandy coast did not touch the Indian Legion at the Atlantic coast. However, as the Wehrmacht expected more landings, the Indians were committed to heightened vigilance with constant stand-by. Moreover, French partisans became increasingly active. The second battalion was ordered to search in the woods for the Maquis106 until they received the order to join the retreating Wehrmacht. The regiment left Lacanau in the middle of August 1944. To begin with, the units met again in Poitiers and Ruffec.107

"Partisans attacked the legion on the way. Lieutenant Kalu Ram was caught in an ambush. He became the first Indian to lose his life while fighting on the German side. In Ruffec the troop repulsed the first fierce attack by the Maquis. Feldwebel Banta Singh and Feldwebel Gian Singh earned thereby the Iron Cross second-class. Nambiar honoured them with the Vir-e-Hind and Tamgha-e-Bahaduri.108 The legion advanced slowly towards east, partly with requisitioned civil vehicles, horse carriages and bicycles. The maquisards constantly exposed them to attacks. Many legionnaires lost their lives. Moving through the Departement Indre, passing by Bourges, via Dijon and Strasbourg, the legion finally reached Alsace in September 1944. Their new position was the training area Oberhofen near Hagenau.109

Author deliberately uses this "interestingly different attitude" bit derogatorily, to make it clear that he sees it as untrue, like a collar around the dog being interpreted as an honour by the pet.

How much more racist could he get? Or is it envy?

Author's attitude is clear when he goes at length into gory description now, without any context of German behaviour on the subject.

"On the day the article appeared in Figaro, the ZFI decided on counter-propaganda. Second Lieutenant Gurbachan Singh Mangat, Feldwebel Sultan Khan and Unteroffizier Rashid Mohammed were ordered to go to Berlin in order to talk over the radio about the heroic actions of the Indian Legion. Mangat reported on the retreat to Alsace. After that, listeners heard from Sultan Khan how he destroyed positions of the Maquis with a howitzer and how Second Lieutenant Sukhdev Choudhari had crawled for two miles back to the troop with a bleeding leg. Rashid Mohammed related how he stopped four American tanks with a 75-mm anti-tank gun and thus delayed the advance of an entire division for twenty-four hours. Accompanied by Keppler, an SS-general, and the Japanese ambassador Oshima the three legionnaires together with Oberst Krappe and Second Lieutenant Adolf Abdulla Khan, who were also in Berlin, addressed a press conference.117

"The Maquis treated captured Indians in various ways. The partisans accepted some, others were treated as captives—often more roughly than the German soldiers. On 22 September 1944, twenty-nine captured Indian legionnaires were shot at the Place d’Armes in Poitiers. The India Office and the Foreign Office demanded in the beginning of 1945 a clarification about this incident from the French. They justified the execution by alleging that the Indians had terrorized the population and killed members of the resistance. One of the Indians allegedly tried after his capture to stab a French officer to death. He was shot in this action. In the following general confusion, guards and other members of the resistance had intervened and shot all prisoners. The British did not quite accept this explanation as credible. However, they waived a more exact clarification of this incident and other executions of Indians in Bourges and Levet. They saw these cases as obvious acts of public revenge, which the Indians had provoked with their excesses.118"

Presumably French did not treat captured Germans any better?

"The individual battalions moved towards, the south in the spring of 1945. The I Battalion even managed to come as far as the Allgäu. However, they failed to reach neutral Switzerland in order to escape capture. The last remaining German officers with the legion had no other options but to release their Indian comrades and let them fend for themselves.121

"The Americans took most of them prisoner near Weiler on 29 and 30 April 1945. Another battalion dispersed and was picked up by the Allied forces man by man. The Indians taken prisoner in Weiler were at first taken to Marseille, then to Taranto in Italy, and then in July 1945 to the internment camp Bahadurgarh near Delhi. Others went first to Cranwich in England and in September 1945 to Bahadurgarh.122 There they were completely isolated from the outside world for some time and—according to Mangat—interrogated with ‘third degree methods’.123"

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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THE BRITISH AND THE INDIAN LEGION

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"The Germans had tried to keep the formation of the Indian Legion as long as possible a secret from the British, but it did not work out at all. The British already knew since the beginning of 1942 that Indians were being trained in the Lehrregiment Brandenburg.126 ... "

"However, they did not have detailed information about the Indian Legion. Two Indian officers, who escaped in March 1943 from German captivity to Switzerland, spoke about the ill-treatment of Indians who resisted enlisting. The British, who could not really imagine that an Indian would voluntarily become disloyal to the colonial rulers, inferred from this:

"It is therefore clear that objectionable and illegal pressure is being brought to bear on Indian prisoners of war to break the spirit and induce them to change their allegiance. It may be assumed, however, that mere numbers signify next to nothing and that there must be many who have succumbed to duress without necessarily being disloyal.130"

"After the British observed the development of the Indian Legion for some months, they really became worried. They were afraid the deserted prisoners of war could become troublemakers after their return to India. The general staff for India demanded therefore that each Indian should be carefully questioned before his return and, if necessary, undergo reconditioning.131 The British referred to the Indian soldiers and civil persons working together with the Germans or Italians as Hitler-inspired fifth column, abbreviated HIF. Indians fighting on Japan’s side belonged to the Japan-inspired fifth column (JIF).132

"Three prominent deserters eventually furnished the British with detailed information about the formation, structure and application of the Indian Legion. On 23 August 1944, the Legion’s interpreter (K) Bannerth, its medical officer Ernst Koch-Grünberg and Second Lieutenant Heinrich von Trott zu Solz broke away from the legion in Ruffec. This desertion evidently was connected with the failed assassination attempt on Hitler on 20 July 1944. Adam von Trott zu Solz, India expert in the Foreign Office, had been arrested as one of the conspirators and sentenced to death by the people’s court. His twenty-six-year-old brother Heinrich was transferred in April 1943 to the legion from the eastern front at the instigation of Adam. He now expected to be arrested as belonging to the same family. Koch-Grünberg, who had joined the legion because of his experience as a tropical doctor in Liberia, had lost an uncle who was hanged because of his critical attitude to the regime. Bannerth himself had been taken into custody by the National Socialists in 1938.133

"The three officers deserted together with a German soldier and a larger group of Indians, among them Bannerth’s editor colleagues from the legion’s newspaper Bhaiband—Hassan Beg, Thakur and Jamil Ahmed. The Germans were taken to a French POW camp. The Indians were moved in four lorries on 21 September 1944. One of the lorries stayed in a locality that had been destroyed by the Wehrmacht and where Indian legionnaires had committed excesses on the locals. The Indians on this lorry were handed over to the local resistance and later shot at the market square of Poitiers.134

"The three deserters gave the British during interrogation an extensive and detailed report on the Indian Legion. They stressed the lack of discipline in the legionnaires and the role that brutality and pressure had played on the recruiting process. They added long lists of names of German and Indian members of the legion with brief evaluation of their political attitudes, such as ‘convinced Nazi’, ‘Nazi, but harmless’, or ‘not a Nazi’. In addition, Bannerth supplied a detailed description of the ‘moral corruption of the Indian legionnaires’. Overall, the British had to form the impression after this exposition that the Indian Legion was an unrestrained and incalculable massed army of morally depraved characters, led by irresponsible officers.135"

"The British initially tried preventing the news of Indian deserters reaching the public. The Evening Standard published a photo of a Sikh wearing the uniform of the Wehrmacht; the military correspondent gave a detailed report of about 20,000 Sikhs and Hindus positioned at the Siegfried line.136 The India Office became worried. When on 29 September 1944 Le Figaro wrote about the excesses of the Indian Legion in France, the military news service MI2 insisted that such publications ought to be suppressed in future.137 The Ministry of Information gave the directive on 20 October 1944 that the media should not mention if a British or American prisoner of war became a traitor.138 The MI2 warned that each publication of information about the numerous Indians fighting on the side of the enemies would result in widespread discussions and speculations on the subject. This would particularly discredit the British government in the USA where influential papers were very eager to harm British reputation in India. American journalists had already started to doubt the loyalty of the Indian army. If now one had to admit the existence of a deserter army as well, the response could be extremely damaging.139"

Author quotes propaganda by British government against INA without qualifying.

"Therefore, it is not surprising that the British government paid special attention to the treatment of the Indian deserters. In December 1943 the Indian government compiled a list of sixteen pages with names of suspect civilian Indians on the European mainland. In July 1944 an edition extending to twenty-eight pages was published under the title ‘Notes on Suspect Civilian Indians on the Continent of Europe’143. The Intelligence Bureau of the Home Department in New Delhi compiled short biographies of eighty-nine Indians as interrogation aid during the invasion and after the war.144"

When he says "Indian government" above, it's supposed to mean British government of India, since he takes it gor granted Indians are of no consequence.

"From the beginning of September 1944, an officer of the Indian army, Major de Gale, was responsible at the high command of the Allied forces in Europe for the Indians. At the end of October, another officer of the Indian army, Captain Warren, assisted him. The objective was to catch the legionnaires as soon as possible before they disappeared among civilians, ‘where they would otherwise constitute a menace in the years to come.’ A group of Indian officers and English ones knowing German was to take part in the first advance on the Reich’s capital to track all Indian soldiers of the Wehrmacht and the civilians.145"

Someone ought to explain exactly how Indians were supposed to have "disappeared among civilians" in Europe, in lands where Jews had been exterminated by nazi German occupation forces, and African or other races weren't present, except one or two individuals, here or there. And if they looked so European that they could have "disappeared among civilians" in Europe, why were they discriminated against in question of mixing with locals.

Author describes the efforts by allies to catch various Indians.

War criminals such as Mengele, meanwhile, escaped, because allies were lax about the right race causing or perpetrating holocaust. It was subject "other" races that had to be caught and punished, not likes of Eichmann!

"In the end, however, they penalized none of the Indian deserters in Europe. The Congress party used this subject from 15 August 1947 onwards in their election campaign. The press reported on the Indian National Army (INA). The Indian public was openly sympathetic. When the British took three officers of the INA, a Muslim, a Hindu and a Sikh, to court in the Red Fort in Delhi, the entire nation watched the proceedings spellbound. The Congress party adopted the case of the accused. Nehru personally pleaded for the defence. On 3 January 1946, the sentences were pronounced: all three were found guilty of high treason, the Muslim in addition for abetting to murder. All were sentenced to exile for life. However, Commander-in-Chief Claude Auchinleck pardoned them immediately. The condemned persons were merely dishonourably discharged from the army.160

"Demonstrations and riots in the entire country accompanied the process with Bose’s brother Sarat Chandra leading. Everywhere, one could hear the INA’s slogans such as Jai Hind and Azad Hind, and see Netaji’s picture displayed. Riots and street battles in Calcutta and Bombay alarmed the colonial rulers. Already the Indian army’s loyalty could no more be taken for granted. Even the demonstratively mild sentences in the trial of Red Fort and the announcement that the charges for high treason would be dropped could not pacify the rioters. The Congress party distanced itself from the movement when the INA fever actually seized the armed forces and the sailors of the Royal Indian Navy started to mutiny. After all, they wanted to take over a functioning army after independence. Britain’s colonial power, however, had already received a severe jolt.161

"Bose must have surmised that just a public protest would help his movement to a propagandistic breakthrough. In November 1944, he allegedly sent a coded message to Vyas to the effect that some of his colleagues and the officers of the Indian Legion should somehow manage to reach England after the breakdown of the Axis Powers and continue legal proceedings there.162 The British decided to display a mild attitude towards the deserters under these circumstances. Nearly all the former legionnaires had left the internment camp at Bahadurgarh by February 1946, and the ‘black’ and ‘grey’ ones were finally sent home in small groups in March 1946. All were given grey shirts and pajamas as well as a railway ticket for their journey home. The camp was empty by the middle of April 1946.163

"The Indian independence movement accepted the returned soldiers of the INA and the Indian Legion with open arms, even though they had violated Gandhi’s principle of non-violence. Gandhi declared that Netaji and the INA had taught the nation the three virtues of self-sacrifice, classless unity and discipline: ‘If our adoration will be wise and discriminating, we will rigidly copy this trinity of virtues, but we will as rigidly abjure violence.’164 He called upon the INA officers to continue fighting for the freedom of India, but now without violence: ‘You have to show the same degree of bravery and courage of the non-violent type as you have done in the use of arms hitherto.’165 ... "

"One of the German legionnaires, however, decided to move to India after the war. The story of Leopold Fischer is one of the most curious ones of the Indian Legion.170 Fischer was born in 1923 in Vienna. He became very interested in everything Indian when he was thirteen. He joined the Vienna Hindustan Academical Association, learnt Sanskrit and Hindi, and befriended Indian students. He met Jawaharlal Nehru in 1938 in Vienna. Nehru is supposed to have said about him: ‘Leopold knows more about India than all other Indians in Vienna put together.’171 At the age of sixteen, he embraced Hinduism and called himself Ramachandra. He met Bose in Berlin in 1942. When he was called up to the Wehrmacht, he asked to be posted with the Indian Legion. There he consciously mixed with the Indians:

"On top of my very thorough theoretical knowledge […] the unique opportunity now came of constantly hearing the Indian languages spoken and constantly using them myself. My one ambition was to be regarded by my Indian comrades as a fellow Indian. They knew me as ‘Ramachandra’, and although they, of course, also knew that racially I belonged to Europe, they gradually began to regard me as one of themselves.172

"He shared quarters with the legionnaires and took part in their religious rituals, even though the regiment’s command did not approve of too close a contact with the Indians and some or the other of them suspected him to be an informer. He could improve his language skills like this and learnt Punjabi and Bengali. He even arranged a Hindu temple in Oberhofen and accepted the role of purohita, the priest of the legionnaires. He could do this because of his knowledge of Sanskrit. Thereupon Fischer decided to become a Hindu monk.173

"He pretended to be an Indian when the Allied forces captured him. He called himself Ramachandra Sharma, a Kashmiri Brahmin who had studied in Germany. He got away with this story at first. Together with the Indians, they sent him to a repatriation camp in Marseille and even gave him the uniform of the Indian army. Officers of the ISU interrogated him in Paris. The British identified him correctly only after three months and sent him to the juvenile prison in Hertford and subsequently to the internment camp at Paderborn where he met Nambiar and other followers of Bose. He returned to Vienna when they released him from captivity in January 1947. Soon after Christmas 1948, he boarded a ship to India where he joined the Ramakrishna Mission. Later on, he became a professor at the Benares Hindu University and the University of Washington and developed a special interest in tantric yoga.174"

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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SHORT EPILOGUE

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"As India gained her independence soon after the war ended, Bose’s followers not only escaped punishment, but even their home country recognized them as freedom fighters who had made an important contribution to the freedom struggle. The young nation needed people who had seen something of the world for building an efficient diplomatic service. Nehru as first prime minister of free India readily reached back to the Indians who had gained diplomatic experience as staff members of the Free India Centre. So it came about that the representative of Bose’s government of free India in Berlin, Nambiar, also became the first ambassador of the Indian Union in the Federal Republic of Germany. In August 1948 he was appointed councillor of the legation in Berne; in 1954 he became ambassador in Stockholm.175 His collaboration with Bose and the National Socialists evidently was no reason for Nehru not to send his old friend as ambassador to Bonn. Another staff member of the Free India Centre, Girija K. Mookerjee, accompanied him as press attaché.176 The German ambassador in Sweden had already noticed Nambiar as ‘he knows the German language remarkably well and he does not hide his love for Germany also in front of others.’177 A dossier of the German embassy in New Delhi stresses the point that Nambiar had worked from 1943 onwards as ‘liaison man between the German government and the Indian national movement’. However, this had been ‘much to Hitler’s displeasure.’178 A note of the Foreign Office for the federal chancellor is remarkable. It was to provide ‘topics of conversation’ for the meeting with Nambiar when he handed over his credentials in April 1955:

"As Germany never pursued political interests in India and showed interest and sympathy for the freedom struggle of the Indians, in which Nambiar also participated during his Berlin days, the relations between the two countries are in every respect friendly. India was the first country to terminate the state of war with Germany (1.1.1951) and the first country to establish at once a diplomatic representation in Bonn after the small revision of the occupational power.179

"Thus, according to the assessment of the official of the Foreign Office who composed these lines for the federal chancellor, the interest and the sympathy Hitler’s government had shown for India’s freedom struggle formed the basis of the friendly relations between India and the Federal Republic. It will be interesting to find out when the files of the Indian government are made accessible for research, whether the Indians looked at it in the same way.

"Even before his appointment as ambassador in Bonn, Nambiar had kept contact with his German acquaintances. Together with former German officers of the Indian Legion, he founded a German-Indian Association in 1950. He met the former adjutant of the legion and later minister for federal affairs in Baden-Württemberg, Adalbert Seifriz, several times and introduced him to Nehru in 1954.180

"Schedai allegedly joined the diplomatic service in Pakistan after the war. Anyway, Renzo De Felice made this statement but did not document it.181 In other respects, all traces are lost of this man. Bhatta applied from Germany for the Indian Foreign Service and mentioned his activities in the Free India Centre, besides others, as qualifications.182 However, the application was not accepted in July 1947 as the application date had expired.183"

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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Conclusion

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" .. The freedom movements of colonial people never had Hitler’s goodwill. He actually even disapproved of India’s independence. Great Britain was really the partner of his choice. However, as the British did not want to enter into a union with him, Hitler became Bose’s ally without exactly striving for it. Bose entertained no sympathies for National Socialism. However, he believed in the principle: ‘England’s enemy is my friend.’ He was prepared to collaborate with National Socialist Germany in order to reach his goal, India’s independence, only as far as it served his purpose. Mussolini as the third partner of the alliance played a peculiar role thereby. Contrary to Hitler, he was open to India’s freedom movement. He was convinced that India would become independent eventually, and he expected profitable export business for Italy from this. Principally, he was prepared to support Bose without reservations. However, during the course of the war he became increasingly dependant on Germany and had to keep to the Axis partner’s guidelines for foreign policy.

"In the beginning of his political activities, Bose developed once the idea of a special Indian form of government that should form a synthesis between socialism and Fascism. However, he distanced himself again from his appreciation of Fascism after he had gained closer knowledge of Fascism and National Socialism from personal experience, and when Germany and Italy had embarked on aggressive politics of territorial expansion. He desired contact with the governments of Germany and Italy during the 1930s (as well as with other countries, for instance Ireland). The relation with Italy was friendly but superficial. The relationship with Germany was difficult and unproductive, because Bose did not accept the racial policy of the government."

" ... Mussolini pursued an Asia-politics. It was his objective to secure for Italy early political and economic influence in future independent Eastern states. And again, contrary to Hitler, his viewpoint of the development was not clouded with a racially motivated contempt of Asians. The practical realization of this Asia-politics lay in establishing a reputation as protective power of the young nations, and in trying to form a trading agreement with the Indian government. The Abyssinian war interrupted these endeavours and Italy lost credibility as an alliance partner of Asian nationalists. An important reason for the war was Mussolini’s desire to form a basis for economic expansion towards the East. As an alternative, Mussolini tried to establish contact with subversive forces. Iqbal Schedai as agent became a key figure of Italian India-politics."

"Neither the Italians nor the Germans had a ‘fifth column’ in India when the war broke out. Neither the Fascists nor the National Socialists could rely on a party, movement or organization close to their ideology that would accept directives from them as the Communist Party of India did to some extent from the Soviet Union. If at all there existed any ideological connections between the two dictatorships and Indian parties, these were no more than inspirations from afar, often based on misunderstandings and never more than mere stimuli. In India, Fascism or National Socialism never existed in the sense of a political movement based on the ideal of the country of origin of these ideas and a perceived ideological closeness with them.

" ... With Bose’s support, the German Reich could depict herself as a friend of the oppressed people and condemn Great Britain as an imperialistic power. The government could show the Germans that National Socialism had the power of attraction in other countries.

"However, Bose agreed to collaborate only with certain reservations. Soon after his arrival, he placed three demands before the German government: firstly, they should recognize an Indian government in exile; secondly, they should support a rebellion of the Indian people with propaganda and arms supply; and thirdly, they should drive out the British from India with military means. ... "

"At first Bose had to work secretly as he refused to go public with the declaration on Indian independence. The Germans, however, did not want to commit themselves at that time, as they wanted to wait for a more opportune moment. Bose was put off with this argument for many months. Meanwhile, his situation became increasingly more difficult around the end of 1941, as his presence in Germany could not escape notice for longer. When he learnt of the advance of the Japanese troops towards India, he decided to give up his incognito without waiting for the declaration. German activities on India reached their peak after Bose decided to become actively involved in their propaganda for India. The first action on India on a large scale started in February 1942 with a speech by Bose via Radio Azad Hind, which the German media circulated. More speeches followed. The next large-scale action was the intensive radio propaganda which was instrumental in bringing about the failure of the British-Indian negotiations. Bose’s involvement became evident in India: he reached a large public through his radio broadcasts. ... "

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April 08, 2022 - April 08, 2022.

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August 12, 2021 - April 08, 2022.

Purchased August 13, 2021.

Kindle Edition

Published December 1st 2012

by Rupa Publications

(first published January 1st 2012)

Published in RAINLIGHT

by Rupa Publications India Pvt. Ltd. 2012

7/16, Ansari Road,

Daryaganj New Delhi 110002

ASIN:- B0859XCH1K

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ISBN: 978-81-291-2084-7

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https://www.goodreads.com/review/show/4643140801

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https://www.goodreads.com/review/show/4644755485

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